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President of the Anglican and Foreign Church Society, 
The Henry Bradshaw Society, 
and the Central Society for Sacred Study ; 
and Member of the British Academy 

24-29TH October, igio 

[* JUN 5 1911 

A. R. MOWBRAY & CO. Ltd. 
London : 28 Margaret Street, Oxford Circus, W. 

Oxford: 9 High Street 
Milwaukee, u.s.a.: The Young Churchman Co. 

191 1 


From the Will of the Rt. Rev. Charles Reuben Hale, 
D.D., LL.D., Bishop Coadjutor of Springfield, 
bom 1837; consecrated July 26, 1892; died December 
25, 1900. 


In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the 
Holy Ghost. Amen. 

I, Charles Reubsn Hale, Bishop of Cairo, Bishop Coad- 
jutor of Springfield, of the City of Cairo, Illinois, do make, 
publish, and declare this, as and for my Last Will and Testa- 
ment, hereby revoking all former wills by me made. 

First. First of all, I commit myself, soul and body, into the 
hands of Jesus Christ, my Lord and Saviour, in Whose Merits 
alone I trust, looking for the Resurrection of the Body and the 
Life of the World to come. 

Fourteenth. All the rest and residue of my Estate, personal 
and real, not in this my Will otherwise specifically devised, 
wheresoever situate, and whether legal or equitable, I give, de- 
vise, and bequeath to "The Western Theological Seminary, 
Chicago, Illinois," above mentioned, but nevertheless In Trust, 
provided it shall accept the trust by an instrument in writing 
so stating, filed with this Will in the Court where probated, 
within six months after the probate of this Will — for the general 
purpose of promoting the Catholic Faith, in its purity and in- 
tegrity, as taught in Holy Scripture, held by the Primitive 
Church, summed up in the Creeds and affirmed by the undis- 
puted General Councils, and, in particular, to be used only and 
exclusively for the purposes following, to-wit: — 

(2) The establishment, endowment, publication, and due cir- 
culation of Courses of Lecturers, to be delivered annually 
forever, to be called " The Hale Lectures." 


The Lectures shall treat of one of the following subjects : 

(a) Liturgies and Liturgies. 

(b) Church Hymns and Church Music. 

(c) The History of the Eastern Churches. 

(d) The History of National Churches. 

(e) Contemporaneous Church History : i.e., treating of 

events happening since the beginning of what is 
called "The Oxford Movement," in 1833. 

It is the aim of the Seminary, through the Hale Lec- 
tures, to make from time to time some valuable contribu- 
tions to certain of the Church's problems, without thereby 
committing itself to agreement with the utterances of its 
own selected Preachers. 






A Link in that Living Bond of Affection between the Countries 




Extracts from the will of the Rt. Rev. Charles 
Reuben Hale, D.D., LL.D., Bishop Co- 
adjutor of Springfield . . . .v. 

Dedication vii. 

Preface — Origin of the Book — Help from Friends 


Postscript written after delivery of the Lec- 
tures xviii. 

I. — Introductory Lecture. — The Country and 
its Inhabitants in the Heathen Period up 

to IOOO a.d. ,i 

From Geijer's Olof Tryggvason . . • 44 

II. — The Conversion of Sweden (830 — 1130 a.d. 45 
Adam de Bremen's Statements as to Scandi- 
navian Bishops . . . . . -87 

III. — The Romanized Church under the Sver- 
kers, Erics and Folkungar (1130 — 1389 

a.d.) 89 

Detached Note on St. Birgitta . . . 141 

IV. — The Romanized Church under the Union 

Sovereigns (1389 — 1520 a.d.) . . . 145 
The Birgittine Monastery of Syon in England 182 

V. — The Swedish Reformation under Gustaf 
Vasa and his sons Eric and John (1520 — 
1592 a.d.) . 183 



VI.— From the Upsala-mote to the death of 
Charles XII. The Great Kings and the 
Great Bishops (1592 — 1718 a.d.) . . 247 

VII.— The Church in the "Time of Freedom" 

and Period of Neology (1718 — 181 1 a.d.). 313 

VIII. — The Church in the last century (181 i — 

1910 a.d.) 359 

A. — Rough list of books bearing on the his- 
tory of the Swedes in U.S.A. . . 4-13 
B. — Notes on early Swedish settlements in 

U.S.A. (esp. 1841— 1860) . . .445 

Index 450 


Origin of the book. Help from friends and other 


I think that I may expect that most readers of this book 
will be aware, in a general way, of the circumstances which 
have led to its being written. But, as memories are short 
and historical accuracy is important, I will describe them 
as simply as possible. 

One of the most remarkable features of the Lambeth 
Conference of 1908 was the presence at one of its meetings 
of Dr. Henry William Tottie, Bishop of Kalmar, who bore 
a Latin letter from the Archbishop of Upsala (Dr. J. A. 
Ekman), dated 20th June of that year, which contained the 
following sentences : — 

" We rejoice that you Anglican bishops have for some 
time had in view the binding together of your Church and 
ours in some sort of alliance. I would ask that you should 
deliberate as to the points and the method of such an 
alliance with Henry William Tottie, Bishop of Kalmar, 
my beloved colleague, who, with your kind permission and 
under the orders of our most gracious King, is about to 
come to the council which you are soon to hold." 

Bishop Tottie also addressed the conference, on which he 
made a remarkable impression by his fine presence, his 
dignified bearing and his sympathetic and intelligent 

At the same time the conference received a report of the 
committee " on re-union and inter-communion " (of which 
I had the honour to be chairman), which contained a 
chapter on the Scandinavian Churches, 1 in which it dealt 
particularly with the Church in Sweden. 

^ee Lambeth Conference of 1908, pp. 179-182, S.P.C.K, 
Report No. XL, c. vi. 


The conference subsequently passed the following 
resolution, No. 74: — 

" This conference heartily thanks the Archbishop of 
Upsala for his letter of friendly greeting, and for sending 
his honoured colleague, the Bishop of Kalmar, to confer 
with its members on the question of the establishment of an 
alliance of some sort between the Swedish and Anglican 
Churches. The conference respectfully desired the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury to appoint a Commission to corre- 
spond further with the Swedish Church through the 
Archbishop of Upsala on the possibility and conditions of 
such an alliance." 

This Commission was appointed in March, 1909, and 
consisted of the following persons: — The Bishop of Win- 
chester (Dr. Herbert Ryle), chairman ; the Bishop of 
London (Dr. Arthur Foley Winnington-Ingram), the 
Bishop of Salisbury, the Master of Pembroke College, 
Cambridge (Dr. Arthur James Mason), Vice-Chancellor of 
the University and Canon of Canterbury, and Canon 
Edward Russell Bernard, Chancellor of Salisbury Cathe- 
dral, from England, and the Bishop of Marquette (Dr. G. 
Mott Williams) from U.S.A. 

Its members were invited by the Archbishop of Upsala 
to meet him in his cathedral city in the autumn. They 
were all able to attend with the exception of the Bishop of 
London, and had a most interesting three-days' conference 
on 21st, 22nd, and 23rd September. On the Swedish 
side were the Archbishop and the Bishop of Kalmar, the 
Provost or Dean, Dr. Herman Lundstrom, the well-known 
Church historian, editor of the Kyrkohistorisk Arsskrift; 
Dx. Nathan Soderblom, Professor of Comparative Re- 
ligion; Dr. J. O. Quensel, the learned liturgiologist ; Dr. 
Waldemar Rudin, a much-loved pastor and preacher; Dr. 
J. E. Berggren, formerly Provost, author, amongst other 
works, of Olaus Petris Reformatoriska Grundtankar ; Dr. 
Erik Stave, an authority on the Swedish versions of the 
Bible; Dr. J. A. Kolmodin, Professor of Exegesis, one of 
the leaders of the " Evangeliska Fosterlands Stiftelse," an 


evangelical society for carrying on both Home and Foreign 
Missions; Dr. Carl Roland Martin, Assistant Professor of 
Practical Divinity, author of Sveriges Forsta Svenska 
Massa; Dr. E. Billing, Professor of Dogmatic Theology, 
son of the Bishop of Lund; and Dr. Soderberg, Chancellor 
of the Cathedral. The only layman present was the well- 
known historian, Dr. Harald Hjarne, Professor of Modern 
History, a member of the Swedish Academy. 

Some account of this conference was given in the London 
Guardian, 20th October, 1909, pp. 1668-9, in an article 
headed " The Conference at Upsala," which was written 
by Dr. Mason. 

Since then a committee has been appointed in Sweden to 
correspond with ours, consisting at first of the Archbishop, 
Bishop H. W. Tottie of Kalmar, Bishop Otto Ahnfelt of 
Linkoping, Provost H. Lundstrom and Dr. N. Soderblom. 
Bishop Ahnfelt, having unfortunately died in the spring of 
this year (1910), Dr. Gottfrid Billing, Bishop of Lund, one 
of the most important personages in the Church of Sweden, 
has been appointed to take his place. Neither committee, 
however, has yet reported, though many letters have 
passed, and important communications have been received. 

My own published contribution to this subject hitherto 
is contained in a little volume of diocesan addresses de- 
livered in 1909, called Unity and Fellowship (S.P.C.K., 
1910). It was an address to a conference of the Dean, 
Archdeacons, and Rural Deans, of the diocese of Salisbury, 
delivered 2nd November, 1909, and consisted of a slight 
sketch of the visit of the Commission, and of the history 
and organization of the Church of Sweden. 

My interest in the work in which we are engaged led, 
however, to my receiving an invitation from the trustees of 
the Western Theological Seminary, dated 10th December, 
1909, to deliver the Hale Lectures on the foundation of my 
old friend, Bishop Hale of Cairo, on the Mississippi, 
Bishop Coadjutor of Springfield, the subject chosen being 
" The National Church of Sweden." This invitation, 
which fell in with my own inclination to go more deeply into 


the history of a Church which appeared to be so like our 
own, must be my excuse for my audacity in undertaking 
such a task with so little of previous study. But, in the exe- 
cution of my design, the encouragement and help of friends 
have not been wanting. I may specially name the Bishop 
of Kalmar, Dr. Soderblom and Chancellor Bernard, who 
have most kindly read the proofs of these lectures, and 
given me constant and brotherly assistance. Next to them 
I must place Dr. Herman Lundstrom and Dr. Hjalmar 
Holmquist, who have freely placed their great historical 
learning at my disposal ; Mr. K. B. Westman, to whom the 
third lecture is much indebted ; Dr. Quensel, who, like Dean 
Lundstrom, and others, has aided me by the gift of valu- 
able books, as well as by letters. I owe also a great debt of 
gratitude to Bishop G. Mott Williams for his valuable little 
book, The Church of Sweden and the Anglican Com- 
munion (A. R. Mowbray and Co., 1910), which worthily 
supplements the late Dr. A. Nicholson's Apostolical Suc- 
cession in the Church of Sweden (Rivingtons, 1880) and 
its supplement VindicicB Arosienses (Griffith, Farran and 
Co., 1887), both of which are now scarce. 

I have done my best in the nine months during which 
these lectures have been in preparation both to obtain the 
necessary books and to find time to study them — a study 
which included the attempt to learn a new language. Dr. 
Soderblom's counsel has been invaluable to me, especially 
in the matter of books, and many of these to which reference 
is made in the footnotes have been bought, borrowed or 
received at his suggestion. 

I cannot give a complete list of these books without need- 
lessly encumbering these prefatory pages, but I should 
like to mention a few of them. In the first place I wish to 
record my sense of the great value of the Nordisk 
Familjebok, of which, however, I only have the first edi- 
tion (20 vols., 1876-1899). The Biographiskt Lexicon (23 
+ 10 volumes, 1835 — 1907) is sometimes very useful, some- 
times disappointing. The fine illustrated volumes of the 
Sveriges Historia (of which I have both editions), the 
Sveriges Medellid of Hans Hildebrand (8 parts, 1885— 


1903) and the Illustrerad Svensk Litter atur Historia of 
Henrik Schiick and Karl Warburg (3 vols., 1896— 1897) are 
works of which any country might be proud. All of them 
would, however, be more useful to the student if they had 
larger tables of contents, lists of the illustrations, and more 
references to authorities. The first edition of the Sveriges 
Historia has, it should be said, an admirable index; and 
the covers of its fasciculi supply a list of illustrations 
which last help the (unfinished) second edition sadly needs. 
As far as I can judge, J. H. Turner's English translation 
of Geijer's famous history (up to 1654) is a good one, but 
that of Anjou's first volumes, by H. M. Mason, is some- 
times unintelligible, and sometimes misleading. I have 
seen it stated that Anjou's second work (1593— 1693 a.d.) 
has also been translated; but, if so, I have been unable to 
find a copy. Anjou is an able writer, but his method in- 
volves a good deal of unchronological arrangement, and is, 
therefore, puzzling to the reader. Reuterdahl and Cor- 
nelius are both duller, but it is easier to find in them what 
one needs. 2 I am glad to hear that my friend, Mr. G. C. 
Richards, of Oriel College, has translated Cornelius' 
Handbok i Svenska Kyrkans Historia, which has a good 
chronological table, and a fair index. The reader will 
find some useful detailed criticism of Cornelius in Dean 
Lundstrom's article in the second volume of the K. H. 
Arsskrift (for 1901), in which the learned author also 
sketches his own idea of the division of the subject in 
hand. 3 

2 Reuterdahl's Svenska Kyrkans Historia is in four volumes 
(six parts) and goes down to 1533 (Lund, 1838 — 1866). Cor- 
nelius' Svenska Kyrkans Historia ejter Reformationen in two 
volumes, covering the period 1520 — 1883, was published in 
1886 — 1887. It has no index, but a good table of contents. His 
Handbok 1 Sv. K. H. covers the whole ground in one volume, 
3d. ed., 1892. 

3 Anmarkingar och tilldgg till C. A. Cornelius' Handbok i 
Svenska Kyrkans Historia, m.m. y pp. 173-216. I shall have 
occasion to cite many articles from this review, and I have to 
thank the editor for his very great kindness in giving me copies 
of the whole ten volumes (1900 — 1909) at present issued. 


Part of Anders Fryxell's lively and readable Berdttelser 
ur Svenska Historien (up to 1577) has been pleasantly trans- 
lated by Anne von Schoultz, and edited by Mary Howitt, 
two vols., Lond., 1844; and E. C. Otte's Scandinavian 
History (1874) * s a very useful compendium. 

Less known in England is Th. Norlin's Svenska 
Kyrkans Historia efter Reformationen, of which only the 
first volume was completed before the author's premature 
death (1864 — 187 1). It describes the period from 1594 to 
1649 ; that is a large part of the period covered by my sixth 
lecture. It is a book of more than usual originality and power, 
and I much regret that it is unfinished. The author's Kort 
Ofversigt aj Svenska Kyrkans Historia, published in 1866, 
is also valuable, and with Dr. Hjalmar Holmquist's article, 
Schweden in P. R. E. 3 , vol. 18, will give a reader who has 
little time to spare a good idea of the course and character 
of the history. Besides these, I may mention R. Keyser : 
Den Norske Kirkes Historie under Katholicismen, 2 
vols., Christiana, 1856 — 1858, and Elis Bergroth Den 
Finska Kyrkans Historia, Helsingfors, 1892. 

Of other books covering a considerable period Bishop 
John Baaz' Inventarium Suiogothicum, Lincopiae, 1642, 
though wanting in accuracy and judgment, contains a con- 
venient collection of documents, which must be used with 
care. I have found A. O. Rhyzelius' Episcoposcopia 
Suiogothica (2 parts, Linkoping, 1752) exceedingly useful, 
and so is S. A. Hollander's smaller book, Biskopar och 
Superintendenter, Stockholm, 1874, which only deals with 
prelates in Sweden and Finland since the Reformation. 
Rhyzelius and Hollander are said to be often inaccurate, 
but they are indispensable. All the above are in my own 
library. References to the Scriptores reruin Suecicariun 
in three volumes, folio, printed at Upsala (I. ed., E. M. 
Fant, 1818; II. ed., E. G. Geijer and J. H. Schroder, 1828; 
and III. ed., CI. Annerstedt, 1871 — 1876) are to a copy 
kindly lent me by the London Library through the 
friendly intervention of our dean, Dr. Wm. Page Roberts. 


The names of more special books on constitutional and 
liturgical matters, single biographies and monographs of 
various kinds may be gathered from the notes, in which I 
have endeavoured to guide the reader to further studies, 
and to preserve some convenient record of my own. Of 
course, I make no claim to have mastered the contents of 
all the books I refer to, but merelv to assert that I know 
them well enough to vouch for their value. I need, I 
hope, hardly say that I am profoundly conscious of the 
defects and imperfections of this little book. I am par- 
ticularly sorry not to have found space for an account of 
Swedish hymnody and its influence. The book also needs 
information on some constitutional topics. 

I hope that I may have leisure for further study of this 
subject. Whether that is granted or not, I hope that I may 
encourage others to it. Though laborious it has been to 
me a labour of love, and I rise from it, on the eve of my 
journey to the United States, with a heart full of thankful- 
ness to God, who has given His Holy Spirit to men of 
different races and ages in such manifold richness and 
strength. Surely He wills that those whose aims in life 
have so much in common, whose natural piety is so similar, 
whose interests are so closely akin, and whose history has 
so many points of contact and often of striking resem- 
blance, should draw closer again to one another on both 
sides of the Atlantic. 

It remains for me to offer my most respectful thanks to 
H.R.H. the Crown Princess Margaret for allowing me 
to connect this volume with her honoured name. All the 
members of our Commission who were in Sweden last year 
will remember with peculiar pleasure the welcome which 
they received from the gracious lady who so happily links 
together the two nations in a living bond. 


Salisbury, 14^ September, 1910. 

xviii PREFACE. 

Postscript. — I add a few lines to this preface after my 
return from a two months' absence and a six weeks' tour in 
U.S.A. from 21st September to 2nd November— during 
which I have travelled some 4,500 miles by railroad, 
although I have not gone beyond the Mississippi. My 
halting places have been New York, Philadelphia, Wash- 
ington, New York (again), Long Island, Boston, Albany, 
Cincinnati (Ohio), Sewanee and Nashville (Tennessee), 
Chicago, Rock Island (Illinois), Minneapolis, Chicago 
(for the lectures), Buffalo and New York. The lectures 
were delivered in St. James' Church, Chicago, on the six 
nights from Monday, 24th October, to Saturday, 29th. In 
delivery it was necessary to compress the first three into 
one and to omit considerable portions of the rest. Those 
who were good enough to attend will, therefore, find in 
the book much which they did not hear. The last section 
of the book has been written partly on shipboard and 
partly since my return home. 

In the latter part of my journey, as well as at Cincinnati, 
I had the great advantage of the company of the Bishop of 
Marquette. I have also to thank Dr. J. P. Billings, head 
of the New York Public Library; Rev. G. Hammarskold, 
of Yonkers; Dr. Tofteen, of Chicago, and Dr. J. N. 
Lenker of Minneapolis (a recognized authority on Luther 
and Lutheranism), for much help in regard to Swedish- 
American literature and statistics. On 19th October the 
Bishop of Marquette and I were most hospitably welcomed 
by Dr. Andreen and his colleagues at the Augustana 
College, Rock Island. On the 26th we were with equal 
kindness entertained by Dr. Hjerpe and his colleagues at 
the North Park College of the " Mission Covenant " at 
Chicago. At Minneapolis we had the pleasure of meeting 
ex-Governor Lind and several Swedish professors of the 
University. I must also express my particular thanks to 
Vice-Consul Henry S. Henschen, who gave me the oppor- 
tunity of meeting a number of the leading Swedes of 
Chicago at luncheon, and of speaking to them after it on 
the 28th. I have embodied something of what I have thus 


learnt in the eighth section of the last lecture. To my 
kind travelling companion and chaplain, Rev. J. Spence 
Johnston, I owe the index and other help. 

To my previous acknowledgments I must add hearty 
thanks to younger friends, to Rev. S. Gabrielsson, of 
Venjan, for help in correcting the proofs, and to him and 
Rev. M. Amark for valuable letters on the present condi- 
tion of the Church in Sweden. The Bishop of Lund has 
also honoured me with a similar letter. Docent Gustaf 
Aulen of Upsala has kindly sent me his valuable book on 
Reuterdahl's theology, and the secretaries of the " Evan- 
geliska Fosterlands Stiftelse " and the " Missions For- 
bundet," the reports of their respective societies. I am 
indebted to Regements-pastor E. Schroderheim, for the 
eight numbers of the interesting Sv. Kyrkoforbundets 
Skriftserie, and to the editor of Vdr Losen, for that spirited 
fortnightly paper. 

To God the giver of the great gifts of life and friendship 
be praise and glory ! 

Salisbury, Christmas, 1910. 



Introductory. — The Country and its Inhabitants in 
the Heathen Period up to iooo a.d. 


§ i . — Object of these Lectures : To promote brotherly 
Intercourse between the Anglican Communion 
and the Swedish Church and people 3 

§ 2. — Natural Features of the Country — Turned to- 
wards the East — Lakes and Forests — Natural 
division between Svealand and Gothland 4 

§ 3. — The Inhabitants — The Stone Age up to 1500 B.C. 
— The Country Originally Settled from the South- 
West and South — Traces of a cult of the Spirits of 
the Dead 8 

§ 4. — The Bronze Age (1500 B.C. — 500 B.C.) — Inter- 
course with the East and South-East Begins — 
Rock-gravings — Worship of the Nature Gods or 
Vanir — Niord and Fro or Frey — Ullr or Ull 10 

§ 5. — The Iron Age (500 B.C. — 1000 a.d.) — First or 
pre-Roman Period 500 B.C. to about the Christian 
Era — The Age of Thor and the Hammer 18 

§ 6. — Second Period of the Iron Age (50 B.C. — 400 
a.d.) — The Age of Gothic Immigration and 
Migration — Suiones in Sweden before the Goths 
— " Queen-land " — Finnish martial women — Up- 
ward movement of the tribes — Goths come into 
Sweden about 100 a.d. through Gotland and 
Oland — Silver coins of the Western Empire (29 
B.C. — 235 a.d.) — Wonderful achievements of the 
South-faring Goths from the Vistula — Their fatal 
gift of Fifth Century Gold from the Eastern 
Empire — Introduction of Runes and the Worship 



of Odin, circa 300 a.d., on the W. side of the 
Peninsula — Contrast between Odin and Thor ... 19 

§ 7. — Third Period of the Iron Age (400 a.d. — 700 
a.d.): The Age of Byzantine Gold — Hugleik's 
Raid — The Romance of Beowulf and West 
Gothland 27 

§ 8. — Fourth Period of the Iron Age (700 a.d. — 1000 
a.d.) — The Ynglinga Kings of Upsala — The Vik- 
ing Age beginning circa 780 — Introduction of 
Christianity (830) and union of the Kingdom — 
Character of Viking raids — Eastward look of 
the Swedes — Warning as to the Nemesis on those 
who neglect Missions to the Heathen 28 

§ 9. — General idea of the character and life of the 
people : Foreshadowings of later days — Dreamy 
character of the Swedes joined to practicality — 
Kinship to and contrast with the Celts — King- 
ship and priesthood combined — Homeric life 
— Temples — Human sacrifices : Oaths — The 
"Ting" — The Family — Laxity on the part of 
Men — Heathen Baptism of Infants — Converse 
with the Dead — Hospitality — " Wise Words " of 
Brynhild — Description of martial character — 
Democratic basis of society outside war — The 
Lagman — Persistence of Swedish character 2> 2 

From Geijer's Olof Tryggvason 44 



Introductory. The Country and its Inhabitants 
in the Heathen Period. 

§ i . — Object of these Lectures : To promote brotherly 

The National Church of Sweden deserves, on many 
accounts, to be better known than it is by English-speaking 
races. It is the Church of a nation closely akin to the 
English, and, at many periods, largely influenced by men 
of English birth. Its history pursues a course in many 
ways comparable to that of the English Church. It has 
been ornamented by the lives of many distinguished men, 
and it has fostered a type of national character by the 
examples of which other Churches may well strive to profit. 
It has also lessons of warning to offer, and it suggests a 
number of problems to those who look for light upon the 
future of Christendom. 

While the lessons of this history must be directly valu- 
able to the Churches of the Anglican Communion, whether 
in Europe or America, or in the other parts of the globe 
where British and Swedish missions are in contact, it may 
be hoped that a considerate and sympathetic study of the 
subject will be acceptable also to dwellers in Sweden itself, 
and to the great body of Swedish settlers in the United 
States of America, who come into very close relation to 
members of our own Churches. 

I have implied that the main object which I have set 
before me in these lectures is the promotion of mutual know- 
ledge between the Churches and peoples of the Anglican 
Communion and the Swedish Church and people, and the 


mutual affection and self-improvement which may grow 
from such knowledge. This object suggests a treatment of 
the subject which will differ somewhat from that which 
would be proper in a course of University lectures. A 
basis of knowledge must be taken for granted, or, at any 
rate, an interest which can readily be turned into know- 
ledge; but, above all, a basis of common feeling. I shall 
venture to count on my hearers' sympathy as fellow-workers 
in the cause of unity and fellowship. The consciousness 
of this sympathy will enable me sometimes to adopt a 
lighter and more familiar tone in addressing them than a 
purely scientific treatment might seem to demand, while 
at the same time I shall not forget our deep agreement on 
the tremendous truths of the Gospel and in the way of sal- 
vation opened to us by the Holy Spirit in the Church of 
Christ. Church history is sacred ground, and those who 
tread it must be ever looking onwards and upwards. We 
are handling the eternal truths and watching the opera- 
tion of the unseen laws of God's kingdom. These two 
thoughts then — our intimate brotherly relation as 
Christians and our agreement on the most serious con- 
cerns of the soul — will be constantly present to us, I hope, 
during the hours which we are allowed to spend together 
in this great western city of the new world so far removed 
both from England and Sweden, but equally near to our 
divine Master. 

§ 2. — The Country and its Inhabitants. Natural 
Features of the Country. 

It will be convenient to preface our studies of the history 
of the Church with a short sketch of the country and its 
inhabitants, and a few words on the ancient religion which 
was displaced by Christianity, and on the organization of 
society in heathen times. The name of Sweden is now 
given to the eastern and southern part of the great penin- 
sula which runs from north to south between the North 
Atlantic Ocean and the Baltic Sea. It has a very long 


coast line, but very little of it is exposed to the full force 
of the Atlantic, as its western shores are protected partly 
by the southern projection of Norway, and partly by the 
northern part of the Danish peninsula of Jutland, the old 
Chersonesus Cimbrica. It has, therefore, naturally had 
closer relations, whether for war or peace, with the nations 
bordering on the Baltic, the Finns, the Slavs or Russians, 
and the Wends or Vandals, and the nations beyond 
them, than the other Scandinavian peoples have had. 
Compared also with the Danes and Norwegians, the 
Sveas and Goths, who are the two great stems from 
which modern Sweden has grown, have been not only in- 
clined to adventures by sea, but have frequently prosecuted 
adventures by land. In historical times the journey to 
Constantinople was made in boats up the northern rivers, 
which were then dragged overland, and then down the 
Dnieper or the Volga. (Cp. Constantine Porph.: De 
Administrando Imp., c. 9). But all three peoples have 
had close contact from time to time with their island 
neighbours in Great Britain. 

Before entering upon any discussion of the relation 
of these tribes with other nations, and of their development 
in historical times, we may look at some of the natural 
features of the country which are very marked, and which 
have largely influenced its history. Sweden is pre- 
eminently a land of woods and lakes ; indeed, at the present 
day, about one half of the land is said to be forest, and 
about one-twelfth of the area is covered by water. The 
depression which lies across the country from west to east, 
from the North Sea, or rather the Skager-rack, to the 
Baltic, is largely filled by two great lakes, Venern and 
Vettern, and by a multitude of smaller ones, including the 
Malar Lake, on which Stockholm and Upsala, Vesteras and 
Strengnas lie. This depression doubtless represents an arm 
of the sea, which, in not very distant geological time, 
separated the island of Scandia, as the ancients called it, 
from the north land. The project for uniting the two seas 
by a canal, and so making it again an island, is an old 


one. It was advocated by Hans Brask, Bishop of Linkop- 
ing, in the time of Gustaf Vasa, and taken up by Charles 
XII., but was not completely executed till 1832. The 
extent of lakes in this region may be estimated by the fact 
that while the distance between the seas along the waterway 
is 240 miles, only 56 of it is actual canal (Baedeker : Norway 
and Sweden, p. 298, 1903). The largest of these lakes, 
Venern, flows into the sea by the G6ta-Elf, the old boun- 
dary between Norway and Sweden, at the great port of 
Goteborg. Between it and the other lesser lake, Vettern, 
lies the thick forest of Tived, the acknowledged though 
somewhat indefinite boundary between the two leading 
tribes. To the east again of Vettern lies a chain of smaller 
lakes which extends to the Baltic, and north of them the 
other boundary forest of Kolmord with its marble quarries. 
In early days the forests were probably much larger than 
they are now, and the lakes considerably so, since the land 
has been gradually rising, and many of the old lakes have 
become moor and moss, or have been reclaimed for cultiva- 
tion. In this way, it may be remarked that many of the 
spoils of war devoted by the victors, and thrown into sacred 
lakes, as offerings to the gods, and supposed to have been 
swallowed up for ever, have been recovered by antiquaries, 
and are used to show the mode of life of the inhabitants of 
Sweden at the close of the Bronze Age and the earlier part 
of the Iron Age. As to the forests, it is interesting to note 
that Olaf Tratalja, or the tree-cutter, the last of the half- 
mythical Yngling kings of Sweden, got his name from 
clearing the forests on the borders between Norway and 
Sweden. Some think that the province of Vermland 
(or Warmland) was so called because of the fires with 
which he consumed the trees of these clearings (Otte : 
Scand. Hist., p. 62). Others say that Vermland is called 
from a lake, Vermelen, which never freezes. Others 
derive it from the name of the first settlers. As to the 
forest trees, if I am rightly informed, the dwarf birch is the 
hardiest species, which rises to the highest altitude, and 
that in the farthest northern latitude. Then come larger 


birches, then pines, or, as we call them, Scotch firs, then 
firs, then oaks, then beeches, each following the other 
further north as the ice has receded. So that the forests 
give a sort of picture in nature of what has gone on in 
human nature, Cwens and Finns, or Lapps, receding 
before Swedes and Goths — as the birch has before the pine, 
and the oak before the beech. 

The country is rocky, with much granite, and with much 
chalk in Skane, but the hills in the more fertile and popu- 
lous districts rise to no great height, and the lakes have 
flat or gently sloping sides like the tamer part of the 
English lakes, rather than crags or overshadowing moun- 
tains. Even the higher mountains in the northern pro- 
vinces which, on the coast of Norway, rise abruptly from 
the sea, slope gently down on the Swedish side. On the 
other hand the coast of Norway has the advantage of the 
Gulf Stream, or some similar current, and is much warmer 
than the east coast of Sweden. 1 In fact, the Gulf of 
Bothnia is sometimes frozen over so completely as to 
enable people to walk and sledge from one side to the other. 
This is indeed always a dangerous procedure, and only 
possible when the winter is unusually cold. Yet it can be 
cold even on the west coast, and the Great Belt and the 
Little Belt were once so strongly frozen as to enable the 
whole Swedish Army to cross them in 1658 — a famous occa- 
sion which led to the transference of the southern provinces 
from Denmark to Sweden. 2 

As regards inland travelling, the comparative flatness of 
the country and the absence of precipitous mountains make 

1 Baedeker's Guide : pp. 39-40. The temperature of the 
Lofoden Islands is much the same as that of Copenhagen. 
Some eminent modern geographers deny that this current is the 
Gulf Stream, but the water is undoubtedly warmer than else- 

2 I have to thank private correspondents for this information. 
The ice on the Gulf of Bothnia is always dangerous from the 
large holes in it made by the storms. But it may easily have 
been the bridge for the migration to and fro of smaller or larger 
bodies of persons. In 1809 part of the Russian Army crossed 
the gulf where it is narrowest — the Qvarken, near Umea. 


the Swedish lakes better waterways than those of other 
countries (though Lake Vettern is liable to sudden storms) ; 
and when the forests were thick and the roads few they 
afforded the easiest modes of travel. Even now in great 
part of Sweden the winter travelling over ice and snow is 
preferred to the summer travelling over ill-kept roads. 

§ 3. — The Inhabitants. The Stone Age up to 1500 b.c. 
Cult of the Spirits of the Dead. 

The southern part of this country — which I will continue 
to call Scandia, as distinguished from Svithiod, the country 
of the Swedes — was undoubtedly the earliest inhabited. 
This is evident from the many relics of the Stone Age 
which are found particularly in its south-western and 
southern provinces, and very frequently near the sea coast. 
This age, which lasted in Sweden till about 1500 B.C., was 
one in which stone and bone and wood were the chief 
materials used for the service of man. A glance at 
Montelius' revised map in the new edition of the Swedish 
History, p. 52, will show the distribution of the old graves, 
which are the chief monuments of the Stone Age. There 
are none in the more northern provinces of Dalarne, Verm- 
land, Vestmanland, and Upland, and very few north of 
the great forests of Tived and Kolmord (Nerike and 
Sodermanland). There are many in the western and 
south-western provinces, near Norway and Denmark, 
particularly in Dal, West Gothland, Bohuslan, Halland 
and Skane, and fewer in East Gothland, Smaland and 
Blekinge, and in the two islands of Oland and Gotland. 

This evidence makes it probable that the mainland of 
Sweden was originally settled from the west and south- 
west, and not from the mouths of the Vistula and the Gulf 
of Danzig ; and it makes it probable that the northern part 
of the country was very scantily inhabited. We may sup- 
pose that the different tribes which immigrated as the 
severity of the glacial period diminished pushed one 
another upwards from south to north. This agrees with 

§ 3— THE STONE AGE. 9 

the fact that about five-sevenths of all the relics of the Stone 
Age in Sweden have been found in Skane. 

There are, however, a certain number of antiquities of a 
somewhat different character, which are called, for the sake 
of distinction, "arctic," as opposed to the South Scan- 
dinavian antiquities of the Stone Age. 3 These arctic 
antiquities are now attributed by good authorities to the 
primitive Lapps. Montelius writes: — "The compara- 
tively large number of such stone implements which are 
found in the northern coast provinces not now inhabited by 
Lapps, from Vesterbotten to Gestrikland and in Dalarne, 
seem to give evidence that this people once dwelt more 
to the south than they do now. Sometimes, though very 
rarely, the peculiar spear points and knives of slate which 
characterize the ' arctic ' Stone Age have been found even 
in Svealand, south of Dalarne, and in Gothland " (I.e., 
p. 56). In the island of Gotland implements of the two 
Stone Ages have been found together, and this is also the 
case at Aloppe in Upland and Jaderen in south-west 
Norway. The arctic Stone Age doubtless lasted much 
longer among the Lapps than among the South Scan- 
dinavians, just as it did among the North American 
Indians. When Tacitus wrote in the first century after 
Christ, the Fenni (by whom he may be supposed to mean 
the Lapps) were scarcely acquainted with bronze or iron. 
He speaks of their fieetness and of their skill in the use of 
bows and arrows, " which they point with bone in the 
absence of iron " (Germ., ch. 46). Even now the Lapps 
are called Finns by the Norwegians. 

The absence of graves among these " arctic " antiquities 
agrees also with what Tacitus tells us of the Fenni, viz., 
that they had no permanent dwellings, but only huts of 
boughs of trees. We may take it for granted that a race 
which uses stone cists, or dolmens, or tree-coffins, or 
even grave mounds, is civilized enough to have permanent 
cottages of stone or earth for the living. Conversely, 

3 See Montelius: Sveriges Historia 2 , Vol. i., p. 55 foil., and 
Hans Hildebrand : Sveriges Medeltid, Book i., p. 299. 


those who have no permanent dwellings do not have per- 
manent sepulchres. The grave is a house for the dead, 
as we read in the book of Job ; and in early ages at any rate 
it bore a considerable analogy to the house used by the 

I conclude, therefore, that the original Lapps were a 
Stone Age people, who have left few traces except their 
slate implements, and were gradually pushed northwards 
by the South Scandinavian Stone Age people who were 
closely allied to the present inhabitants of Sweden. This 
agrees with the traces of the name of Finns, which 
we find in various parts of Sweden, particularly in 
Smaland. It would be worth while to inquire whether 
"arctic" implements are found in the district of Finn- 
heden to substantiate the belief in an ancient Lappish 
settlement there. We must, of course, be careful not to 
draw into this discussion the various Finnmarker and Finn- 
skogar, which denote the settlements of modern Finns in 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Vermland, 
Dalarne, etc. 

A trace of the religion of the South Scandinavian Stone 
Age is to be found in the cup-like depression on the upper 
roof-stones of the stone cists or passage-chambered graves 
in which the dead were laid unburnt. These were 
clearly intended to receive offerings; and, indeed, we are 
told that, even to present times offerings are secretly 
made in them (Montelius : Civilisation in Heathen Times, 
E. T., p. 36; see fig. 37). The suggestion is that the 
offering was made to the spirit of the departed. It is, of 
course, also quite possible that the men of this age had 
another and a higher worship (as many primitive peoples 
have had) of which no trace now remains. 

§ 4. — The Bronze Age 1500 b.c. — 500 b.c. The Age 
of Fro or Frey : Worship of the simple 
powers of Nature. 

The Bronze Age, which is roughly dated in Scandinavia 
from 1500 b.c. — 500 B.C., is the period in which metals first 

§ 4— BRONZE AGE (B.C. 1500—500). ROCK-GRAVINGS. 11 

came to be known. They were in this case two, bronze (a 
mixture of copper and tin, with sometimes a little zinc — 
but brought into the country already in combination) and 
gold. For, although gold is the oldest metal used by 
man, it is not found in the Stone Age in Sweden. 
There is no reason to think that the introduction of bronze 
was due to any large foreign immigration which destroyed 
the previous inhabitants. It is rather due to intercourse 
by trade, and with the coast land of eastern Germany and 
Sarmatia and the countries of the hinterland descending 
to the sea by the course of the River Vistula and the Gulf 
of Danzig. The chief evidence as to the continuance of 
the same population is afforded by the likeness of the 
graves and modes of burial during the later period of the 
Stone Age and the earlier Bronze Age. Both buried their 
dead in large stone cists, either in a sitting or recumbent 
posture, and in an exactly similar manner, and used at 
first, and side by side, instruments of stone and bronze 
of closely similar shape. 

We have, therefore, reason to think that the influence of 
trade coming from the south of Europe, particularly by 
what is sometimes called the "amber route" 4 from the 
head of the Adriatic to the Baltic, was the chief cause of the 
changes which at first took place in the Bronze Age (cp. 
British Museum Guide to Art of Bronze Age, p. 12, 1904). 
We cannot doubt that, with a greater knowledge of the 
world, the possession of more powerful weapons, and a 
greater taste for luxury and ornament, a fuller and more 
adventurous life began. The most direct evidence of this 
life of the Bronze Age is to be found in the rock-gravings 
(hall-ristningar) which have been discovered especially in 
the old Norwegian province of Viken (Bohuslan, near 
Goteborg), East Gothland and South-Eastern Skane. 
They are also found, though rarely, in Dal and Blekinge, 
and in the more northern provinces of Vermland and 
Upland. They are not, however, found in Denmark or 

4 Amber was known in Sweden in the Stone Age and used lor 
ornament (Montelius : Civ., p. 25). 


Norway. They bear witness to a civilization advancing 
by somewhat different roads from that of the Stone Age, 
probably from Vendland and the Vistula, as well as from 
the south, but not necessarily by only one or two routes — 
since there is no commoner feature of these rock-gravings 
than the presence of numerous ships. 

These rock-gravings are cut on the surfaces of granite 
boulders and sloping scarps, and they are pictures, on 
rather a large scale, evidently recording historic events, 
and apparently such as afterwards became the subjects of 
the most ancient northern poems, especially sea-fights and 
the combats of single champions. They are nevertheless 
not so much pictures as picture-writings, although the 
key to them has not yet been found. They seem, how- 
ever, to be contemporary with smaller gravings on the 
walls of burial chambers, of which the most important are 
at Kivik on the east coast of Skane (5. H. 1 , figs. 126-9). 
The most frequent objects on the rock-gravings are men 
and ships, but we find also a number of domestic animals, 
horned cattle, reindeer, horses and birds. There seem to 
be even representations of such south-country creatures as 
the turtle, the ostrich, the camel, and, possibly, the lion. 
Then we have footprints, shoes, cup-marks, weapons, 
shields, sledges, trees, and various nondescript signs. 5 

The human figure is always drawn naked, usually fight- 
ing or on shipboard, but in one or two cases ploughing 
(Du Chaillu : Figs. 902, cp. 912), rarely riding (fig. 899), 
or skating (fig. 909). The combatants carry shields 
(always round), sometimes with a central boss, sometimes 
with a cross. This wheel-shaped shield or hjul also 
appears as a sign by itself. The Thor-cross, hook-cross, 
or svastika, which seems to be a development of it, is not 

5 The fullest collection of illustrations of these gravings 
accessible to me is that in P. Du Chaillu's Viking Age, Vol. 
ii., ch. 8, Lond. 1S89, n S s - 890-913, to which reference is made 
in the text. See also Montelius : Civ., figs 84-88, and Sv. 
Hist. 1 , Vol. i., p 107. Special works by A. E. Holmberg : 
Skandinaviens hull-ristningar and L. Baltzer are referred to in 
these books. 

§ 4— BRONZE AGE (B.C. 1500—500). ROCK-GRAVINGS. 13 

found till the Iron Age. This agrees with what will pre- 
sently be said as to the date of the worship of Thor. 

No buildings of any sort are represented on these rock- 

The only suggestion as to religion which these monu- 
ments afford is in their frequent representation of a 
gigantic elongated figure, of a very coarse description, 
usually with a tail, holding an upraised battle-axe or club, 
or more rarely two clubs. His weapon is sometimes 
stretched towards or over the heads of combatants, or at 
the stern of a ship over the mariners. But he is rarely 
himself engaged in fight. This can hardly be anything 
else than a figure of the battle-god of the Bronze Age pro- 
tecting or inspiring his heroes, as in later days Odin was 
supposed to do, down to the great Battle of Bravalla. 6 

Similar gigantic figures, standing, however, alone, and 
stout of body, were found cut on the chalk or other downs 
of Southern England, and two still exist. One of them, 
the " Cerne giant," 7 180 feet high, and covering about 
half an acre of ground, is cut on the side of a beautiful 
valley in one of the counties in my own diocese, that of 
Dorset. Near to it, well away from the village, a May- 
pole used to be erected. 

Another, the " Long Man of Wilmington," 8 in Sussex, 

6 In East Gothland, when he appeared for the last time in 
the fight between Sigurd Ring, of Sweden, and old Harald 
Hildetand, of Denmark, probably in the eighth century (see 
Geijer, H. of the Swedes, p. 11, E. T., and Otte, I.e., p. 26). 

7 See Hutchings' Dorset, Vol. iv., pp. 35-6, ed. 1870, where 
the figure is somewhat imperfectly represented, and a paper by 
Dr. H. Colley March in Dorset N. H. and Antiq. Field Club, 
Vol. xxii., pp. 101-18. 

8 It is figured in Rev. W. C. Plenderleath's White Horses 
and other Turf Monuments, p. 36, London, and Calne (1885), 
and in Victoria County History (Sussex), Vol. i., p. 325, 1905. 
A hoard of Bronze Age antiquities was found at Wilmington in 
1861 (ibid. 320). I am indebted to a clerical friend for an in- 
teresting and exact account of this figure. The names of 
Polhill Farm and Polegate close by suggest the connection with 
Phol, on whose personality see Grimm ; Deutsche Mythologie, 


is 240 feet high, and holds in each hand a stick or club, 
on which he seems to rest, so placed, it is said, as to indicate 
the vernal and autumnal equinoxes. This may be a figure 
of Phol or Balder, a god of light, whose name some would 
connect with that of Apollo. Some of you may remember 
Rudyard Kipling's lines in his praise of Sussex (in the 
Five Nations), which hint at the fact that the figure was 
so placed as to catch the light : — 

" I will go out against the sun, 

Where the rolled scarp retires, 
And the Long Man of Wilmington 
Looks naked towards the shires." 

Another such figure is said to have been cut on the turf 
of Shotover Hill, near Oxford. 

But if we are to find a name for the Cerne giant and the 
tall figures of Swedish rock-gravings, I should conjecture 
that they represented Fro or Frey rather than one of the 
Aesir, like Balder. 

Fro is merely an old Teutonic name for Lord, and 
Frauja is so used by Ulphilas to translate the Greek 
/cvpios. But, historically, he is a nature god, one of the 
Vanir, who are allied with the Anses or Aesir, but on a 
lower level than they. The Vanir are the gods of a less 
civilized period, possibly of a less civilized race, who have 
been accepted into their pantheon by conquerors, or retained 
by a nation after they became acquainted with a higher 
cult. The Aesir are somewhat more spiritual, and their 
name may simply be a word meaning spirits. 9 The Vanir, 
whatever may be the origin of the name, which has been 
connected conjecturally with the Vendish people, or with 

s.n., and Wolfgang Golther : Germanische Mythologie, p. 383 
foil., Leipz., 1895. Dr. Soderblom suggests that Phol = Paul, 
as in a newly-found text of the Merseburger-spell. But is not 
" Paul" an attempt to give a Christian colour to the spell? 
Local tradition asserts that the shining of the sun upon the whole 
length of either club marks the equinox. 

9 See Golther: G. A/., p. 195, but the etymology is very 

§ 4— BRONZE AGE (B.C. 1500—500). THE VANIR. 15 

a word meaning light and glittering 10 — possibly akin to the 
Latin Venus — were gods of the earth and water; whereas 
the Aesir were gods of the sky. 

However Fro may have come into Swedish religion, his 
worship was particularly strongly established in the 
country. He formed a third with Thor and Odin in the 
great Upsala Temple even in the eleventh century — Thor 
being throned in the middle, Odin on his right, and 
Fricco, as Adam de Bremen calls him, on the left. 11 He 
embodies the elemental powers of nature — force, produc- 
tiveness and riches. The Aesir are more human. To them 
belong the attributes of skill, wisdom, foresight, cunning, 
poetry, inspiration and the like — used no doubt pre- 
eminently in or with regard to war, the chief game, as 
Northmen always thought it, of human life, but quite 
separable from it. Fro, on the other hand, is the son of 
Niord, the earth or sea, at any rate of the lower world be- 
neath the sky, 12 and the goddess of the waterfall. Fro 
is a purely nature god. His father is sent by the Vanir, 
who are subdued by the Aesir, to dwell among the latter. 
Fro takes a lower place than he had at first occupied, which 
the myth indicates by saying that he gave away his mar- 
vellous sword. His magic ship, " Skidbladnir," was large 
enough to take all the Aesir on board it, but could be taken 
to pieces and put away in the pocket. I suppose it was a 
gigantic skate or snow-shoe or pair of snow-shoes. Some 
may remember the poet TegneVs use of this myth, as a 

10 See Geijer : H. of S., p. 12, E. T., Corpus Poeticum 
Boreale, Vol. ii., pp. 465-6, Golther : G. M., p. 220. The 
latter refers to the adjective " wanum," found in the Heliand 
in the sense of "bright." There is a lake and a parish 
called Yendel, with many remarkable heathen tombs, a 
few miles north of Upsala, which possibly may be connected 
with this matter. Wendel is a name for the devil in some parts 
of Germany (See Grimm : /). M., p. 375, E. T, s. n. Orentil). 

11 Gesta Pontif. Hammaburgensium § 233 ; cp. C. P. B. } Vol. 
i., p. 97, Golther : I.e., 218 foil. 

12 Some connect the names with Nereus, some with veprepot,, 
(gods of the lower world), others with " Nertu " good-will (cp. 
Golther : p. 219, C. P. B. t Vol. ii., p. 465). 


symbol for the power of imagination. 13 Historically, I 
conceive it implies that the worship of the Aesir and Vanir 
was already conjoined when the Suiones came to Lake 
Malar. At any rate, Fro remained a special patron of the 
Sveas, and expresses, it seems to me, something of their 
character — their love of ease and peace and wealth. He 
was also specially venerated at Trondhjem, in Norway. 

Another feature of the worship of the Bronze Age has 
already been referred to in passing, the habit of throwing 
the spoils of victory into a sacred lake. Swords and spears 
and armour were bent and broken in pieces, conquered 
enemies, captives and slaves, were killed and thrown into 
such lakes in the later Bronze Age, and the earlier Iron 
Age — no doubt as offerings to the god or gods. 14 

It is natural to compare with this the passage of Tacitus 
(Germ., ch. 40), which mentions certain tribes, amongst 
whom he numbers the Anglii, as all worshipping "Nerthus, 
that is to say, mother earth," a deity which is evidently the 
female form of the northern Niord. He then describes a 
sacred wood in an island, which is supposed to be Riigen, 
in the midst of which is a lake where secret rites are per- 
formed at her annual festival, which ended with washing 
of the image of the goddess in the lake, and the drowning 
of the slaves who ministered in the rite. A lake now called 
the Hertha-see, on the promontory of Jasmund, is often 
visited by antiquarian pilgrims as the scene of this gloomy 
festival, as many English readers have been reminded by 
a recent story (Elizabeth in Riigen, p. 235). Other Latin 
historians describe the devotion of captives and spoils in 
sacred lakes or rivers, and we may believe that this form 
of worship was widely spread. The cave of Grendel, at 
the bottom of a deep lake, described in the poem of 
Beowulf, fills up the picture. The god or demon of the 

13 See J. E. D. Bethune's Specimens of Swedish and German 
Poetry, p. 74 foil., Lond. 1848. 

14 See S. H. 2 , Vol. i., p. 118, for the Bronze Period; ibid., 
167 for the Iron, 

§ 4— BRONZE AGE (b.c. 1500—500). ULL. 17 

lake ate up the sacrifices, and the arms were treasured in 
his hall. 

Beside these deities, who belong to the Germanic tribes 
in general, there is a less known god, who belongs more 
distinctly to the north, and who was certainly widely wor- 
shipped. This is Ull, or Ullr, the Ollerus of Saxo, who 
seems to have been a god of winter, or of winter sport. He 
is a consummate archer, snow-shoe runner and skater, and 
is also a very skilful magician. It is wise to invoke his 
aid in a single combat. We may suppose him to have been 
a god of the aboriginal population, whom, for convenience, 
we call Finns in the old sense, or Lapps. His name, in- 
deed, like that of Frey, is Gothic, meaning glorious or 
noble (ulthus), an epithet which might be applied to any 
divinity. It is interesting to note that the sacred places, 
groves, altars and enclosures (ending in lund, or lunda, 
harg, vi, etc.), in which the names of Frey and Ull occur, 
are more numerous than those which are connected with 
Thor, and much more numerous than those named from 
Odin. 15 This shows the persistence of old traditions in the 
country and the greater antiquity of the worship of Frey 
and Ull in Sweden. 

15 See the evidence collected by M. F. Lundgren, and quoted 
by Hans Hildebrand (Sv. Med., Book v., pp. 5 foil.). Names 
like Froslunda, Frosvi occur twenty-five times ; Ullalund or 
lunda and Ullavi, twenty times; Torsharg, Torslund or -a, 
Torsvi, sixteen ; Odensharg, Odenslunda, Odensvi, only six. 
Thus we have Ulceby (2), in Lincolnshire ; Ulleswater, West- 
morland ; Ullesthorp, Leicestershire ; Ulleskelf , Yorkshire ; 
Thoresby (2), Thoresthorp, Thoresway, Thorrock, all in Lin- 
colnshire, and many others ; Frisby (2), Leicestershire, and 
Friston, Suffolk and Sussex. There are, of course, many 
places in England named from Woden, probably more than 
from Ull or Frey. A collection of all such place-names in this 
country is a desideratum. 


§§ 5 to 8. — The Iron Age (500 b.c. — 1000 a.d.). 

§ 5. — First or Pre-Roman Period, 500 b.c. to just 
before the christian era. the age of 
thor and the hammer. 

The Iron Age of Sweden, which was till lately supposed 
to have begun about the Christian era, is now found to 
have extended for a period of about 500 years before it. 
Of this first period comparatively few traces are found in 
the country, though sufficient to prove the early introduc- 
tion of the metal. It is to this period that I should assign 
the introduction of the worship of Thor and the myths of 
his victory over and association with the nature gods. I 
should venture to call it the Age of Thor and the hammer. 
The great difference between bronze and iron is this : That 
bronze can be cast in moulds, and bronze weapons can be 
imported ready made, or easily made from ingots, while 
iron requires the smith's craft and the use of the hammer 
and other powerful tools. A new god would naturally 
come in with such a momentous gift or discovery. It is 
interesting to notice that, though Montelius does not draw 
this inference, he supposes independently that Thor was 
the god of the early Iron Age in Sweden (Civ., p. 121). As 
Grimm says: — " The hammer, as a divine tool, was con- 
sidered sacred. Brides and the bodies of the dead were 
consecrated with it. Men blessed with the sign of the 
hammer as Christians did with the sign of the cross, and 
a stroke of lightning was long regarded in the Middle Ages 
as a happy initiatory omen to any undertaking " (D. M., 
pp. 180-1, E. T.). The worship of Thor is an advance 
upon that of the pure nature gods. He represents some- 
thing spiritual, even though it be rough and turbulent, in 
human nature. He is the Northmen's home god while 
they still lived apart and before the introduction of any 
kind of literature or writing, except a rough kind of native 
poetry and jest. 

§§ 5 and 6.— first and second periods of iron age. 19 

§ 6. — Second Period of the Iron Age, 50 b.c. — 400 a.d. 
The Suiones already in Sweden. The Age 
of Gothic Immigration and Migration, of 
the Runes and of Odin. 

The opening of the second period of the Iron Age coin- 
cides with the Gallic wars of Julius Caesar and the impulse 
given to the Germanic tribes by the pressure of Roman 
conquests up to and beyond the Rhine. The defeat of 
Varus in the Teutoberger Forest left the North German 
tribes free from the actual presence of Roman rulers, but 
one tribe naturally communicated the backward impulse 
to another, until, in time, it reached the Baltic and the 
Cimbric Chersonese and Scandia. It is to this pressure 
that I should assign three things, the migration of the 
Goths to Scandia, the introduction of writing and poetry, 
and the worship of Odin. This period extends from the 
Christian era to about the year 400 a.d. 

Different opinions have been held as to the rela- 
tive date of the settlement of the two great tribes of 
Sweden in that country ; but the balance of evidence seems 
to me to tell strongly in favour of the priority of the 
Sveas. Not only do we find the latter always to the 
north of the Goths, but the few early historical notices 
which we have coincide with the natural presumption that 
they retired or concentrated northward under pressure of 
the Goths from the south. The Goths, or Gythons, 
indeed, are mentioned in classical literature earlier than 
the Sveas, but as inhabitants of the German mainland, 
not of the peninsula. When the Suiones are first men- 
tioned by Tacitus it is as being in ipso oceano. If the 
Goths had been then beside them it was part of his plan 
to mention them. My conclusion then is that the Goths 
were still on the mainland. Let me give the evidence in 
some detail. 

The first writer of antiquity who is quoted as naming 
these regions, Pytheas of Marseilles, a contemporary of 
Alexander the Great, speaks of the Guttones as a German 


people inhabiting an estuary of the ocean, towards which 
amber was brought by the waves from an island a 
day's voyage distant (cp. Plin., N. H., Book 37, ch. 11). 
Tacitus, who wrote about the end of the first century after 
Christ, speaks of the Guthones, who must be the same 
people, as occupying a position between tribes who 
inhabited the modern West Poland and Silesia, and those 
who dwelt by the ocean in the modern Pomerania (Germ., 
ch. 43). This description suggests the lower course of the 
Vistula, but somewhat south of the Gulf of Danzig, where 
Pytheas seems to place them. 16 They form a kingdom 
which is ruled more strictly than the other German tribes. 
Tacitus writes: — "That which distinguishes all these 
peoples is the round shield, the short sword, and their 
reverence to their kings." The German tribes usually had 
oblong shields and long swords, and were very indepen- 
dent. His description of the Suiones which follows 
(ch. 44) places them by contrast in ipso oceano — that 
is, in an island or peninsula, and he tells us that they are 
powerful by their fleets as well as in men and arms. He 
describes their ships as equally fit for landing at the stern 
and the bow — a remark which applies to many later 
northern vessels. They have no sails, nor even regular 
banks of oars, but are rowed, as in some rivers, now on 
one side, now on the other, of course by paddles. The 
Suiones honour wealth, and are governed by a monarch, 
who has great power. Men are not allowed to bear arms 
freely, partly because it is not necessary, since the ocean 
prevents sudden hostile raids. 

Next to them (proceeds Tacitus) are the Sitones, who 
are like the Suiones in other respects, but fall even lower 
than the condition of slaves, being governed by a woman. 
This is the end of Suevia. So far Tacitus. 

16 Pliny also makes the Guttones a German people, evidently 
of the Mainland (N. H., Book iv., ch. 28). His account of 
Scandinavia, which he makes an immense island of unknown 
extent, is that it is inhabited by the Hilleviones in 500 villages, 
who call it a second world. The island of Eningia is thought to 
be no smaller (ibid. 27.) 

§ 6.— SECOND PERIOD IRON AGE (B.C. 50— a.d. 400). 21 

This notice is interesting, especially on two accounts; 
first, because it distinctly describes the Suiones as a Suevic 
tribe, together with the Semnones, Lombards, Angles 
(Anglii), Hermunduri, Marcomanni and Quadi, Gotini, 
Gothones, and many more. So that Sweden has a double 
claim to its name, as a Suevic country and as the special 
country of the Suiones. The mention of their neighbours, 
the Sitones, as governed by a woman, is also very interest- 
ing. We may suppose that in old Swedish their country 
was called " Queen-land," meaning land of the Quains or 
Finns, but it might also be translated " Women's land," 
and this ambiguity apparently gave rise both to the mis- 
take which Tacitus made, and to the frequent description 
of their country about a thousand years later as a land of 
Amazons. 17 Yet I should not like to assert that women 
of martial character were not known in Finland. If the 
myths of the giants are rightly connected with the Finns 18 
we must remember the great part that the giantesses play 
in these myths. Martial women certainly were known in 
Sweden. Three valiant shield-maidens fought at the 
Battle of Bravalla; and what Olaus Magni writes about 
" the piracy of famous virgins," Alflida and the rest (Book 
v., ch. 24), does not wholly read like fable. 

Ptolemy, who wrote his geography some fifty years 
later than Tacitus, also mentions the Gythones as an 
inland people, among the smaller nations of Sarmatia. 
He tells us that they dwell on the course of the Vistula 
below the Wends, who dwell all along the Venedic Gulf, 
that is, the Gulf of Danzig (3, 5, § 20). In another place 
he describes Scandia (that is, Southern Sweden) as a great 
island opposite the mouths of the Vistula, and gives 

17 See Smith's Diet. Geography, s. v. Sitones, and Bosworth 
and Toller : A. S. Diet., s.v., Cwenas and Cwen-land, and 
Adam of Bremen, §§ 222 and 228, who speaks of the "terra 
feminarum " and the Amazons. See also Montelius : S. H. 1 , 
Vol. i., p. 263 n. 

18 In the Ynglinga Saga the king of Jotunhem is called Finn. 
This is also the name of the giant who (according to popular 
legend) built Lund Cathedral. 


the names of six tribes who inhabit it, amongst whom 
the southernmost are the Gutae (Tovrat) and Dauciones. 
The mention of the Gutae as a southern tribe implies that 
they were newcomers; and they may well have immigrated 
between the age of Tacitus and that of Ptolemy. They 
may, or may not, have been close kindred of the Gythons 
to the south-east, or of the Gothini to the south-west, but 
their connection with the south-faring Goths of history 
does not seem to have been a practical one after their 
separation, as far as life in Scandia was concerned, at any 
rate for a long period after their southward migration. 

I am aware that in thus insisting on the immigration of 
the Gothic tribes into Scandia I am opposing a popular 
belief, and that there is no direct tradition of such immi- 
gration. Dr. Soderblom would derive the name from 
" Gaut," in the sense of waterflow or waterfall, and con- 
nect it with the great Trollhattan Fall on the Gota River, 
where it descends about no feet shortly after leaving 
Lake Venern. He would make this the original home 
of the Goths of Sweden. I can only answer that etymo- 
logical explanations of tribal names, though very tempt- 
ing, are risky things, and that the historical notices of 
Tacitus and Ptolemy seem to me to be in favour of the 
suggestion which I have made. 

We may, perhaps, reconstruct the course of the history 
of these migrations somewhat as follows, starting from the 
later part of the Bronze Age. First come the Suiones, in 
part possibly from the Gulf of Riga and the East, bring- 
ing with them a certain contingent of Wends and many 
Slavonic associations, and occupy Scandia, and probably 
also the neighbourhood of Lake Malar, driving out, or 
subjugating, the primitive population, the majority of 
whom go further to the north. The myths of giants and 
dwarfs are, perhaps, relics of memories of conflicts with 
two aboriginal peoples, answering to, though possibly not 
identical with, modern Finns and Lapps, just as the myths 
of the Vanir are of more friendly contact with the Wends 
and Slavs (cp. Geijer, H. of S., pp. 10, 12 and 30, E. T.). 

§ 6.— SECOND PERIOD IRON AGE (b.c. 50— a.d. 400). 23 

Then, early in the second century, a.d., the northern Goths 
break away from the main body settled on the Vistula, 
and cross to Scandia by way of the islands of Oland and 
Gotland. In Gotland they must have had a wealthy settle- 
ment, the precursor of the greatness of Visby, since not 
less than 3,234 silver coins of the early Roman Emperors 
from Augustus to Alexander Severus (29 B.C. to 235 a.d.), 
were found in that island, the only others found in any 
quantity of that epoch being 88 in Oland and 584 in Skane 
(Du Chaillu : Viking Age, Vol. ii., p. 556, Lond. 1889). 
The Goths, when established in the peninsula, and prob- 
ably reinforced by kindred tribes from the south and south- 
west, especially arriving by the Gota River, still find 
Finns or Lapps, who here left their name (Finni) in 
Smaland and West Gothland (Geijer, pp. 17 and 30). 
Of early serious conflicts between Goths and Sveas 
we have no striking record, except to some extent in 
Beowulf (canto 35), and we may presume that the latter 
withdrew of their own accord, or by agreement with the 
Goths, from Scandia, and concentrated themselves beyond 
the great lakes and forests at Sigtuna on Lake Malar and 
elsewhere in Upland. We may also suppose, in view of 
the legends preserved by Jordanis in the sixth century, 19 
that a swarm of Scandian Goths, under their king, Berig, 
rejoined and reinforced the Gythons of the Vistula in their 
southward movements. 

These south-faring Goths, as is well known, had a mar- 
vellous history. Towards the end of the second century 
they came in contact with the Roman Empire in Dacia, 

19 Jordanis (a Bishop of Bruttium, c. 552 a.d.), de rebus 
Geticis, cc. 1 and 2. In the first chapter he speaks of the 
" Suethans " among the northern inhabitants of the Isle of 
Scanzia, and says that, like the Thuringians, they use excellent 
horses. Amongst the names of tribes there he mentions the 
Vagoth, Gautigoth (" acre hominum genus et ad bellum 
promptissimi ") and Ostrogothae, as well as the Finni. This 
looks as if West and East Gothland were already separate 
provinces. The "Gautigoth" may be the Goths of Gota- 


where the names Daci and Getae stand curiously near to 
one another as synonyms for the same people, much as 
Gutae and Dauciones do in Ptolemy's account of southern 
Scandia. It may be a mere coincidence, but the southern 
Goths certainly liked to think of themselves as the same 
people as the Getae, just as the Swedes identified them- 
selves with Scythians. However this may be, the Goths 
soon became Christians, and their bishop, Theophilus, sat 
at the Council of Nicaea in 325. Before the end of the 
fourth century their bishop, Ulfilas — himself a Cappa- 
docian captive — provided them with an alphabet, a nearly 
complete Bible and the beginnings of a Christian literature. 
In a short time they overran Europe, established themselves 
as rulers in Italy, and founded a dynasty in Spain. But 
they never seem to have thought of evangelizing Scandia, 
or conferring upon it the blessings of civilization which 
they acquired so rapidly and so thoroughly. 20 One gift 
only, and that a fatal one, can we trace to the southern 
Goths. I have already pointed out that the introduction of 
Roman silver coin into the islands and Scandia was prob- 
ably due to the first immigration of Goths from the Vistula. 
The influx of coins seems to have nearly ceased shortly after 
the time of Alexander Severus, and it does not begin again 
in any quantity till the time of Theodosius the Great. Then 
the character of these coins changes. Instead of silver 
they are almost all gold, and from the Eastern Empire. 
They are not, of course, so many in number as the silver, 

20 The attempts of Baaz to establish a connection between 
Romano-Gothic and Swedish Christianity are very ineffective 
(Inventarium Ecclesice Sveogothorum, pp. 85-6). They 
amount to this : That Rodolf, once a king somewhere in Scanzia 
(he misquotes Jordanis, chap. 1), took refuge with King 
Theodoric, and that among the subscriptions to the eighth 
Council of Toledo are several signed " Comes scantiarum et 
dux." On the meaning see Ducange s.v. Comes and 
Scancio. The title may mean " Master of the banquets " or 
"of the cupboards." See Diez : Etymologisches Worterbuch 
der Roman. Sprachen z , p. 163, s.v. Escanciar. Cp. Germ : 
Schenken, Schanz, etc. The title might be rendered " High 

§ 6.— SECOND PERIOD IRON AGE (b.c. 50— a. d. 400). 25 

but they are in the aggregate of considerable value, and 

again appear in Oland and Gotland more than in the 

peninsula. 21 Many more must have been melted down to 

serve as material for ornaments. It is clear that the gold 

pieces which the Goths received from the Eastern 

Emperors, under the name of " subsidies," to buy off their 

attacks or to ensure their alliance, travelled northwards in 

large quantities. With them they carried the lesson that 

the barbarians had only to ask with sufficient vehemence 

and stoutness to grow rich without labour. Thus the 

Scandinavians learnt a lesson of avarice which they put in 

practice in England in their demands for danegeld, and, 

indeed, in all their piratical exploits. Thus the criminal 

weakness of the fifth century Emperors of the East bore 

bitter fruit for five centuries or more in the West. The 

hoards of gold coins of the fifth century Emperors, set side 

by side with the hoards of silver coins of our own Ethelred 

the Un-ready (or ill-advised), read a moral lesson, which 

nations may well take to heart, even in our own days — the 

duty of being prepared and able to fight for your country. 

The introduction of runes for writing is dated by Monte- 

lius about 300 a.d. Our English antiquary, George 

Stephens, dates them somewhat earlier. In any case, they 

belong to the second period of this Iron Age. The first 

alphabet, or, as it is more correctly termed, Futhorc, from 

its opening letters, consisted of twenty-two characters. It 

is thought to have been founded on the Latin alphabet. 

" Probably " (says Montelius, Civ., E. T., p. 118), " these 

signs were invented a little before the Christian era by a 

south Teutonic tribe, in imitation of the Roman writing 

which the Teutons received from one of the Keltic tribes 

living just to the north of the Alps." The great affinity for 

culture of all kinds shown by the south-faring Goths makes 

it natural by analogy to connect this gift to Sweden with 

the agency of a Gothic rather than a Swedish people. 

21 Du Chaillu's table Viking Age, Vol. ii., p. 586, gives 226 
gold coins of this period, Mainland 37, Scania 19, Oland 106, 
Gotland 64. 


But it is not probable that runes were introduced from 
the Vistula. It is more likely that they came by the Elbe. 
As far as I know no early runic stones are found in the 
islands, though there are gold bracteates with runes of 
a later date. The earliest rune-stone is from Bohuslan, 
and others are from neighbouring central provinces, and 
not from Skane. 

The third element of social progress which we assign to 
the same period is the worship of Odin, who is always con- 
nected in poetry with the runes, as Thor with the hammer. 
He is especially called the Goth (Gauti or Gautr). Prob- 
ably, like the runes, his worship came from the South 
Germanic races (cp. Craigie : Religion of A. S. f 20 foil.). 
As Grimm says, the Swedes and Norwegians seem to have 
been less devoted to Odin than Gothlanders and Danes (D. 
M., vol. 1, p. 160, E. T.). Names of places connected with 
Odin are more frequent in England, Germany and Den- 
mark than in Sweden. Our own Wiltshire has some 
remarkable ones, such as Wansdyke and Wansborough, 
and Somerset has its Wanstrow — probably a place of 
sacrifice, and there is a Wansborough in Mells parish, and 
a number of others. As regards the characteristics of 
this divinity, he is god not only of craft and cunning 
and human strength, but of wisdom and poetry, and in- 
spiration, and of a later and more courtly civilization. To 
quote a recent English writer, who contrasts Odin and 
Thor in an effective manner: " Odin was the god of the 
warrior, the poet, and the friend of kings, while Thor 
retained his former place in the hearts of those who still 
followed the old way of life in the secluded valleys of 
Norway and Iceland. Something of this distinctly 
appears in the figures of the two gods. Odin bears 
all the stamp of the new life and culture about him, while 
Thor is rather a sturdy yeoman of the old unpolished type. 
Odin is a ruler in whom knowledge and power are equally 
combined; Thor has little more to rely upon than his 
bodily strength. Even in small matters the contrast is 
marked. Odin lives by wine alone, while Thor eats the 

§ 7— THIRD PERIOD IRON AGE (a.d. 400—700). 27 

flesh of his goats, and drinks the homely ale. Odin's 
weapon is the spear, Thor's is the more primitive hammer. 
It is to Odin that all the warriors go after death ; Thor gets 
only the thralls " (Craigie, I.e., p. 22). 

Thor is specially the god of the Norwegians. 

§ 7. — The Third Period of the Iron Age, 400 a.d. — 700 
a.d. Hugleik's Raid. The Romance of 
Beowulf and West Gothland. 

The age of Byzantine gold dates from about 400 a.d., 
and extends to 700 a.d., the beginning of the Viking Age. 
I have already noticed one striking phenomenon of this 
period — the great influx of Byzantine gold. Besides the 
coins, gold rings of two pounds weight and more have 
been found in Sweden, and as much as twenty-seven 
pounds weight in one hoard. These may be presumed to 
have been made from gold coins melted down. No native 
coins were in use, but bracteate ornaments, stamped with 
figures and runes, barbaric copies of Roman coins, are 
rather frequent. Spiral rings of gold seem to have been 
used in the place of money. The art of this period has 
much beauty, and it shows traces of Celtic influence. To 
this period belong certain remarkable finds at Lake Vendel 
and the three great barrows at Old Upsala (See Montelius : 
Civ., pp. 1 39-141). In this period we begin to touch 
European history in another direction through Hugleik or 
Hygelak, king of the Weder-Goths, and uncle of Beowulf, 
who may plausibly be identified with the " Danish " 
Chlochilaicus, whom Gregory of Tours describes as mak- 
ing a raid upon the kingdom of Theoderic I., one of the 
sons of Clovis (Hist. Franc, Bk. iii., c. 3). This places 
him in the years 511 a.d. — 533 a.d. The romance of 
Beowulf itself, which is preserved only in Anglo-Saxon, 
and has a faint Christian tinge, is probably later, but it is, 
I suppose, substantially the earliest monument of Scan- 
dinavian literature, and the civilization described in it is 
really pre-Christian. If the Weder-Goths lived in the 


neighbourhood of Lake Vettern we may consider it a pic- 
ture of early life in that province of West Gothland, which 
had so much to contribute to the early progress of Sweden, 
both in religion and in law, as well as in moral character. 
There is a noble tone of unselfishness and chivalry in the 
poem, and it is singularly free from any trace of sympathy 
with immorality, or vice, or trickery. 

The raid described by Gregory of Tours is also interest- 
ing, as being the earliest Viking raid of which we have an 
account. In this age not only the Gothic and Swedish 
provinces, but the coast of Northland (Norrland) beyond 
Gestrik and Helsingland, and up to Medelpad was in- 
habited. It was a period of growing wealth and even of 
rude luxury. 

§ 8. — Fourth Period of the Iron Age, 700 a.d. — 
1000 a.d. The Yngling Kings. The Viking 
Age. Christianity and the union of the 

Finally we come to the last period of the dark age of 
Swedish history, the stirring Viking Age, during which 
Christianity was at last introduced into Sweden, and at the 
end of which the first Swedish king received baptism — four 
hundred years later than our Ethelbert of Kent. This 
period covers about 300 years from 700 a.d. to 1000 a.d. 
It is the period also in which Sweden for the first time 
became one kingdom, and for a time aspired to a wider 
northern empire. 

The first Swedish royal family of Upsala kings, like the 
early kings of Wessex, claimed divine descent. They 
were called Ynglingar from their first monarch, Yngwe 
Frey, who was said to be descended from Odin, Niord and 
Frey, and bore the name of the latter. Twenty-two kings 
are named of this line ending with Ingiald, but some only 
reigned for a very short time, and some simultaneously. 
It was a period in which there were many petty kings, 
some with no lands, whose royalty was only acknowledged 
in war. No doubt many of the Viking raids were simply 

§ 8.— FOURTH PERIOD IRON AGE (a.d. 700—1000). 29 

undertaken to give an outlet to the ambition of such men, 
who were not wanted at home. As in Svealand so in 
Gothland there was probably a line of superior kings, and 
an even larger number of inferior ones. 

The Ynglinga Saga, which gives the poetical history 
of the kings of Sweden, is a later document, and Nor- 
wegian not Swedish, but it has some interesting notices 
bearing on religion. The sixth of this line, Domald, is 
said to have been offered as a sacrifice to the gods by his 
subjects, as a last resort at the end of a long period of 
famine. Of the fifteenth, " Ane the Old," it is said that 
he purchased ten years of life by offering a son to Odin 
every ten years, and so lived to the age of no, when the 
Sveas prevented him from sacrificing his last son, where- 
upon he died. Of the last, Ingiald, we are told that he 
was called " Illrada," or the Ill-counsellor (just as our 
Ethelred was called the Un-ready or Un-counselled, and 
Sigrid Stor-rada, or the High-minded) — his evil counsel 
being to put to death a number of petty kings by fraud and 
murder, and so to consolidate his kingdom. This, how- 
ever, was frustrated; and his son, Olof Tratalja, of whom 
I have spoken, had to flee to Vermland. 

A new line began under Ivar Vidfamne, of whom we 
read that he " brought all Sweden under his own sway. 
He made himself master also of the Danish kingdom, and 
a great portion of Saxon land, besides the Eastern lands, 
and the fifth part of England " (Ynglinga Saga, c. 45). 
According to the Saga, he died in our country, and was 
buried on the coast of England. His grave-mound was, it 
is said, opened by William the Norman, who found his 
body and burnt it, and then went up on land and got the 
victory (Ragnar LodbroWs Saga, c. 19). It is the time of 
Sigurd Ring, the hero of the Battle of Bravalla, in which 
Odin appeared for the last time, and of Ragnar Lodbrok 
and his sons. The latter was the most renowned hero of 
the Viking expeditions of the Northmen, and he died in 
England on a marauding expedition, perhaps a little before 
800 A.D. 


A few words are necessary as to these expeditions. I 
have already pointed out that the raid of Hugleik in the 
sixth century was the first on record. But what is 
generally called the Viking period dates from the last 
quarter of the eighth century. In the year 787 our Saxon 
chronicle notes for the first time the appearance of three 
ships of Northmen on the English coast. It is questioned 
whether they came from Norway or Jutland ; but they seem 
to have come up the Thames as far as Kingston. This was 
the beginning of the Viking age of adventure and rapine, 
in which Danes, Norwegians and Swedes all took part, and 
renewed again, with more brutality and less readiness to 
acquire civilization, the wonderful achievements of their 
Gothic kinsmen in the third and following centuries. 
Doubtless many Swedes, like Ragnar Lodbrok and his 
sons, or descendants, were prominent in these Western 
exploits; but, as I said before, the Swedes had a greater 
aptitude than the other Northmen for adventures on the 
shores of the Baltic and its hinterland. It was a Swedish 
family that founded the Russian Empire under Rurik at 
Novgorod, or Holmgard, as they called it, in 862. Indeed 
the name Ros or Rus of the old writers was a name for the 
Swedes who had that lively intercourse with the Byzan- 
tines, to which reference has already been made. It was 
Swedes who furnished the famous Varangian guard at 
Miklagard, or Constantinople. 22 The runes on the 
Pirseus lion, now at Venice, are, I believe, Swedish. 

It is not my duty to enter upon the details of the half 
legendary, half historical exploits of the Viking Age, but 
to point out, as a historian of religion, how the neglect of 
the Scandinavian nations, particularly the Swedes, by their 
Christian neighbours, brought disaster upon those who 
neglected them. That sure punishment of neglect of duty 
and opportunity falls upon nations and churches as well as 
individuals is one of the laws of God's kingdom. The 
neglect of Arabia by Eastern Christians permitted the up- 

22 They were transferred from Vladimir the Great to Con- 
stantinople about 980 {S. H. 1 , Vol. i., p. 280). 

§ 8.— FOURTH PERIOD IRON AGE (a.d. 700—1000). 31 

growth of the power of Islam, an Islam which pretended to 
improve the Gospel without really knowing the contents 
and nature of the Gospel. The neglect of Britain by the 
papacy, and by the Churches of the West under its influ- 
ence, for the century and a half that followed the death of 
Pope Leo, had a great effect in alienating British from 
Western Christianity. We may still trace its effects in the 
sphere of religion in the movement for the creation of a 
separate province for Wales from which we are now suffer- 
ing. The neglect of Scandinavia by the papacy and by 
the Christian Goths, Franks, Angles and Irish was re- 
warded by the ravage and rapine of the Viking Age ; the 
horrible sufferings of many innocent men and women ; the 
destruction, especially in the ninth century, of many 
churches, and of many treasures of literature and art which 
we should love to possess. The Viking Age continued 
until the North itself became Christian. It did not, how- 
ever, entirely die out, but it had a revival in a milder form 
in the Crusades — understanding by the word expeditions 
to force Christianity upon the nations alien from the faith. 
This spirit of the Crusades appears indeed in the action of 
Charles the Great towards the Saxons just before the Vik- 
ing Age, as well as in the missions of Olaf Tryggvason and 
Olaf Haraldson the Saint, in Norway, at the end of it, 
and in the crusade of the Swedish St. Eric against the 
Finns, and others of later kings, as much as in the Eastern 
expeditions of Godfrey, Tancred, Bohemond, and the rest. 

As to the character of the Viking Age, the poet Esaias 
Tegner has painted its heroic and brighter aspects in lively 
and sentimental colours in his Frithiofs Saga, while Geijer 
has portrayed it from another point of view. I will quote 
the passage of Holmberg, himself a warm admirer of the 
early age of his country, which Montelius has embodied 
in the History of Sweden 1 (Vol. i., p. 264) : — 

"It is true that there rests a rose-coloured light upon 
the northern Viking Age. But if we apply the spy-glass 
of history to our eyes we shall soon find that the rose-colour 
is nothing else but a blending of the hues of blood and 


tears. . . . The conception which we form of a subject 
often depends upon the name by which we are accustomed 
to designate it. The term Viking-voyage suggests a 
chivalrous pursuit of dangers and warlike adventures, but 
the thing is better defined as a voyage for the purpose of 
killing and plundering. We translate it, therefore, with 
perfect truth as piracy undertaken as a means of liveli- 

It must, of course, be added that the pirates were often 
men who became valuable settlers in the countries which 
they raided, and that they infused new blood and vigour 
into Normandy and England, Apulia, Naples and Sicily 
and other countries. They also had something to give to 
the Christianity of the older lands. But the good was 
done at the expense of much needless sorrow, misery and 

§ 9. — General Idea of the Character and Life of the 
People. Foreshadowing s of later days. 

The stories of early Sweden in the dark millennium 
which follows the birth of Christ are conspicuously full of 
a particular kind of interest — the interest attaching to re- 
velations of national character. For this purpose it makes 
little difference whether the legends are historically true 
or represent what the people loved to think, or naturally 
thought, of as true. In them we have remarkable fore- 
shadowings of later history, both in the lives of men and 
in the institutions which form the framework of their lives. 
In studying them we are struck by the persistence of cer- 
tain types of character and social habit even to the present 
day. This is what we should certainly expect in a people 
of simple temperament, and, to a great extent, unmixed 
blood, living under the conditions which have prevailed, 
and to a great extent still prevail, in Sweden. People of 
homogeneous race in which both father and mother have 
the same kind of thoughts and prejudices, century after 
century, are naturally fuller than others of racial instincts 


and promptings in the blood. Their dreams, whether 
waking or sleeping, are not interrupted by cross-currents. 
And the isolation of Sweden, its sparse settlement, its 
climatic conditions, all contribute to make these dreams a 
real part of the life. The long winters and the bright 
summers bring out the contrast of darkness and light in 
a way with which dwellers in lower latitudes cannot be 
familiar. The beautiful silent starry nights of winter, the 
fantastic forms of ice and snow, the long-drawn summer 
days melting gently into a night which is scarcely night, 
all do their part in nourishing a poetic temper. Fairyland 
is revealed, in a way unknown to us, by the electric glow 
and coloured waves of shimmering, pulsing light, when 
the aurora borealis spreads over the heavens, or when the 
summer meadows, after sunset, are clothed with the white 
transparent veil of the " elf-dance." 23 Again, both lake 
and forest contribute their part to the production of the 
dreamy temperament. The lake is alternately, and almost 
at will, a mirror of the familiar shapes of cloud and land- 
scape, subject to the beautiful changes wrought by sun and 
wind, and a transparent medium, through which the world 
beneath the earth is revealed to the gazer's fancy. The 
forest, with its deep glades and glancing half-seen forms of 
wild life, excites the imagination in another manner. A 
sense of these mysteries of lake and forest is emphasized by 
the isolation in which so many lives are passed. The whole 
experience seems to produce at once an intense love of the 
Fatherland, and, strangely enough, an intense desire to 
escape from its monotony into other lands. This double 
attraction to and from home is shared by the Swedes with 
the Irish. There is, indeed, much that is akin to the Celtic 
temperament in the Swedish, but the poetic turn takes a 
different line. Both love to dwell on the past, and to 
dream of the future. But, with the Swedes, the dreaming 
is of a much more practical character. While the Irish 
and the Highlanders, in their myths and in their aspira- 

23 See for good descriptions of both Du Chaillu's Land of the 
Midnight Sun, Vol. ii., pp. 46 and 420. 


tions, dream of a life in contrast with their present 
condition, the future life has generally appeared to the 
Scandinavians as a glorification of their present state. The 
Valhalla of Odin is only a glorified royal banqueting hall. 
This characteristic also appears in Swedenborg's thoughts 
of heaven. Again, both Celts and Norsemen are full of race 
memories, inherited in the blood and fostered by tradition, 
and both look to a sort of reincarnation of old heroes in 
their descendants. But in the Swedes this takes a more 
practical line, and from a dream becomes a kind of vision, 
sending forth gallant processions of men to do the deeds of 
their forefathers on the great stage of history. We cannot 
wholly put this down to greater opportunity and greater 
independence. There has been a conquering, adventurous 
spirit in the Swedish people, as well as in their sovereigns 
and leaders, a genius for war which is not inherited by the 
Celtic peoples in anything like the same degree. With the 
genius for war is joined a genius for law of a marked char- 
acter, and for organisation in the arts of peace and all 
that makes for prosperity and comfort, which also is not 
Celtic, though the Land Banks and agricultural societies 
show that there is considerable aptitude for it in Ireland. 

To come a little closer to the details of this ancient life. 
The society which we find established in Sweden in 
historical times, and that which previous legends describe, 
is such as we should expect in a Suevic people settling 
down peaceably, or with slight effort, in territory very little 
occupied before. We have a historical account of such a 
Scandinavian settlement in the Icelandic Landnama bok — 
the " land-taking book " — in which we read how different 
families occupied fresh ground, and divided it up amongst 
themselves. Society, both in Iceland and Sweden, was 
based on household ownership of land. It was a society in 
which every freeman was equal in time of peace, and in 
which all questions were decided in the popular assembly. 
But the Sveas and the Goths had, as Tacitus witnesses, an 
institution which the Icelanders tried to escape from, 
namely, that of kingship. Tacitus naturally got his in- 


formation from those who were familiar with Swedish 
customs from the outside, from those who, perhaps, fought 
against them, and, therefore, described the power of the 
kings as more absolute than it actually was in time of 
peace. But in war it was always absolute. 

This observation as to the early settlement of Sweden by 
a party of colonists rather than of hostile invaders is very 
important as a key to many incidents and phenomena of its 
later history. A society composed of a large number of 
freemen holding land with equal rights was eminently fav- 
ourable to domestic peace and to mutual respect. Each 
man was responsible for the religion of his family, and it 
concerned no one else what he thought and taught. Hence 
we may trace the national dislike of persecution. Hence, 
too, we explain the continuance of law and custom under 
the lagmen, or peasant judges, even when the country was 
most disturbed. Hence came the respect for the elective 
principle, both in Church and State. 

This observation also explains the comparatively slight 
hold which the feudal system obtained over Sweden. It 
explains also the warlike instincts of so many Swedish 
sovereigns, and the readiness for adventure shown by 
many of the royal family and the nobility, who looked to 
find honour and distinction abroad for which their home 
life did not afford an opening. 

There are many points of likeness between the history of 
England and that of Sweden, but there are also not a few 
contrasts. The principal point of contrast is to be found 
in this: England, not once only, but twice or thrice in 
historical times, under Saxon, Dane and Norman, was a 
conquered country, in which the leaders in war, especially 
the kings and their companions, obtained large estates, 
and held them as military fiefs. Sweden was a peaceably 
settled country, and, therefore, more equally divided, and 
had fewer serfs. The kings had comparatively small 
estates and small powers, and had to enlarge them by mar- 
riage, treaty, compact, gradual development of rights, as 
well as by warfare outside. The smallness of the revenues 


of the crown accounts very much for the weakness of the 
monarchy in the mediaeval period, and explains the neces- 
sity which Gustaf Vasa felt for confiscating the revenues 
of the Church. The bishops also in Sweden were, in the 
Middle Ages, greater potentates in comparison to the 
kings and nobles than they were in England. 

How the kingly families, of which there were a great 
many, arose we have no evidence. The Upsala kings, who 
were the chief among the Sveas, claimed divine origin as 
the descendants of Odin, Niord and Frey. 24 As head of 
this family the Upsala king, who was elected from the 
family, and by no means necessarily the eldest son, was 
also priest of the temple in which his ancestors were wor- 
shipped. In the earliest times of which we know anything 
there was a great assembly, both of Sveas and Goths, 
every nine years at this temple, at which the king naturally 
took the lead, and thus had a good opportunity of increas- 
ing his prerogative. How the alliance between the Sveas 
and Goths arose, and when they first had the same king, is 
not easy to say. According to legend it began with the 
second dynasty in the eighth century. Probably it was at 
first a matter of temporary arrangement, as the result of 
some successful foreign campaign, and then (as experience 
showed the usefulness of unity) it tended to become per- 
manent. Certainly it was a fairly settled thing about the 
middle of the ninth century, when Harald Fairhair was 
encouraged by the example of Gorm the Old in Denmark 
and Eric Emundson in Sweden, to attempt the unification 
of Norway. After a king was elected by the Sveas he had 
to make a circuit round the Gothic and other provinces in 
order to obtain recognition. This was called his " Eriks- 
gata," by which we are perhaps to understand his " jour- 
ney through all the realm" from the old Norse "e" = 
"all." At any rate, this is a just description of it. Ashe 
came to the boundary of each province in turn he was 

24 For some of the paragraphs which follow cp. Geijer : H. of 
S., pp. 30 foil., E. T., and Corpus Poeticum Boreale, Vol. i., 
pp. 401-17, etc. 


called upon to give hostages for his conduct as king, and 
to take an oath to observe the provincial laws. The right 
of the Sveas to have the prerogative voice in choosing the 
king was disliked by the Goths, but never denied by them. 

The life which centred round the king and his family can 
best be described in one word as " Homeric " — an epithet 
which I find that Carlyle has anticipated. Religion was 
especially concerned with two things — sacrifice as a 
propitiation of the gods and a way of securing their favour 
at the beginning of an enterprise, and divination as a 
means to enquire their will. 25 It was also a shield and pro- 
tection to human intercourse. To judge by parallel 
descriptions of other Scandinavian temples, the Upsala 
Temple had in its centre a table, on which lay an unjointed 
gold ring or bangle reddened with the blood of victims, 
on which oaths were sworn, and which was worn by the 
king or head of the assembly on his wrist at all gatherings 
of the people. 26 The oath ran as follows : — " I take so and 
so as witnesses herein that I take oath on the ring, a lawful 
oath — so help me Frey and Niord, and the Almighty 
Anse, as I shall pursue (or defend) this suit, or bear wit- 
ness, or give verdict, or judgment, according to what I 
know to be most right and true in accordance with the 

This oath was held to be very sacred and binding. 
The perjurer was treated as a vile and worthless person, a 
social outcast or niding, on a level with the adulterer. Be- 
sides the ring there was a bowl for the blood of victims, 
and in it twigs for divination by lot. Apparently, before 
the lots were drawn, the bystanders were sprinkled with the 
blood contained in the bowl. We shall find instances of 
this divination in the history of the mission of Anskar. 

Idols were in use by the south-faring Goths, in the form 
of human busts on pillars draped with cloths, as early at 

25 Compare C. P. B., Vol. i., p. 403, and Craigie, I.e., 
especially chapters 4 and 5. 

26 Compare C. P. B., Vol. i., p. 422, and Craigie, I.e., p. 43. 
The " Anse " may probably be Thor. 


least as the fourth century. They were figured on the 
storied column of Theodosius as part of the spoils of war 
brought to the city of Constantinople in the fourth century 
(The Goths, by Hy. Bradley, pp. 9 and 14, Lond., 1888). 
In Iceland they seem not to have been in early use, for we 
rather read of nails driven into the pillars of the high-seat. 
But there were certainly three images in the Upsala 
temple ; and Odin, on his eight-legged horse, " Slepne," is 
several times represented on rune-stones (Montelius: Sv. 
H. 1 , fig. 335, 403, from Tjangvide and Hablingbo in 

As to the victims offered to Odin, they were too often 
men (for women are never mentioned), as well as dogs, 
horses, cocks, etc. The king himself might be chosen in 
times of emergency, as Domald was, or he might have to 
sacrifice his sons (as Agamemnon sacrificed Iphigenia), or 
he miffht devote himself as King Eric the Victorious did 
at the Battle of Fyrisfield in 983, to gain victory from Odin. 
It is no doubt from such compacts with the old gods that 
the mediaeval idea of compacts with Satan has grown up. 
Eric, it is said, died just ten years after the battle. 27 

If there was much that was terribly cruel in the human 
sacrifices in Sweden, there was often a heroic spirit mingled 
with it. In a later day we find Christians in Iceland offer- 
ing to devote themselves to Christ for a purer life (not, I 
suppose, to actual death, but to a life of renunciation) if 
the heathen would do the same (C. P. B., Vol. i., p. 410, 
from the Kristni Saga). The reverence for and impulse 
towards the monastic ideal thus had its natural root in the 

These sacrifices, of whatever kind, were great occasions 
of popular concourse. The word " Ting," the old name 
for such a gathering, meant at once sacrifice, banquet, diet 
or parliament, assize for justice, and fair or market. The 

27 Compare the idea in Gosta Berlings Saga, by the novelist, 
Selma Lagerlof, of the supposed compact made by the Majorska 
with the Devil, under which one of the cavaliers was to die every 
ten years. The scene of the novel is laid in the eighteenth 


acknowledged central character of the Upsala Ting, and 
the custom of all the provinces to attend it every nine years, 
helped to establish the pre-eminence of the Sveas from 
very ancient times. The image of a State Church was thus 
presented at a very early stage of the nation's history, with 
the Upland king as its pontiff, and this thought had an 
influence in Sweden, just as the fact that Constantine the 
Great was Pontifex Maximus had an influence upon the 
Council of Nicaea and the Church of the fourth century and 
on later Byzantine religion. 

The king was, therefore, a national priest, and every 
father of a family was priest in his own household. Just 
as in the temple there was a high-seat on which the priest 
sat, adorned with emblems or images of the gods, so it 
was in the household of which the father was priest, judge 
and leader. Marriage was held in honour, and adultery 
and rape were considered great crimes, but much laxity 
was allowed to the man. This was a blot upon Swedish 
character, of which Adam de Bremen speaks, and on 
account of which he contrasts the Swedes unfavourably 
with the Norwegians, while he has much to praise in the 
Swedish character in other respects. Polygamy was prac- 
tically permitted, and no reproach attached to the man who 
had children born to him from handmaids or slaves in his 
house — a point which we must remember when we come to 
speak of the mediaeval clergy and even of much later days. 
I feel bound, however, to say that equal laxity seems to 
have prevailed in such Norwegian households as that of 
St. Olaf and his son Magnus the Good, and in a number of 
other cases. The father (as in ancient Greece or Rome) 
was free to take up or expose an infant born in his house. 
If he took it up and had it sprinkled with water (the heathen 
form of baptism) and named in the presence of his chief 
kinsmen it became his child. 28 

28 This ceremony of heathen baptism is well attested. So we 
read in Halfdan the Black's Saga, ch. 7 : " Queen Ragnhild 
gave birth to a son, and water was poured over him, and the 
name Harald given him." This was Harald Harfager. His 


Even in Christian times the clergy on the spot do not 
seem to have censured this laxity, although, of course, it 
appeared wrong to Adam. But even he does not mention 
the vice of drunkenness as prevalent in Scandinavia, prob- 
ably because it was so common all round him in Germany 
as to excite no remark. The Sagas make many references 
to it, although it was not so much of daily occurrence as an 
incident of festivity. In King Sigurd's well-ordered 
household at Ringarike, when Olaf the Saint visited him 
and his mother, the food was milk and fish one day, alter- 
nating with meat and ale on another. Games of chance 
were also played very largely, and we find evidence from 
the first centuries after Christ that dice were used for gamb- 
ling (Montelius: fig. 371). Draughts were also played, 
and the game of chess was introduced as early as the eighth 
or ninth century, and was evidently much in favour. 

Among such a people the sentiment of family life was 
naturally very strong. The graves of the dead were near 
the houses, and were places for religious worship and 
meditation. On these family-howes (att-hogar), as they 
were called, the head of the family was wont to sit, accord- 
ing to old custom, for hours together, no doubt to hold 
converse with the spirits of the departed and to look for- 
ward to the uncertain future. 29 These howes were also 
places for games and athletic sports, as in the Iliad and 
Aeneid. The use of the churchyard for festivals is clearly 
a relic of this custom, which prevailed also in England. 

The most distinctive virtue of the Swedes, which yet 
characterizes them, was their hospitality. "It is the 
greatest disgrace among them (says Adam, § 230) to deny 
hospitality to wayfarers; they in fact vie with one another 
as to which of them is worthy to receive a guest. After 

son, Hakon the Good, by a slave-girl, Thora Mosterstang, was 
baptized by Earl Sigurd (H. Harfager's Saga, ch. 40). 
So Sigurd (Sigfrid) was baptized in the house of King Hjalfrek, 
not indeed as his son (see Volsunga Saga, chap. 13, trans, by 
Morris, published in the Scott Library). 

29 See the quotation from Halljrcd's Saga about Thorlaf in 
C. P. B., Vol. i., p. 416. 


showing him all the rights of humanity for as many days 
as he desires to spend in a place his host sends him on to his 
friends from one halting place to another." 

As to the highest ideal of independent manly character 
all over Scandinavia we cannot, I suppose, have a better 
picture of it than as it appears in the persons of Beowulf, 
the Weder-Goth, and of Sigurd in the Volsunga Saga. 
The poem of Beowulf does not, I think, contain any sum- 
maries of good advice to heroes, but we have in the 
later poem the remarkable " wise words " of Brynhild, 
addressed to Sigurd, which read like an extract from a 
Scandinavian book of Sirach : — 

" Be kindly to friend and kin, and reward not their 
trespasses against thee : bear and forbear, and win for thee 
thereby long enduring praise of men." . . . " Let not thy 
mind be over-much crossed by unwise men at thronged 
meetings of folk; for these speak worse than they wot of; 
lest thou be called a dastard, and art minded to think that 
thou art even as is said ; slay such an one on another day, 
and so reward his ugly talk. . . . Let not fair women 
beguile thee such as thou mayst meet at the feast, so that 
the thought thereof stand thee in stead of sleep and a quiet 
mind; yea draw them not to thee with kisses or other sweet 
things of love." 

" If thou hearest the fool's word of a drunken man, strive 
not with him being drunk with drink and witless; many a 
grief, yea, and the very death groweth from out such 

" Fight thy foes in the field, nor be burnt in thine 

" Never swear thou wrongsome oath ; great and grim is 
the reward for the breaking of plighted troth." 

" Give kind heed to dead men — sick-dead, sea-dead, or 
sword-dead; deal heedfully with their dead corpses" 
(Volsunga Saga: ch. 21, translated by W. Morris). 

This was advice to a hero who went about the world with 
his sword ready to maintain his honour and that of his 
kinsmen and friends, and being a law to himself. But 


there was another side to Swedish life, the law-making, 
law-abiding peasant life, which is the real heart of the 
country. As I have said, Sweden was peaceably settled bv 
a large body of freeholders, and never took to the feudal 
system. There was, therefore, always a strong democratic 
basis to society in it. The monarchy was always held to be 
elective, and a bad king might be deposed and stoned, as 
their history often witnesses. To quote Adam again (ch. 
231): "The king's power depends upon the vote of the 
people. What all have decided in common he must con- 
firm, unless his decree prevails, which they sometimes 
follow against their will. And so they rejoice in thinking 
that at home all are equal. When they go to battle all yield 
obedience to the king, or to him who for his skill in war 
is made captain by the king." The fighting was done by 
the kings and their kindred and attendants, but chiefly in 
foreign expeditions, starting generally in the spring and 
returning before winter. Thus the country people in the 
most laborious time of the year were often left to rule them- 
selves. This led to the peculiar institution of the " Lag- 
man " (or lawman), who was a peasant judge chosen by the 
people, and had the law (probably originally in verse) in his 
memory, and was its expounder to the people and their 
spokesman in the great assemblies of the nation. The 
Roman tribunate (as Geijer has observed) offers a certain 
analogy to this office, though under very different condi- 
tions. This office was known also in Norway, but not in 
Denmark. The earliest traces of it seem to be in West 
Gothland, which was often a connecting link between Nor- 
way and Sweden, where the name of "Lumb" is mentioned 
in heathen times (ninth or tenth century), as having com- 
posed a large number of laws. Viger Spa (the wise), who 
may have been his contemporary, is mentioned in similar 
terms in the preface to The Law of Upland. 30 

The name of Torgny is well known as that of the Lag- 
men of Upland, one of whom was prominent, as we shall 

30 See Sv. Medeltid, Book iii. p. 42 foil., and L. Beauchet : 
Loi de Vestrogothie, pp. 2 foil, and 10 foil., Paris, 1894. 


see, in the time of Olof Skotkonung. In these indepen- 
dent social and political institutions we have features of 
Swedish life which have been in one form or another very- 
persistent throughout its history, and which account for 
much which would be otherwise inexplicable, especially for 
the recuperative power of the nation after its exhaustion by 
foreign wars. 

This concise sketch of a great subject, the Heathen 
Period of Swedish history, may, I hope, be sufficient to 
interest you in what is to follow. We cannot fail to see the 
unity and continuity of this history. We comprehend 
already that certain great principles underlie it and pene- 
trate it. We perceive that we have to do with a noble and 
a strong people, and we can trace the hand of God already 
beginning their education for their destiny among the 

44 From Geijer's " Olof Tryggvason." 

This little poem describes how a noble young Norwegian, 
Gaute, on a pilgrimage to the holy land, wanders in the woods 
and finds himself exhausted by a river he cannot cross. After 
a dream a boat appears and carries him over, and near a her- 
mitage he sees an old man praying in monkish dress, who rises, 
looking like an ancient warrior. The old man asks him about 
Norway, and whether people remember Olof, and what they 
think of him. Gaute replies that most people think he was 
drowned. The old man angrily retorts that to so athletic a 
swimmer this was impossible. Others, says Gaute, think God 
took him alive to heaven. This, says the old man, is improb- 
able : Olof had many sins. 

"Last (said Gaute) some believe thus, 

That he cleft the foaming billows, 

And found safety on a vessel 

That appeared outside the battle. 

For his valiant fellow-warriors 

Who were bound in Danish fetters — 

But few lived indeed — were loosened, 
Loosened by an unknown hand. 

Many thought that must be Olof's." 
" Lives then Einar Tambar skalver?" 
" Lives he? Yea (thus answered Gaute) 

Wealthiest man in Tronde county." 

Now the cloister bell resoundeth, 

Goes the old man to the temple, 

Says his mass, and then returning 

Calls to him his guest, and bids him 

" Greet him. No man fought more bravely 

Of the Long Serpent's crew than Einar." 

From the astounded guest he turneth, 

Slowly goes, is found no longer. 

Years go by ; Gaute wanders homeward, 
Greets the well-known shores of Norway, 
Tells the folk what fortune met him. 
Then with tears thus answered Einar : 

" In good troth, my brother Gaute, 
Olof Tryggvason thou sawest." 

So the story runs in Norway. 
Dear at heart to all its people : 
By Christ's holy grave far distant 
Sits the hero : there King Olof, 
Intercedes for Norway's realm." 



The Conversion of Sweden (830 a.d.— 1130 a.d.). 


§ 1. — Introduction — Division of the subject into three 

periods 4^ 

§§2 and 3. — Period I. The Hamburg Bremen- 
Mission from Anskar to Odinkar the Dane 
(830 a.d. — 980 A.D.). 

§ 2. — Ebo and Anskar — Anskar's first journey to 
Birka, 830 a.d. — Becomes Archbishop of Ham- 
burg — Gautbert, the first Swedish Bishop — 
Anskar's second visit to Birka, 848 a.d. — Resolu- 
tion of the King and people — Dies 865 a.d. — His 
saintly character — Touching letter to the Bishops 
of Germany 5° 

§ 3. — Rimbert — Growth of political unity in the North 
— Christianity in Gotland — Unni dies in Birka 
936 a.d. — Adaldag (935 a.d. — 988 a.d.) sends 
Odinkar — The mission makes little progress — 
Birka the only congregation 57 

§§ 4 to 8. — Period II. English Missionaries from 
Norway chosen by the Kings reinforce the 
German and Danish Missionaries — The first 
Christian King and his contemporaries and sons 

(980 A.D. — 1066 A.D.). 

§ 4. — Political history — Eric the Victorious — Battle of 
Fyrisvall, 983 a.d. — Olof Skotkonung and Sigrid 
Stor-rada, his mother — Sigrid's suitors 59 

§5. — Olaf Tryggvason first to reign as a Christian 
King in Norway (995 a.d. — 1000 a.d.) — His 
romantic history — His confirmation in England 

4 6 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 


—Becomes a missionary King— His English 
Bishops, John and Sigfrid— Defeat at Svoldr by 
Skotkonung and Sven, and death there 61 

§ 6.— Character of Sven— Knut in England— Olaf 
Haraldson (1015 a.d.— 1030 a.d.)— Skotkonung's 
dislike of him— The Swedes force their King to 
make peace with Haraldson — Haraldson dies at 
Sticklestead and becomes a Saint 67 

§ 7. — Religious history — Skotkonung (993 a.d.— 102 1 
a.d.) baptized by Sigfrid, near Skara, 1008 a.d. 
— Notices of Sigfrid's various missions — West 
Gothland the first Christian province — Skot- 
konung retires to this province on his quarrel with 
his subjects — Thurgot ordained to Skara by 
Unwan, 1019 a.d. — Unwan's (1013 a.d. — 1029 
a.d.) jealousy of English and Roman missionaries 
— Introduction of letter-writing and of coinage ... 71 

§ 8. — Accession of Anund Jakob (102 1 a.d. — 1050 a.d.) 
— Gotescalk, second Bishop of Skara (c. 1030 a.d.) 
— Emund the Old succeeds (1050 a.d. — 1066 a.d.) 
— Archbishop Adalbert's great projects (1045 a.d. 
— 1072 a.d.) — Emund tries to have his own Arch- 
bishop, Osmund, a nephew of Sigfrid, who was 
ordained in Poland — Repulse of Adalward — Re- 
conciliation — Adalbert fails to get his Council to 
meet — Driven out of his diocese by Wends — Other 
Bishops 77 

§§ 9 to 11. — Period III. The time of transition — 
The house of Stenkil — First direct contact with 
the Papacy — Foundation of the Arclibishopric of 
Lund (1066 a.d. — 1 130 A.D.). 

§ 9.— Stenkil, a West-Gothic King (1066 a.d.— 1080 
a.d.?) refuses to persecute the heathen — His sons, 
Inge I. (1080 a.d. — mi a.d.) and Hallsten suc- 
ceed — Inge tries to put down sacrifices in Svithiod 
— Reaction under Blot-Sven — Swedish martyrs — 
St. Eskil at Eskilstuna — English Bishops at 



Skara — St. David, martyr, at Vesteras — St. 
Botvid, a native Swede 81 

§ 10. — Commencement of Roman influence and inter- 
ference — Gregory VII. 's letters to the Kings (1080 
a.d. — 1081 a.d.) — Visit of Rodulward (?) to Rome 
— Foundation of Archbishopric of Lund — Eric 
Eiegod's pilgrimage to Rome (1093 a.d.) — 
Anselm's intervention — Asser first Archbishop 
(1103 a.d.) — Inge II. (mi a.d. — 1 130 a.d.) — 
Sweden generally Christian 83 

§ 11. — Conclusion — Reasons for the slow conversion 
of Sweden and the expectation which it enables us 
to form 85 

Detached Note. — Adam de Bremen's statements as to 

Scandinavian Bishops Sj 

4 8 


The Conversion of Sweden (830 a.d. — 1130 a.d.). 
§ 1. — Introduction. Division of the Subject. 

It is the function of the historical lecturer, as distin- 
guished from the professed historian, to create a personal 
interest in his subject in the minds first of his hearers and 
then of his readers. The historian must record everything 
that a student may reasonably expect to find in his book, 
whether the latter consults it on a particular point, or reads 
it straight on for full information. The lecturer may be 
satisfied if he leaves a clear mental picture traced in broad 
outline which the student can fill up for himself. There 
should be enough detail and local colour to heighten the 
effect, but not enough to weary the memory. The great 
object is to make a strong impression on the mental retina. 

In discharging this function I shall ask you to consider 
the first great period of Swedish Church history — the 
mission period of three hundred years — under three suc- 
cessive aspects. First, it is a mission from Northern Ger- 
many, finding a centre in Hamburg, or rather Bremen, in 
which the work is done by emissaries from Corbey, Frisia, 
Germany and Denmark. In this period far the most 
striking figure is Anskar, the founder of the Church in 
Sweden. For, after his death, little by comparison is 
done for about a hundred years. This period, which 
is the longest of the three, extends to a hundred and 
fifty years, from 830 a.d. — 980 a.d. We have a good 
life of Anskar by his successor, Rimbert; but, besides 
this, almost our only authority is Adam of Bremen, the 
North-German Tacitus, who give us both accurate annals 
of the archbishops of Hamburg and a valuable Scandi- 
navian geography. Adam had as his friend and informant 
one of the most remarkable men of his time, Sven 
Estridsson, King of Denmark, son of a Jarl Ulf and 


Estrid, sister of King Knut. This man (1018 a.d. — 
1076 a.d.) was friend and son-in-law of the Swedish King, 
Anund Jakob, and resided much in Sweden. He made 
several attempts to conquer England, and five of his fifteen 
sons sat successively on the throne of Denmark. Two of 
them, St. Canute and Eric Eiegod, are well known in 
northern history. 

The second period occupies a space of some ninety years 
(980 a.d. — 1066 a.d.). It extends from the time of Eric 
Segersall (the Victorious), with whom history proper in 
Sweden begins, up to the Norman Conquest of England 
and the failure of the lofty enterprise of Archbishop Adal- 
bert, who desired to establish a great North German 
patriarchate, including Scandinavia. It is a time when the 
failing energies of the Bremen mission are reinforced by 
the missionary spirit which bursts forth in Norway under 
the two Olafs, and is welcomed by the Swedish Olof — the 
first Christian king — and his successors. It is a time when 
English missionaries, brought from Norway, or directly 
sent over by Knut, co-operate, more or less independently, 
with the old line of missionaries from Germany and Den- 
mark. It brings us into close contact with many men of 
strong character. Adam is still our chief guide to the end 
of it, but his mainly ecclesiastical and German point of view 
is enlarged by the brilliant personal records of the Icelandic 

The third period is the shortest of the three, and 
covers less than seventy years (1066 a.d. — 1130 a.d.). It 
describes a time of transition, during which Sweden first 
comes into direct contact with the papacy in the person of 
Gregory VII. The most important ecclesiastical event in 
it is the establishment of the Archbishopric of Lund in 1 103 
a.d. It corresponds with the reign of Stenkil and his 
family in Sweden, and is brightened by the names of 
several sainted bishops of English origin or consecration. 
At the close of it nearly all Sweden was nominally 

I shall add a few words in conclusion on the reasons for 


$o II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

the slowness of the conversion of the country and the 
expectation which it enables us to form. 

§§ 2 and 3. — The Hamburg-Bremen Mission from 
anskar to odinkar (83o a.d. — 980 a.d.). 

§ 2. — Ebo and Anskar. Gautbert. 

Efforts for the conversion of the two southern Scandi- 
navian nations began almost simultaneously in the earlier 
part of the ninth century, but they succeeded much more 
rapidly in Denmark than in Sweden. Charles the Great 
had been satisfied with the conversion of his own subjects 
in great measure by force, and considered that the only 
policy to be pursued as regards the Danes was to defend 
his empire from their incursions. His son, the Emperor 
Louis the Pious (814 a.d. — 840 a.d.), preferred to try the 
gentler way, and sent Ebo, Archbishop of Reims, with the 
approval and authority of Pope John X., probably in the 
year 823 a.d., as the first Christian missionary beyond the 
Eider. A few years later a Danish prince, Harald Klak, 
desiring alliance with the Franks, determined to become a 
Christian, and was baptized, with his wife, at Mainz in 
826 a.d. On his return to Denmark he took with him 
Anskar, 1 a monk of Corbie, near Amiens, who had recently 

1 The authorities for the life and mission of Anskar are 
fortunately excellent. They are his life by Rimbert, his deacon 
and intimate friend and successor in the Archbishopric, and the 
chronicle of the archbishops of Hamburg (Gesta Pontificum 
Hammaburgensis Ecclesice), written by Adam, a canon of 
Bremen, and master of the schools there about the year 1075 
a.d. Rimbert's life has often been printed. A rather conven- 
ient, but not very correct, text of it is to be found in Fabricius' 
Scriptores Septentrionales, and another in the second volume of 
the Scriptores Return Suecicarum, published in 1828, with 
a Swedish version. The best text is probably that in Pertz' 
Monumenta Germa)iice, Vol. ii. I have had access to all of 
these, but I have found the one most convenient for reference to 
be the reprint of Mabillon's text from the Annales Benedictini, 
Vol. vi., in Migne's Patrologia, Vol. 118, and I have referred 
to the chapter numerals and pages of that edition. I have used 
Pertz's, or rather Lappenberg's edition of Adam of Bremen's 

§ 2.— EBO AND ANSKAR. 51 

been transferred to the northern colony of that house called 
Corbey, or Corvey, in Westphalia. Anskar set up a 
school, which he supplied with pupils, as some Roman 
missionaries still do nowadays, by the purchase of children, 
but he was not very successful. Harald was again driven 
out, and Anskar's companion died, and he himself re- 
turned, in company with Harald, who became a Frankish 
vassal over Walcheren and Dorstad in Holland. The 
latter place, which is on the Lek, a branch of the Rhine, 
about thirty-five miles east of Rotterdam, and a little 
south-east of Utrecht (Wyk by Duurstede) was a port which 
did a large trade with Scandinavia, and was a place where 
many Northmen settled, and many also were baptized long 
before their own homes were Christian. 2 In the autumn, 
probably of 829 a.d., Swedish ambassadors came to the 
Frankish court, reporting that their people had learnt 
something of Christianity from merchants and captives, 
and would be glad to receive missionaries. Anskar was 
again asked to go north. He consented, and, after a 
perilous sea journey, in which he and his companions were 
robbed by Vikings, and suffered other hardships by the 
way, he at length reached Sweden. His companions 
would have turned back, but his courage led them on. 
They made a dangerous over-land journey, partly by lake, 
partly through the forests, and at length arrived at Birka, 

Gesta Pontificum as reprinted in Vol. 146 of the Patrologia 
Latina. I have referred to the continuous series of chapter 
numerals in round brackets in that edition which are also to be 
found in the text in the Scriptores Septentrionales, and are 
more convenient than the references to the different books, each 
with a different series of chapters. There is a good survey of 
all this literature in an essay, Om Kallorna till Nordiska mis- 
sionens historia, by H. Holmquist, Kyrko-historisk Arsskrift, 
Vol. ix., pp. 241-283, 1908. See also Hans von Schubert: 
Kirchengeschichte Schleswig-Holsteins, Vol. i., 1907. A good 
popular account of the period is contained in Professor N. 
Soderblom's lecture to the Students' Missionary Association 
at Upsala (Om Sveriges forste Kristne larare), published in 
their Meddelanden of June, 1889. 

2 See Rimbert : Vita Anscharii, 33, 42 and 48. 

52 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

a much frequented port on an island in Lake Malar, still 
called Bjorko, about eighteen English miles west of Stock- 
holm and twenty-two south of the old city of Sigtuna. 3 

It is possible that there were already the beginnings of a 
Christian congregation, in the persons of Frisians who had 
settled at Birka for the purpose of trade. The further 
objective of the mission was evidently Upsala and the 
region round it. Upsala was the chief seat of heathenism, 
of which the centre was a gilded temple surrounded by a 
sacred wood, on which the bodies of sacrificed men and 
animals were constantly hanging. Here every nine years 
a great national festival was held, in which the whole of 
Sweden was represented, so that the country had a kind of 
religious unity before its political unity was established. 
This place is only some twenty or twenty-five English miles 
to the north of old Sigtuna (Signildsberg), and is accessible 
from it by water. It is about three English miles from the 
present cathedral and university city which now bears the 
name of Upsala. Anskar was kindly received by King 
Bern or Biorn, who consulted his people, and, with their 
consent, gave him leave to preach and baptize. The chief 
of the district, Herigar (Hargar), a trusted counsellor of the 
king, was converted, and built a chapel for the mission on 
his own ground, and continued a stanch Christian for the 
rest of his life. 

Anskar remained two winters at Birka, and returned to 
Germany in 831 a.d. in order to report his progress to the 
Emperor. The party brought back with them an assur- 
ance from experience that the mission was likely to be 
successful, and some kind of a written evidence of the 

3 The situation of Birka is described by Adam of Bremen with 
some detail, chapters 47 and 237. The inhabitants defended 
themselves against the pirates by filling up the channels with 
stones, which made navigation difficult for themselves as well 
as for their enemies. The remains still found on the island of 
Bjorko are the most remarkable in point of quantity and in- 
terest of all in Sweden. Some 2,500 grave-mounds are visible 
besides a multitude of Christian interments. See, e.g., Dr. 
Soderblom's paper referred to in note 1. 

§ 2— EBO AND ANSKAR. 53 

king's good will. The phrase used is rather obscure, 
" cum literis regia manu more ipsorum deformatis." It 
was probably not a letter in runic characters, as some have 
thought, but the king's monogram perhaps on a wooden 
tablet or tally (Vita Anscharii 18, alias 1 1 ; cp. Reuterdahl : 
i. 205). In the meantime an important and statesman- 
like plan, partly conceived by Charles the Great, was being 
matured for the establishment and government of the 
Church in Northern Germany, and was enlarged so as to 
embrace the newly-opened regions. Without following 
in detail the changes which it was found necessary to intro- 
duce into this plan, owing to untoward circumstances and 
conflicting ecclesiastical interests, it is sufficient to state 
that Anskar was consecrated first Archbishop of Hamburg 
in 831 a.d., by Drogo of Metz (one of the sons of Charles 
the Great), Ebo of Reims and others, with a view to the 
oversight of the northern missions. This arrangement 
received the approval of Pope Gregory IV., who gave 
Anskar the pallium, and entrusted the mission to him with- 
out withdrawing the authority already given to Ebo. The 
two archbishops, however, seem to have worked together, 
not only without friction, but with genuine affection. 
After considerable difficulties caused by the loss of the 
estate of Turholt, given by the Emperor Lewis as an 
endowment of the see, and the burning of Hamburg by 
the Danes, it was at length decided that the see of Ham- 
burg and the older foundation of Bremen should be united. 
This took place with the consent of Pope Nicolas I. in 
S64 a.d., and Bremen became the archbishop's residence. 
During the interval between his consecration and his re- 
moval to Bremen Anskar again prosecuted the Danish 
mission, and joined with Ebo in consecrating Ebo's 
nephew, Gautbert, under the name of Simon, as bishop 
for Sweden (V. A., ch. 21 ; Adam, ch. 14). 

Gautbert must therefore rank as the first Swedish bishop. 
He was a friend of the famous Rabanus Maurus, Arch- 
bishop of Mainz, who addressed a letter to him, Ad 
Simonem magnum sacerdctfem and " Bishop of the 

54 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

Sueones," of which a portion has been preserved to us. 
Rabanus counts up a great number of presents, which he 
sends to Simon, including a missal "cum lectionibus et 
evangeliis," a psalter, a copy of the Acts of the Apostles, 
three altar cloths, three sets of vestments, two chasubles 
and two tunics (camisae) or albs, a corporal and a pal- 
lium. 4 These presents must have been of great 
value to the infant Church, but we know nothing 
further of their history. Gautbert's mission seems to 
have been, on the whole, ineffective, and he was driven out 
by a local conspiracy, in which his nephew, Nithard, was 
murdered or martyred. For seven years the few con- 
verts were left without a shepherd. Gautbert became 
Bishop of Osnabriick, and was unwilling to return. 
Anskar then sent a hermit, Ardgar, who was able to sup- 
port those who had remained firm, including, besides 
Herigar, a noble lady, Frideburg, and her daughter. A 
rather interesting incident is reported concerning Fride- 
burg, that, after the departure of Bishop Simon or Gaut- 
bert, she reserved a little wine 5 in her house in order that 
she might have a death-bed communion in case no priest 
was at hand (F. A., ch. 32). She had so kept it three 
years when Ardgar arrived. Clearly communion of the 
dying was at this time in both kinds as Anskar's own was. 
Anskar, whose personal interest in the mission still con- 
tinued, came again to Sweden, in 848 a.d., in the time of a 
king called Olof, and remained for about the same time 
as before. He arrived at a critical moment, when much 
discussion on matters of religion was going on amongst 
the people ; and had he been able to remain or been better 
supported, the conversion of the province of Upland might 
more speedily have followed. Two tendencies have been 
observed in Scandinavian heathenism about this period, a 
tendency to monotheism of a somewhat sceptical character 

4 See H. Holmquist : Kallorna, etc., p. 271. 

5 " Aliquantulum vini," which I believe to be the right read- 
ing, as it is in Mabillon's text and the Swedish version. 
Fabricius and the S. R. S. read " aliquid emptum vini." 

§ 2.— EBO AND ANSKAR. 55 

and a tendency to increase the number of deities. Both 
seem to be discernible in the account of Anskar's second 
mission. Complaint was made that the gods were angry 
because their sacrifices were neglected ; and an enthusiast 
came forward to announce a vision which he had received 
from the gods bidding the people deify their late king, 
Eric. Tales of the power of Christ were also circulated by 
those who had been in Germany and Holland, especially 
at Dorstad. On Anskar's arrival the king and his nobles 
determined to ask counsel of the gods as to whether the 
mission should be encouraged or not. They were con- 
sulted by means of lots taken in the open air, the ritual 
being probably somewhat more elaborate than that 
described by Tacitus, but generally similar (Germ. 10, 
Vita Ans. 24). 

It would seem that the bowl of blood, with twigs in it, 
was taken from the temple table, and the people sprinkled 
with the blood. Then the twigs were thrown at random 
on a white cloth in the open air. The priest said a prayer 
over them, and then, looking up to heaven, took up three 
of them in succession. If each indicated the same answer, 
" yes " or " no," that was, we must suppose, the answer 
given by the oracle. 6 Or the answer might, apparently, 
be a less simple one. On this occasion it was favourable to 
Anskar. After this the question was put before two public 
assemblies, probably one at Birka and one at Upsala. At 
length the full consent of the people was obtained, and it 
was determined that the mission should be allowed to con- 
tinue its work and to make converts without opposition ; 
and the king gave a hall for a church. Anskar then left 
Eribert, another nephew of Bishop Gautbert, as priest-in- 
charge, and returned to Germany. He died himself at 
Bremen on the 3rd of February, 865 a.d., and was shortly 
afterwards canonized by Pope Nicolas I. 

There can be no question of Anskar's saintliness, accord- 

6 Golther, G.M., 631, discusses divination by lot at consider- 
able length, but without making the process very clear, on 
account of the lack of evidence. 

56 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

ing to the standard of any age of Christendom. His 
missionary zeal and courage, his uncomplaining patience, 
his generosity, his spirit of foundation, whether at home 
or abroad, his austere self-discipline and his diligence in 
the work of his calling were all striking features of his 
character. He struggled hard and successfully against 
two faults, a temptation to vainglory and to discontent, 
the latter caused by his failure to achieve actual martyrdom, 
a death which he thought had been promised him in a 
vision in early youth. His relations with Ebo, who might 
so readily have been regarded as his rival, seem to have 
been more than friendly. He clearly regarded Ebo as his 
counsellor and inspirer. He evidently felt the great im- 
portance and future possibilities of their joint mission, and 
he seems to have done his best to leave it as a legacy to be 
fostered by the whole Church of Germany. 

Before his death he drew up a short account of the work 
of the mission, and sent a copy of it to each of the bishops 
in that part of the empire which was ruled by Lewis, King 
of Germany (840 a.d. — 876 a.d.), who was the third son of 
the Emperor, Lewis the Pious, with the following touching 
letter. It will be observed that he makes no mention of 
himself in it, but only of Ebo and others who had helped 
the work : — 

" In the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, 
Ansgar, Archbishop by the grace of God, to all the pre- 
lates of the Holy Church of God, that is to say, to those 
dwelling within the realm of King Lewis. 

" I desire that you should know that in this little book is 
contained how that Ebo, Archbishop of Reims, inspired 
by the divine Spirit, in the days of our Lord Emperor 
Lewis, with his consent and that of a synod gathered from 
almost the whole Empire, went to Rome and there 
obtained from the venerable Pope Paschal public licence 
to preach the Gospel in the parts of the North ; and how 
afterwards the Emperor Lewis promoted this work and 
showed himself bounteous and kind towards it in all ways; 
and the other circumstances which have attended this 


mission (legatio). Wherefore I make earnest prayers to 
you that you will intercede with God, so that this mission 
may be permitted to increase and bear fruit in the Lord. 
For already, both among the Danes and the Swedes, the 
Church of Christ has been founded, and our priests, with- 
out hindrance, discharge their proper office. I pray also 
that you will cause this letter to be preserved in your 
library for a perpetual memory ; and that, as occasion shall 
serve you and your successors, when you shall have found 
it convenient, you will make it known to all men. May 
Almighty God make you partners in this work by your 
kind good will and joint heirs with Christ in heavenly 
glory" (P. L., 11S, 1031). 

§ 3. — Rimbert. Growth of political unity in the 

Notwithstanding this solemn appeal, little or nothing 
was done for Sweden by the German mission for seventy 
years after Anskar's death. His successor and sym- 
pathetic biographer, Rimbert, did not indeed forget his 
old master's work during the twenty-three years of his 
episcopate (865 a.d. — 888 a.d., Adam: ch. 33). But he 
lived in troubled times, and had to spend his resources 
largely in redeeming captives. 

In the last half of the ninth century we find all three of 
the Scandinavian Powers making progress towards in- 
ternal unity. Denmark was first united under Gorm the 
Old, who used his central position of high priest of Odin 
at Lejre in Seland, very much as the Upsala kings did in 
Svithiod. He not only ruled over the Danish islands, 
but over Slesvig and part of Holstein, and over Blekinge 
and Skane in Sweden. At the same time Eric Edmund- 
son (who died about 885 a.d.) was undisputed sovereign 
both of the Swedes and Goths. Their example encour- 
aged Harald Fairhair (850 a. 0.-933 A - D -) to attempt the 
even more difficult task of uniting the thirty-one little 

58 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

kingdoms of Norway, in which he succeeded under the 
inspiration of love, 7 and reigned for fifty years. 

About this time it would seem that Christianity was in- 
troduced into the island of Gotland, although we do not 
know the means. Apparently it was from some other 
direction than the Bremen mission. The antiquary, Dr. 
Ekhoff, has found the remains of three stone churches in 
the foundations of the twelfth century church of St. 
Clement at Visby, the earliest of which may go back to 
about 900 a.d. 

A later archbishop, Unni, was more personally interested 
in the mission than Rimbert had been, and actually died 
of sickness at Birka in 936 A.D. But he stood rather alone ; 
and, if we may judge Adam of Bremen's apostrophe to 
bishops of his own day, Unni's example did not much 
appeal to his countrymen. Adam turns to those who sit 
at home and place first amongst the advantages of the 
episcopate the brief delights of glory, gain, gluttony and 
sleep, and bids them look at the example of this poor and 
modest but really great and glorious priest of Christ, who, 
braving all the perils of land and sea, and making his way 
among the fierce tribes of the North, laid down his life for 
Christ in the most distant regions of the world (ch. 49). 
Yet we know no details of Unni's work. His successor at 
Bremen was Adaldag, a young man of high birth, who 
sat for the long period of fifty-three years (935 a.d. — 988 
a.d.), and had himself been a missionary to the Slavs. 
He ordained many bishops for Denmark, and a Dane of 
good birth, Odinkar, for Sweden (ch. 69). But we only 
hear of the latter that he was a good and able man, and we 
hear of no congregation of the mission in Sweden except at 

The Bremen mission had not become extinct, but it had 
made little progress. Sweden needed other help, and it 
came to it, in a somewhat unexpected way, from England. 

7 He was anxious to win a girl called Gyda, daughter of King 
Eirik of Hordaland, who returned answer that she would never 
come to him unless he subjected to himself the whole of Norway 
as fully as Kings Gorm of Denmark and Eirik of Sweden had 
done (Harald Harfager's Saga, ch. 3). 


§ 4. — English Missionaries from Norway chosen by 
the Kings reinforce the German and Danish 
Missionaries. The first Christian King 
and his contemporaries and sons. 

The history of Sweden, as distinguished from learned 
conjecture or doubtful legend, begins, as I have said, 
with Eric the Victorious, father of Olof Skotkonung, the 
first Christian king. In order to understand the course of 
the forward movement for the conversion of Sweden, which 
now undoubtedly commenced, we must make acquaintance 
with two remarkable men, Olaf Tryggvason and Olaf 
Haraldson, Kings of Norway, from whom the main 
impulse to the conversion came. We must also under- 
stand their relation to the Danish kings, the conquerors 
of England, Sven Forkbeard and his son Knut, as well 
as to the royal family of Sweden. We must further 
collect the few particulars which we can glean about the 
English missionaries who worked with and under them. 
For they are strangely shadowy personalities beside the 
striking figures of the princes of that wild and heroic age. 
It will be convenient first to sketch the political relations, 
and then to add to our sketch what we know of the growth 
of the Church in the country. 

Eric the Victorious was a great warrior of the Ivar race, 
grandson of that Eric Edmundson who had united the 
Swedes and the Goths. He is said himself to have added 
Finland, Livonia and Esthonia to the Swedish crown. 
He and his brother Olof at first reigned together. After 
his brother's death he not unnaturally refused to share the 
kingdom with his nephew, Styrbiorn, then quite a boy. 
But this boy, when only fourteen years of age, mastered 
the great pirates' stronghold of Jomsburg on the mainland 
and made himself head of their remarkable celibate 
brotherhood. He attacked his uncle in Malar Lake, but 
was defeated at the important Battle of Fyrisvall in 983 a.d. 
Eric, as you have heard, devoted himself on this occasion 
to Odin, while Styrbiorn gave himself to Thor, and was 
killed. After the victory Eric naturally wished to secure 

60 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

the succession to his own infant son, and induced the 
nobles and people to do him immediate homage — an inci- 
dent from which, according to the common story, he is 
said to have received the surname of Skotkonung or Lap- 
King. 8 

Eric's wife, Sigrid Stor-rada (the high-minded), who we 
may suppose held the child in her arms, was herself a 
powerful instrument in working out the tragic history of 
the three kingdoms at this time, being closely connected, 
in one way or another, with all the chief actors in it. Her 
haughty temper caused her husband to separate from her, 
and he married another wife. He then invaded Denmark, 
and drove the king, Sven Forkbeard, into exile. While 
in Denmark the Swedish king for a time became a 
Christian, though he afterwards relapsed into paganism 
(Adam, ch. 79). It may have been while he was ruling 
for a time in Denmark, or, as Saxo (lib. x., p. 338, ed. 
Holder, Strassburg, 1886) puts it, rather later, that Poppo, 
a bishop of Slesvig, came as legate of the German Emperor 
and Archbishop Adaldag, to persuade the Scandinavian 
peoples to live at peace with their neighbours, and per- 
formed some remarkable miracles in the presence of the 
multitude — holding a hot iron in his hand, and allowing a 
waxed shirt to be burnt upon his body (Adam : ch. 77 ; cp. 
Saxo: I.e.). Other Danish bishops, such as Odinkar 
junior, ordained by Adaldag's successor, Libentius, or 
Liavinzo (988 a.d. — 1013 a.d.), also worked occasionally 
in Sweden (Adam: I.e.). Eric the Victorious is said to 
have died ten years after the Battle of Fyrisvall, according 
to his compact with Odin, in the year 993 a.d. (cp. Harald 
Greyskin's Saga, ch. 11, in Heimskringla, ed. Laing, ch. 
2, p. 63). 

His widow, Sigrid, who was very rich, had many 

8 This is the common story; but others suggest a different 
origin to the name. Hans Hildebrand : 5. H. 2 , pt. 2, p. 80, 
derives it from a land tax or skatt (English " scot "j laid by him 
on the royal estates and domains, and connects it with his 


suitors, as she was now regent for her son. Among them 
were Harald Grenske, father of St. Olaf, and a king from 
Russia, whom she caused to be burnt in the house in which 
they were resting after a drinking bout, in order, as she 
said, to make these petty kings tired of coming to court her 
(ib. p. 135; Olaf Tryggvason^ Saga, ch. 48). She was 
more ready to listen to the famous Olaf Tryggvason, who 
had now fairly settled himself on the throne of Norway. 
But, when the latter asked her to be baptized, she refused, 
and he struck her on the face with his glove, calling her an 
old heathen jade. 9 Sigrid replied, " This may some day 
be thy death " (O. T. S., ch. 68; ib. p. 150). Many here 
will remember how Longfellow gave poetical expression to 
this and many other scenes from Olaf's life in his Tales 
of a Wayside Inn. 

Soon after this she accepted the addresses of Sven Fork- 
beard, who was at this time an ally of her son Olof, and 
bore him the famous Knut, our English Canute, about the 
year 995 a.d. Others, however, make her marriage with 
Sven later, and some suppose Knut to have had another 
mother. 10 

§ 5. — Olaf Tryggvason first to reign as a Christian 
King in Norway (995 a.d. — 1000 a.d.). 

The exact chronology of this period is not easy to make 
out in detail, but we receive much light on it from our own 
Saxon chronicles, which write at some length both of Sven 
and Anlaf, by whom they mean Olaf Tryggvason. Both 
are, in their different ways, links between Scandinavian 
and English Christianity. Olaf Tryggvason was the first 
Christian king who actually reigned with full acceptance as 
a Christian king in Norway, but two of his predecessors 

9 Saxo x., p. 340, says that Olaf invited her to come on board 
his ship. As she was climbing the ladder she was let down 
into the water and nearly drowned, and the Norwegians only 
neighed at her in derision. In any case, Olaf behaved with 
great discourtesy. 

10 See the Dictionary of National Biography, s.n. Sweyn. 

6a II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

had been Christians at heart as well as in profession, and 
had done something to make the teaching of Christ known. 
The first was Hakonjthe Good, the youngest son of Harald 
Fairhair, whom Harald sent to be fostered by King 
Athelstan in England, and who long reigned in Norway 
(934 a.d. — 961 a.d.). Hakon tried to introduce Christianity 
quietly into his country, but public opinion was too strong 
for him and he was obliged to take part in heathen sacri- 
fices. Much the same thing may be said of Harald Grey- 
skin. Olaf Tryggvason's reign in Norway was a much 
shorter one, only five years (995 a.d. — 1000 a.d.), but it was 
fruitful of lasting consequences for the whole north. He 
was a man of much more impetuous and daring character, 
and probably of greater nobility, notwithstanding his dis- 
courtesy to Sigrid and his occasional acts of ferocity. I 
should like, though I find it somewhat difficult to do so, to 
accept the portraiture of him which has been drawn in a 
very effective manner by my friend, Mr. Vigfusson, in the 
Corpus Poeticum Boreale (Vol. ii., pp. 83-90). It is based 
on Ari's report, preserved in the Heimskringla and other 
Sagas, from which Mr. Vigfusson rejects what he supposes 
to be later monkish legends, such as the scarcely credible 
one of the torture of Raud the Sorcerer (ch. 87). He writes 
of Olaf : — " The greatest of all the northern kings, his life is 
an epic of exceeding interest. Coming out of the darkness 
he reigns for five short years, during which he accomplishes 
his great design, the Christianizing of Norway and all her 
colonies; and then, in the height of his glory, with the 
halo of holiness and heroism undimmed on his head, he 
vanishes again. But his works do not perish with him. 
He had done his work, and though, maybe, his ideal of a 
great Christian empire of the Baltic was unfulfilled, he had, 
single-handed, wrought the deepest change that has ever 
affected Norway. His noble presence brightens the Sagas 
wherever it appears, like a ray of sunshine gleaming across 
the dark shadowy depths of a Norway firth. All bear 
witness to the wonderful charm which his personality 
exercised over all that were near him ; so that, like the holy 


king, Lewis (who, however, falls short of Olaf), he was felt 
to be an unearthly superhuman being by those who knew 
him. His singular beauty, his lofty stature, golden hair 
and peerless skill in bodily feats, make him the typical 
Norseman of the old heroic times, a model king." 

He was baptized, according to his Saga, in the Scilly 
Isles by a hermit who had won his confidence by foretelling 
him what was to happen to him. 11 In any case he was a 
nominal Christian when he took a leading part in the 
famous raids on England in 993 a.d. — 994 a.d., which are 
described with more than usual detail by the Saxon 

After defeating the brave Alderman Brithnoth at Maldon 
in Essex — a battle famous in English song — he attacked 
London in company with Sven of Denmark, but they were 
driven off by the citizens. Then came a visit to the south 
coast and parleys and negotiations, which ended in Olaf 
receiving a lengthy hospitality for his army from King 
Ethelred, and a very large subsidy or " Danegeld," the 
first, or one of the first, on record, while he himself received 
confirmation, the English king acting as his sponsor, in 
994 a.d. He was confirmed by Aelfheah the Bald, Bishop 
of Winchester, afterwards known as St. Alphege of Canter- 
bury, at Andover, near the eastern border of my own 
diocese. It is quite possible that the bishop's influence 
with Olaf and others stirred up the hatred of the heathen 
Northmen, who barbarously murdered him in 1012 a.d. 

11 Adam suggests in one place, ch. 77, that he was baptized 
by one of the Bremen missionaries settled in Denmark, Poppo 
or Odinkar junior. In two other places he supposes that he 
was baptized with his people by the English bishop, John, 
"qui regem conversum cum populo baptizavit " (ch. 242, cf. 
ch. 78), but this is probably due to a confusion between him and 
Haraldson. His own Saga (ch. 32) gives a description of his 
baptism by a hermit, who was also a fortune-teller, together 
with his followers, in the year 988 a.d. This may be true, as 
it fits in with the fact that he was not confirmed when he came 
again to England. We learn from other sources that he was 
anxious to pry into the future, and especially regardful of omens 
and presages of the future. 

64 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

After his confirmation Tryggvason promised that he would 
never attack England again, which promise (says the 
chronicle) he kept. 

Notwithstanding the remnants of ferocity and supersti- 
tion which remained in this remarkable man, we cannot 
doubt that his confirmation was a real turning point, a 
moment of conversion, in his life (cp. C. P. B., Vol. ii., p. 
84). It is one of the most remarkable instances in history 
of the effect of that holy rite, as an opening to new life when 
baptism has been received somewhat hastily, though in 
adult years. It is interesting to compare this change with 
that which came upon Knut when he realized his responsi- 
bilities as King of England. 

Tryggvason, when he left England, went over to 
Dublin, where a Danish settlement had long been formed. 
He was there found out by a spy from Norway, who, how- 
ever, seems to have been drawn to him — as most men were 
— and to have given him correct information. It was an 
opportune moment for return to that country. Jarl Hakon, 
who had long governed, and at first governed well, had now 
alienated the people by his licentious conduct. Olaf made 
a sudden descent on the country, and was well received. 
He brought missionaries with him, and wherever he went, 
as far as possible by persuasion, but if necessary by threats 
and violence, he brought people to baptism. He seems to 
have preached himself in the churches where there were 
any. 12 After his election as King of Norway at Trond- 
hjem, he preached first at Viken on the estuary of the Gota 
River, where Christianity already had a footing. It was at 
Ringarike in this district that he stood godfather to the 
youthful Olaf, son of Sigrid's old suitor, Harald Grenske, 
who was living as a child with his mother, Asta, and her 
second husband, the farmer-king, Sigurd, whose idyllic life 
is so pleasantly pictured in the Sagas. Tryggvason visited 
in turn the other Norwegian districts and colonies, includ- 
ing Iceland and Greenland. The greater part of his five 
years was spent in this half-crusading, half-missionary tour, 
12 Lax dale Saga, ch. 40, p. 138, Dent, London, 1899. 


which was something like a Swedish king's " Ericsgata " 
— a tour to acquire recognition of his election, but at the 
same time to establish the new religion. Unfortunately, 
Wineland, in Massachusetts, was not discovered till a few 
years later by one of his followers. Otherwise this great 
continent of America might have looked to Olaf Trygg- 
vason and one of his English bishops, John, or Sigfrid, or 
Grimkil, as the first missionaries of the Christian faith. 13 

I am afraid that antiquaries will not allow us to think 
that the old circular building at Newport in Rhode Island 14 
is an old Norse church or baptistery, but the discovery of 
Wineland is quite independent of this identification. 

We cannot doubt that it was with Tryggvason's good 
will, and very probably at his instigation, that one of his 
bishops from England, Sigfrid, whom the Norwegians 
called Sigurd, extended his labours to West Gothland, 
where Olaf's sister, Ingeborg, had married the Jarl or 
regent on condition of his becoming a Christian (O. T. 
Saga, chs. 106-7). We shall hear more of Sigfrid later. 

But all this zeal for conversion, which was clearly very 
genuine, was to come to an untimely end. Sigrid never 
forgave the rebuff to which she had been so rudely exposed, 
and used all her influence, whether on her second husband, 
Sven, or on her son, the Swedish Olof, to make her threat 
effective. Sven himself had several grudges against 
Tryggvason, who had not helped him when he was in 
need, and had recently married his sister, Thyra, against 
his will. Thyra, for her part, had run away from a dis- 
agreeable marriage with the Vendish king, Burislaf, into 

13 On the discovery of Vinland, see S. Laing's Heimskringla, 
Vol. i., pp. 192-230, ed. 2, 1889. 

14 There is a picture of this circular building in S. H. 1 , Vol. i., 
p. 291, fig. 348. It is now generally said to have been built by 
Governor Arnold in the seventeenth century as a windmill 
(Baedeker: U.S.A., p. 250, ed. 4, 1909), and to have been 
copied from one at Chesterton in England, designed by Inigo 
Jones (Richman : Rhode Island, its Making and its Meaning, 
Vol. ii., p. 151, quoted in a letter by Rev. Walter Lowrie, of 
St. Paul's, Rome, sent me by the kindness of Commendatore 

66 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1:30). 

which Sven had forced her in 999 a.d., and thrown herself 
on the protection of Tryggvason (O. T. S., chs. 99, 100). 
Thyra, who was as proud as Sigrid herself, was eager for 
war against her brother. 

Under these circumstances a conflict was unavoidable. 
The Swedish and Danish kings, now forming one family, 
combined with malcontents from Norway. They lay hid 
ina " vik " or fiord and allowed the main body of Trygg- 
vason's fleet to go onward, and then came out and attacked 
his ship, the "Long Serpent," almost alone, at a place 
called Svoldr. 15 After a magnificent fight against tre- 
mendous odds, Tryggvason leapt into the sea and was 
drowned ; though the affection of his friends and country- 
men deemed him to have escaped and to be still alive, and 
long expected his return. 

Thyra, however, did not share these hopes. She refused 
to survive her husband, and starved herself to death. 

The abiding sorrow that followed his disappearance, and 
the mysterious whisper of the sea, which is still supposed to 
sing a sort of dirge for the lost hero, has been well described 
in a pathetic ballad by Bjornson. After telling of the 
impatience of the Norwegian fleet of six and fifty Dragons 
waiting for him to come up, and the murmured questions of 
the men, he goes on : — 

But when the sun, after night was past, 

Showed up the sky-line without a mast, 
Burst their words like a storm-wind : 

" Oh ! the ' Long Serpent ' where is she? 

Cometh not Olaf Tryggve's son?" 
15 Adam puts the battle in the Sound. He does not agree 
with the high estimate of Tryggvason which appears in the 
Sagas, but affirms that he put much trust in auguries and divin- 
ation by lots, and in prognostications from birds, and hints that 
he had given up Christianity (ch. 81). But, with all his merits, 
Adam writes in the Danish and German interest, his chief 
authority being King Sven Estridsson, grandson of Sven Fork- 
beard and nephew of Knut. Saxo also speaks of Olaf's trust in 
auguries (ch. x., p. 339). Geijer puts the battle in the bay 
between Rugen and Greifswald. He has a charming ballad on 
Olaf's supposed survival, Skaldestycken, pp. 143-9, Stkh., 
1869. See above p. 44. 


Then in a moment 'twas stillness all, 
For from the deep there uprose a call, 
Round the fleet rippled a sighing, 
" Oh ! the ' Long Serpent ' is taken : 
Fallen is Olaf Tryggve's son." 

Henceforth for many a hundred year, 
Northern shipmen behind them hear, 

Mostly when night-time is moon-lit, 
" Oh ! the ' Long Serpent ' is taken : 
Fallen is Olaf Tryggve's son." 

§ 6. — Character of Sven. Knut in England. Olaf 
haraldson, ioi5 a.d. — 1030 a.d.). 

Sven and Olof Skotkonung then divided the three king- 
doms between them (giving part of Norway to the sons of 
Hakon Jarl), and made a binding agreement that they 
should maintain the Christianity planted in their kingdoms 
and should propagate it among foreign nations (Adam : ch. 
80). Skotkonung was, therefore, at least, already a 
catechumen. Sven, for his part, put down idolatry and 
proclaimed that Christianity was to be everywhere received 
in Norway, and appointed Gotebald, a bishop who had 
come from England, to be a teacher in Skane. Of this man 
we learn that he preached sometimes in Sweden and often 
in Norway (ch. 82). Sven, like many men of this age, was 
double-minded and unstable, with good impulses but with 
sudden bursts and periods of ferocity and wickedness. In 
early life he had been baptized. Then he relapsed into 
paganism, and became a bitter persecutor. Then, 
apparently before the Battle of Svoldr, he repented and was 
reconverted, and some say was rebaptized. He died at 
Gainsborough, after the Conquest of England in 1014 a.d., 
leaving a great northern empire to his son, Knut. His 
body was first buried in England, but afterwards embalmed 
and sent to the Minster of Roskilde in Seland, which he 
had built. 

As long as Sven lived Olof Skotkonung was undisputed 
ruler of great part of Norway, and naturally clung to his 

68 II— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

new possessions. It was, therefore, a matter of great dis- 
pleasure to him when the young son of his mother's old 
suitor, Harald Grenske, namesake and godson of Olaf 
Tryggvason, appeared to claim the crown of Norway, to 
which he had no particular title. Skotkonung's half- 
brother, Knut, was for ten years occupied in England with 
consolidating his power there, and the Swedish king could 
not make war on Norway alone, especially as such a war, for 
the purpose of conquest, was against the traditions of his 
country, and unacceptable to the feelings of the Swedes. 
He had, therefore, for the time, to make the best of a dis- 
agreeable position. The new claimant of the throne of 
Norway was a remarkable man. " He was no Olaf Trygg- 
vason come back, as the people hoped" (writes Mr. 
Vigfusson), " this short, thick-set, ruddy young man, that 
carried his head slightly stooping, like the hard thinker he 
was. Here was a lover of order, who drove the courts, 
enforced the laws with the strong hand, and who, as other 
kings in like case, ruled through poor men he could trust 
rather than the nobles whom he suspected ; who was the 
organizer of the public and the Church law, and the severe 
scourge of those that broke it ; in short, as a man of Henry 
II. 's type rather than that of Tryggvason, essentially a 
secular business-like hard-working man — such was Nor- 
way's saint that was to be " (C. P. B., Vol. ii., p. 116). 

This young man had become a Viking at the age of 
twelve, and in that capacity was an ally of King Ethelred 
in England, though a very troublesome and expensive one. 
After his victories in Norway he reigned for ten years as 
acknowledged sovereign till 1025 a.d. He not only 
annoyed Skotkonung by depriving him of his Norwegian 
possessions, but gave him just offence by attacking him in 
his own country in Lake Malar, and perhaps disgusted him 
even more by the cleverness with which he escaped from the 
trap in which he seemed to be caught, by cutting a canal for 
his ships in an unexpected place. 

Skotkonung could never bear to hear him spoken of, and 
always called him " Digre " (that thick fellow), or some 


other opprobrious name. Yet Haraldson was wise 
enough to see that an alliance with the proud and noble 
royal family of Sweden would be an advantage to him, and 
made clever approaches towards Ingegerd, the king's elder 
daughter, to which she was quite ready to respond. When 
this hope was frustrated by Ingegerd's marriage to the 
Prince of Novgorod, he was glad to marry her half-sister 
Astrid, daughter of a captive Vendish lady, who was 
brought up in the house, as such children usually were, and 
only in a slightly lower position than the legitimate children 
of the family. This marriage was arranged by the Jarl, 
Ragnvald Ulfsson, and his wife, Ingeborg, with whom we 
are already acquainted, without Skotkonung's knowledge. 
The king was naturally very angry, and the Jarl was glad 
to escape from Sweden in the train of the Princess 

Skotkonung's antipathy to Olaf of Norway was, as I 
have said, unpopular in Sweden, and it nearly cost him his 
crown. We see a reflection of the people's feeling in 
Ingegerd's petulant jest at her father's pride, after he had 
killed five blackcock in one morning, when she reminded 
him that the King of Norway had taken five petty kings 
and subdued their kingdoms in the same space of time 
(St. Olafs Saga, ch. 90). We see it in the very remark- 
able speech of the lagman, Thorgny, at the Upsala Ting, 
reminding the king of the eastern expeditions of his father 
and predecessors, and rebuking his haughtiness and his 
desire to have Norway under him " which no Swedish king 
before him ever desired " (St. Olafs Saga, ch. 81). Very 
remarkable, too, both as exhibiting the democratic char- 
acter of the Swedish constitution and the popular love of 
domestic tranquillity, was the peaceful revolution operated 
by the parables of the lagman, Emund, of Skara — no doubt 
a friend of Ragnvald's — and the wise counsels of the three 
brothers, Arnvid the Blind, Thorvid the Stammerer, and 
Freyvid the Deaf (ib. ch. 96). Under the arrangement 
made in consequence Skolkonung had to make peace with 
Haraldson, and to allow his son, Anund Jakob, who was 

7o II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

ten or twelve years old, a share in the government, with 
right of succession to the throne (ibid), while he himself 
retired to another province. This was about 1019 a.d. 

This arrangement, as described by the Saga, fits in very 
well with the account given by Adam from the religious 
side, and is creditable to the accuracy of both our sources. 
I shall speak of it presently when I come to the Christian 
history. Skotkonung, who had hitherto lived at Upsala, 
now retired to West Gothland, very probably to the estates 
left vacant by the Jarl and his own daughter, Ingegerd. 
He died shortly after, while Haraldson was still king of 
Norway. The latter, after ten years of quiet, was called 
upon by Knut in 1025 a.d. to show him allegiance, which 
he refused. Haraldson, in alliance with his brother-in- 
law, Anund Jakob, was defeated somewhere in the south 
of Sweden, and took refuge in Russia. In 1030 a.d. he 
made an effort to regain his throne. He was again 
defeated, and was slain at the Battle of Sticklestead (29th 
July), which stands next to Svoldr in the prominence given 
to it in northern history. He had made many enemies in 
Norway, but, after his death, a revulsion of feeling in his 
favour very quickly took place, which was skilfully pro- 
moted by his English court-bishop, Grimkil. Miracles 
were wrought at his tomb at Trondhjem ; the missionary 
labours of Tryggvason came to be attributed to him, and 
the stern politician was transformed into the martyr mis- 
sionary, the St. Olaf who became the patron saint of 
Norway, and who was scarcely less venerated in Sweden. 
The process was accelerated by the death of Knut in 1035 
a.d., when the Danish Empire began to fall to pieces, and 
Norway recovered its independence. 

I make no apology for the space given to this survey 
of the political history. It is not only necessary to enable 
us to understand the religious history, but it gives us a 
sense of the reality of the characters and persons with whom 
we are dealing — a reality which can easily be made more 
perceptible by the detailed study of the wonderful portraits 
drawn by the Icelandic story-tellers in their dark low cham- 


bers sitting round their winter fires, or writing busily on 
their vellums, six or seven hundred years ago. If only the 
Swedes had had the Icelandic faculty of story telling and of 
humorous insight into character, how much richer would 
have been the record of their own history ! 

§ 7. — Religious History. Skotkonung (993 a.d. — 1021 
a.d.) baptized by slgfrid, near skara, ioos a.d. 

We turn now to the religious history, as far as it is re- 
corded. Skotkonung, by his compact with Sven after the 
Battle of Svoldr in the year 1000 a.d., was bound to main- 
tain and propagate Christianity in his dominions, both in 
Norway and Sweden. This brought him into contact with 
Tryggvason's bishops who still remained. He found the 
most ready welcome in the provinces on each side of the 
Gota River, particularly Viken and West Gothland. 
The latter was now a Christian province under his first 
cousin, Jarl Ragnvald Ulfsson, whose father was brother 
of Sigrid Stor-rada. It was probably in this family that the 
young king became acquainted with Bishop Sigfrid, from 
whom he received baptism at the well of Husaby near Skara 
in 1008 a.d., according to the old Swedish tradition. 18 
Why had he not been baptized before? and who was the 
Sigfrid who baptized him? As regards the first question, 
I am inclined to presume that his mother, Sigrid, had re- 
mained a heathen, and that it was her influence which 
retarded his baptism. Skotkonung had now married a 
Christian wife, Astrid, member of a noble Irish family. 
As regards Sigfrid, I think we may accept the tradition 
that he was an Englishman, and the same as the 
Sigurd who appears in Olaj Tryggvason's Saga as attend- 
ing him on his journey to the dangerous Salten Fiord in 
the north of Norway — a place which is still visited by 
travellers on account of the rushing tide of which the Saga 
speaks (O. T. Saga, chs. 86, 88). The bishop's prayers 

18 The well is still shown and the churchyard contains a re- 
markable monument, said to be the king's (see 5. H. 1 , Vol. i., 
figs. 326-9). 

72 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

and holy water are then supposed to have given the ships 
a calm and peaceful entrance in the midst of high waves 
on each side. The name Sigfrid is English or German, 
not Norse, but the substitution of the name Sigurd in the 
north for that of Sigfrid or Sifrid in the south is well 
known in the case of the hero of the Volsunga Saga and 
the " Nibelungen Lied." 

Some recent historians have doubted the identity of St. 
Sigfrid with the Sigurd of Olaf Tryggvason, but, as I 
think, on insufficient grounds. It has been said that 
Sigfrid is not an English name, but this is a pure mistake. 
Bede has much to tell us of an Abbot of Wearmouth, who 
bore it in the seventh century (I68S), and it was borne 
by Bishops of Selsey and Lindsey. It is, indeed, 
very common in our annals, and as many as thirty- 
six-persons of the name (Sigefrith, etc.), are enumer- 
ated in Searle's Onomasiicon Anglo-Saxonicum. There 
is, therefore, no reason to look to Germany for traces of such 
a missionary, or to quote the letter of Archbishop Bruno, of 
Querfurt, the apostle of Prussia (997 a.d. — 1009 a.d.) to the 
Emperor Henry II., which describes the conversion of the 
chief (senior) of the Suigii by a bishop whom he does not 
name, whom he had sent, together with a monk, Rodbert, 
" beyond the sea." Dean Lundstrom supposes that these 
Suigii or Svigii are to be sought in Circassia, near the 
Black Sea. 17 

17 This letter, which exists in a Donatus MS. from Fulda, of the 
eleventh century, now in the Landesbibliothek at Cassel, may be 
found in Fr. Miklosich and Fiedler : Slavische Bibliothek, Vol. 
ii., p. 307 foil., Wien, 1858. The passage in question is as 
follows (p. 311) : " Inter hec non lateat regem quod episcopus 
noster cum egregio monacho, quern nostis, Rodberto ultra mare 
in evangelium Suigis transmiserat. Quomodo venientes nuncii 
verissime dixerunt ipsum seniorem Suigiorum, cuius dudum 
uxor Christiana erat, gracias deo, baptizavit. Cum quo mille 
homines et septem plebes eandem graciam mox ut receperunt. 
Quos [quod ed.] ceteri indignati interficere querebant," etc. 
See H. G. Yoight : Bruno von Querfurt, pp. 289 and 436 n, 
Stuttgart, 1907, who supposes this to refer to the conversion of 
the King of Sweden. Emil Hildebrand, S. H. 2 , Vol. ii., p. 75, 
1905, also adopted this opinion. 

Dean Lundstrom identifies the " Suigii" or " Svigii" with 


It may be mentioned that William of Malmesbury (P. 
L., Vol. 179, p. 1722) gives the obit of " Sigefrid, Bishop 
of Norway, monk of Glastonbury," as the 5th of April, 
whereas the legend of St. Sigfrid makes it 15th of February. 
But this legend was only written in 1205 a.d. (see S. R. 5., 
Vol. ii., pt. 1., p. 345) This introduces another element of 
uncertainty, though it confirms the name Sigfrid as that of 
an English missionary to the north. 

It is unfortunate that we know so little of this bishop. 
His legendary life appears to be of little value. It repre- 
sents him as an Archbishop of York and as a volunteer 
sent out by an English king, Mildred. Now, we do not 
know of any king called Mildred, though the name occurs 
in the Durham Liber Vitce, as that of a Northumbrian 
king or duke. There was certainly no Sigfrid Arch- 
bishop of York, though there was a Bishop of Lindsey of 
that name, circa 1000 a.d. The description of him as 
wearing a mitre is also a mistake, as mitres were not worn 
so early. The story of his three martyred nephews, Una- 
man, Sunaman and Winaman, and their speaking heads is 
a puerile extravagance. The fact, however, that Adam of 
Bremen clearly knew only of one Sigfrid, and that a famous 
man, makes it probable that there was one man bearing 

the Ztyx ' °f Ptolemy v. 9, 18 (who places them in Sarmatia 
Asiatica), and Pliny's " Zingi," and " Zigse," N. H., vi. 7, 
and Strabo's Zvyot, Zvyot or Zvyiot (books ii. and xi.). These 
people are described by ancient geographers as dwelling near 
the north-east shore of the Black Sea, south of the River 
Hypanis, and about halfway between the Cimmerian Bosporus 
and the mouth of the River Phasis. In later Christian 
times their country was called Zccchia or Zichia. Their bishop 
attended a council at Constantinople in 536 a.d. (Labb. : Cone, 
v. 259). They are mentioned also several times by Procopius. 
Their existence as a people in the same district in the tenth cen- 
tury is proved by a number of references in Constantine 
Porphyro-genitus (imp. 911 a.d. — 959 a.d.), de administrando 
imperio, cc. 6, 42, 53. In the last passage he speaks of their 
country as producing mineral oil. The names seem sufficiently 
near for the Dean's purpose, but I do not know how far " ultra 
mare " can be naturally interpreted in Bruno's case of the Black 
Sea. Dr. Soderblom inclines to think that it may. 

74 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

the name of Sigurd in Norway and Sigfrid in England 
and Sweden, who was at once a monk of Glastonbury, and 
Tryggvason's court-bishop and companion at Salten Fiord, 
and who meets us in the central part of Olaf Haraldson's 
Saga (chs. 55, 257, 258). This man, according to Adam 
(speaking of him under the name of Sigfrid), " preached 
alike to the Swedes and Northmen " (ch. 242), and has the 
first place among the English bishops and presbyters, " by 
whose advice and teaching St. Olaf prepared his own heart 
for God, and to whom he committed the rule of the people 
subject to him " (ch. 94). He was clearly a missionary, 
not a territorial bishop, and, therefore, we may well believe 
that he also preached in the district of Verend in Smaland, 
where he is venerated as the founder of the Church in 
Vexio. That see, however, did not have a regular suces- 
sion till much later. 

The last definite notice of Sigfrid in the Bremen history 
is as attending a funeral of one bishop and the consecration 
of another (Adam : ch. 98) after 1029 a.d. But if he was, as 
I believe, the consecrator of St. Eskil, he lived till after the 
Norman Conquest. He was evidently dead when Adam 
wrote in 1072 a.d. He was buried under the altar in Vexio 
Cathedral, where his tombstone was visible about the year 
1600. 18 

As regards the Church in West Gothland, we have a 
passage in Adam's Chronicle which throws much light 
both upon the religious and the political history. He is 
comparing Skotkonung with St. Olaf (ch. 94). " The 
other Olaf in Sweden " (he writes) " is said to have been 
eminent for a like love of religion. He, in his desire to 
convert his subjects to Christianity, was actively zealous 
that the idol temple, which is in the middle of Sweden, at 
Ubsola, should be destroyed. 19 The heathen, fearing this 

18 J. Baaz : Inventarium Eccl. Sveogothorum, p. 105, Lin- 
copice, 1642, who says it was found forty years before, when the 
altar was removed by Bishop Petrus Jonae. 

19 It was perhaps in connection with these efforts that an Eng- 
lish missionary, Wolfred, attacked an image of Trior and cut 
it to pieces, for which he suffered martyrdom (Adam : ch. 97). 


intention, are said to have passed a statute (placitum), 
together with their king, that if he wished to be a Christian 
he should hold as his own the best district of Sweden, 
wherever he desired to live, and might there establish a 
Church and Christianity, but should not use force to make 
any of the people give up the worship of the gods, and only 
admit such as wished of his own free will to be converted 
to Christ. The king, gladly accepting this statute, 
founded a Church to God and a Bishopric in West Goth- 
land, which is close to the Danes or Norwegians. This is 
the great City of Skara, for which, on the petition of the 
most Christian king, Thurgot was first ordained by Arch- 
bishop Unwan (1013 A.D. — 1029 a.d.). 20 He vigorously 
discharged his mission to the Gentiles, and, by his labour, 
gained to Christ the two noble peoples of the Goths." 

Although this gives a different reason for Skotkonung's 
unpopularity from that which is recorded in the Saga, the 
facts all fit well together, and agree with the well-known 
dislike of the Swedes to religious persecution and their 
adherence to the old precedents from the time of Biorn, 
which allowed each to maintain or advance their faith by 
persuasion. We shall have other evidence of this feeling 
later on. 

The foundation of the see of Skara is, therefore, fixed to 
about the year 1020 a.d., a year or two before Skotkonung's 

No doubt Skotkonung's request to Archbishop Unwan 
to consecrate a bishop for Skara was a very acceptable one. 
There was a natural, and sometimes a very stronsf, 
jealousy on the part of the Archbishops of Hamburg 
against the English missionaries, who were brought in first 
by Tryggvason, and then by St. Olaf, and also by Knut. 

In any case, it was during the pontificate of Unwan, but, per- 
haps, about its close, as it is recorded in connection with the 
death of Haraldson, 1030 a.d. 

20 Thurgot's name is not, however, mentioned in the early 
lists of the Bishops of Skara in Scr. Rer. Suec, t. III., cp. 
Rhyzelius : Episcoposcopia, pp. 163-4. (See the names in note 

76 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. S30— 1130). 

There was a struggle, sometimes successful, to get these 
men, who were chosen by the civil power, and ordained in 
England at the request of these kings, to regularize their 
position by entering into engagements of fidelity to the see 
of Hamburg. Unwan caught one of Knut's bishops, 
Gerbrand of Seland, who had been ordained by Ethelnoth, 
Archbishop of Canterbury (1020 a.d. — 1038 A.D.), and 
forced him to promise obedience to Hamburg. He then 
censured Knut, who promised to work with him in future 
(ch. 92). St. Olaf similarly made excuses for two of his 
bishops, Rudolf, who returned to England in 1050 a.d. and 
became Abbot of Abingdon, and Bernard (chs. 94 and 242). 
Unwan also had to maintain his rights against two 
other bishops ordained in Rome — Asgoth and Bernard (ch. 
242) — the first instance we have of direct ecclesiastical inter- 
course between Rome and Scandinavia. Clearly the 
general tendency of the northern kings was to have bishops 
as much as possible dependent on themselves and to use the 
English hierarchy for their purposes. While, therefore, 
we rejoice at the zeal of such men as Sigfrid and others of 
our countrymen who followed him, we need not sup- 
pose that the court-bishops generally were men of 
very great earnestness. Unwan seems to have taken 
the opportunity of the opposition to St. Olaf to send 
a certain Sigward, a Dane, to be bishop to his mal- 
content subjects (Adam: ch. 242, cp. O. T. S., chs. 229, 
230, 251, 257, which speak of him as taking the part of 
the bonder against the king). But, on the whole, his 
policy seems to have been a reasonable one, and in the 
interests of Church order and civil peace. The Church of 
Sweden has always needed some counterpoise to the 
influence of the civil power. It found it first in Bremen, 
then in Rome. Both our Churches, that of England and 
that of Sweden, now need greater ecclesiastical freedom 
within and closer alliance with other Churches outside. 

The reign of the first Christian king of Sweden was, 
on the whole, peaceful and progressive, as well as com- 
paratively long. When he died, perhaps in the winter of 


102 1 a.d. — 1022 a.d., he had been king for nearly thirty 
years since his father died, but he was, if the story is cor- 
rect, only forty-two years old. He was thus probably older 
in years than the other prominent kings of this period — 
the two Norwegian Olafs and Knut — who may all be sup- 
posed to have been about forty at the dates of their deaths. 
The short reigns of some, and the early deaths of most, of 
these kings contrast with the long lives of the lagmen and 
of the bishops, so that we can readily see how it was that a 
quiet order in Church and State might continue and make 
progress, while the nominal rulers, after a brilliant display 
of force, passed away and left less definite results behind 
them. Two things Sweden seems to have acquired in the 
reign of Olof, the use of money coined in the country 
instead of in England or elsewhere (S. H. 1 , Vol. i., p. 261), 
and the use of letters for correspondence. The first 
instance recorded in the Sagas of written private letters, 
instead of verbal messages and tokens, is in the correspond- 
ence of Olof's daughter, Ingegerd, with Jarl Ragnvald, and 
his wife, Ingeborg, about her projected marriage with 
Haraldson (St. O. S., ch. 71). Of course, the clergy had 
long been accustomed to write letters, and, on this account, 
were constantly used as ambassadors. The later futhorc 
of sixteen runes had probably been in use on monuments 
from the latter part of the ninth century, and was, I 
presume, the one used by Ingegerd. 21 

§ 8. — Accession of Anund Jakob (102 i a.d. — 1050 a.d.). 

Olof of Sweden was succeeded about the year 102 1 a.d. 
(St. O. S. ch. 120) by his son, Anund Jakob, who, accord- 
ing to Adam, " was superior to all his predecessors in 
wisdom and piety : no king being more loved by the 
Swedish people than Anund" (Adam: ch. 94). He had 
a long and fairly quiet reign of some thirty years, in the 

21 The letters on Olof's coins are, however, like those on 
Ethelred's, of Anglo-Saxon type, not runes (S. H. 1 , figs. 330, 
349). The new edition of 5. H. has considerably more on this 
subject of coinage. 

78 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

first part of which he took the side of St. Olaf against Knut, 
but not very vigorously. During his reign Christianity 
was widely diffused throughout the country (I.e. ch. 107). 
He continued his father's friendly relations with the see 
of Hamburg, and received from Libentius II. (1029 a.d. — 
1032 a.d.) Gotescalk, 22 as second Bishop of Skara, in suc- 
cession to Thurgot, about the year 1030 a.d. Sigfrid was 
apparently present on the occasion of Gotescalk's consecra- 
tion, and is now described as coming from Sweden, prob- 
ably from Smaland (I.e. ch. 98). Anund Jakob was only 
about forty-five years old at the time of his death. His 
coins are more developed than his father's, but, after 
his time, no money was coined in Sweden for 100 years — 
an evidence of the disturbed state of the country. 

He was succeeded about 1050 a.d. by his elder half- 
brother, Emund, called f< the old " — son of theVendish lady 
who had been a captive in Olof Skotkonung's household, 
who was also mother of Astrid, the Queen of Olaf the 
Saint. Such children, as we have seen, were brought up 
in the family, and recognized as belonging to it, though 
without quite so high a position as those of legitimate 
origin. Many of the mothers were ladies of good birth 
taken prisoners in war. Magnus, son of Alfhild and Olaf 
the Saint, of whose birth and baptism there is a quaint tale 
in the Saga (St. O. S., ch. 131), was afterwards king of both 
Norway and Denmark, which he ruled from 1042 a.d. to 
1047 A.D. 

The most remarkable events, from our special point of 
view, in Emund's reign are the efforts which he made to 
be independent of the see of Hamburg, and the attempt 
made by Archbishop Adalbert to hold a general council 
of the northern nations nominally subject to his rule. 
Adalbert, who sat for a long period of twenty-seven years 
(1045 a.d. — 1072 a.d.), was an able, ambitious and magni- 
ficent person, of high rank, and possessed of great wealth 
and wide influence in Church and State. He endeavoured 
to establish a patriarchate in the north, to embrace North 

22 He also is not named in the early lists. 


Germany as well as Scandinavia, and possibly to be a 
rival to Rome itself. He received from Pope Leo IX. 
(1049 a.d. — 1054 a.d.) the position which St. Boniface had 
previously held as legate of the Apostolic see. He became 
the guardian and Chief Minister of State of the young 
Emperor, Henry IV. of Germany (1058 a.d. onwards). It 
is to be feared that his missionary zeal was largely tem- 
pered with a desire to consolidate his own power and 
prerogative. On the other hand, the King of Sweden was 
naturally anxious to maintain his independence of the 
German Empire. He thought no doubt that as St. Olaf 
had his own court-bishop, Grimkil, and others chosen by 
himself, and brought from England, and Jarl Hakon had 
Sigurd chosen by Knut, and previous kings of his own 
race had favoured Sigfrid, both in West Gothland and 
Smaland — Skara and Vexio — so he might be entitled to 
have his own court-bishop, Osmund. This man was a 
nephew of Bishop Sigfrid, though apparently not himself 
an Englishman. He had been sent by his uncle to study 
in the schools of Bremen (Adam: ch. 132; cp. 242). 
According to the accounts of his enemies, he tried to get 
ordination at Rome — as two others called Bernard and 
Asgoth had done — but was repulsed. He then was con- 
secrated bishop by a Polish archbishop, and posed in 
Sweden as a representative of the pope. There may have 
been something in this last pretension. Adalbert, how- 
ever, was determined not only to maintain, but to enlarge 
the jurisdiction of his see. He consecrated Adalward. 
Dean of Bremen, as Bishop of Sigtuna (ch. 205), which had 
now taken the place of Birka, and sent him with a retinue of 
priests to obtain recognition from the king in Svithiod. 
They found Osmund having an archiepiscopal cross carried 
before him, and acting as head of the Church in Sweden, 
and professing to treat Adalward and his party as intruders, 
because they could not produce a commission from the 
Apostolic see (ch. 132). 

The representatives of the Archbishop of Hamburg were 
for the time driven away with contempt, and Adalward 

So II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

himself seem6 to have tried to set up for himself at Skara 
(ib. ch. 132; cp. ch. 205). Osmund (Asmund), like his 
uncle, Sigfrid, appears as bishop both of Skara and Vexio 
on the old lists. 23 

This attempt of Adalbert's to get a footing in the court 
of Sweden was certainly connected \vith another of his 
ambitious projects, that of holding a general council of the 
North at Slesvig. The reasons of discipline given for this 
effort were possibly only too true in that age " that bishops 
sell their benediction — i.e., give orders for money — and 
that the peoples are unwilling to pay tithes, and that they 
all are enormously gluttonous and unchaste." 

But the bishops from the other side of the sea — i.e., 
Norway and Sweden — refused to come, and hence the 
council fell through. Adalbert seems to have tried for 
several years to get his suffragans to meet him, but to no 
purpose (Adam : chs. 203-5). 

In time, however, Emund was moved by the misfortunes 
of his own family and his country to recall Adalward, and 
it seems that Adalbert was also reconciled to Osmund (ib. 
ch. 206). The Archbishop also ordained five others for 
Sweden, including a second Adalward, Stenfi, whom he 
called Simon or Symeon, for Helsingland, and John the 
Monk, Bishop of Birka (ch. 206). The latter is the first 
monk whom we know to have worked in Sweden after the 
time of Anskar. 

The elder Adalward laboured successfully in Vermland 
(ch. 134). The younger Adalward was active in mission 
work in the time of King Stenkil, and converted the people 
in the city of Sigtuna and its neighbourhood, and tried to 
destroy idolatry at Upsala (ch. 237). Simon, or Stenfi, 
became the apostle of the Scritefinni, or Skating Finns, or 
Lapps — to the far north — who, on their snow shoes, or 
runners, could beat the wild beasts (ch. 232). His memory 
still lives in Helsingland and Norrland under the name of 
St. Staffan. 

23 The list of Skara begins 1, Sigfrid ; 2, Unno ; 3, Asmund ; 
4, Stenfrid ; 5, Adalward I.; 6, Adalward II. That of Vexio 
begins 1, Sigfrid ; 2, Asmund ; 3, Siward ; 4, John. 


§ 9. — The House of Stenkil (1066 a.d. — 1130 a.d.). 

After Emund Gammal's death the old divinely descended 
line of Swedish kings came to an end, and the West Goths 
seem to have been able to carry an election in favour of 
Stenkil, son of Ragnvald. His father has been identified, 
perhaps without sufficient reason, with the old Jarl Ragn- 
vald Ulfsson, who has been already mentioned more than 
once. Stenkil had previously shown kindness to the 
Bremen bishop, Adalward I., and the latter hoped by this 
means to carry out the destruction of the idols of Svithiod, 
and to introduce a reform after the Norwegian model. In 
this he was abetted by Bishop Egino of Skane. But 
Stenkil knew the temper of the Sveas too well. He told 
the bishops that if they persisted they would lose their 
lives, he would lose his kingdom, and the people would 
relapse into paganism (Adam: ch. 238). 

This prudent king did not, however, live long, and a 
period of confusion and civil war followed, in which force 
was used on both sides to promote the interests of Christen- 
dom and heathendom. Inge, son of Stenkil, abolished the 
sacrifices in Svithiod, and enjoined that all folk should 
be christened, and, in consequence, was pelted with stones, 
and obliged to abdicate, for a time, as his father had pre- 
dicted (Appendix to Hervarar Saga; cp. Geijer : p. 41). 
This use of force in matters of religion was alien from the 
Swedish character, and stands very much alone in Swedish 
history, although crusades to convert other peoples were 
undertaken by Swedish kings later on. But the forcible 
conversion of Smaland a little later was the work of a 
Norwegian, not a Swedish, king, Sigurd, the Jerusalem- 
farer (1121 a.d. — 1130 a.d.). In Sweden, at this time, the 
heathen Sven, Inge's brother-in-law, reigned for three 
years, and received the name of Blot-Sven, or Sven the 
Sacrificer. Inge then recovered his kingdom, but did not 
destroy the Upsa'la Temple. It was left for one of the later 
kings, Sverker I., in 1138 a.d. (as we are told) to lay the 
foundation of old Upsala Cathedral and to work into it 
the materials of the pagan temple of the three gods (E. 

8a II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

Benzelius films : Monumenta Hist. Vet., p. 20, Upsaliae. 

The independence of Hamburg, which Emund had 
desired, came from another quarter. The other prince- 
bishops of Germany combined against Adalbert, and the 
Vends attacked him and his people, and obliged him, in 
1066 a.d., to flee for his life, and restored paganism for a 
time in Bremen. He had to take refuge at Goslar, where 
he died 16th March, 1072 A.D. This heathen reaction 
naturally co-operated with that in Sweden, and Christians 
were persecuted in both countries. Among the Swedish 
martyrs of this period, the most celebrated is St. Eskil, 12th 
June, who preached in Sodermanland, and ranks as the 
first bishop of Strengnas. His see was, however, at Fors, 
some miles away, now a part of the modern Eskilstuna 
(the Sheffield of Sweden), which takes its name from the 
saint. He was an Englishman, and was not only invited 
by St. Sigfrid, but, it is said, ordained by him. This 
might well be the case in the confusion that filled the 
German archbishopric after 1066 a.d. The zeal of Eskil 
led him to encounter Blot-Sven when he came to sacrifice 
at Strengnas. He prayed to God for a sign from heaven, 
and a great storm of thunder, hail, snow and rain over- 
whelmed the assembly, and overturned the altar. This 
enraged the heathen, who murdered him. His martyrdom 
is celebrated on the 12th June, but the year is uncertain. 

The old see of Skara also had as its bishops at the close 
of the eleventh century, three Englishmen in succession — 
Rodulward, Ricolf and Edward. Of the latter we are told 
that, having a wife and family in England, he managed to 
collect enough money from the revenues of his see, and 
to return home again with a competency. 

The neighbouring see of Vesteras, in Vestmanland, also 
claims another English saint, the monk and abbot, David, 
as its founder. He was martyred, it is supposed, in the 
year 1082 a.d. Last of this company comes St. Botvid, 
the first native Swedish missionary, who was baptized in 
England, and from whom Botkyrka takes its name. 


§ 10. — Commencement of Roman Influence and of 
Intercourse with the papacy. 

The collapse of the power of the see of Hamburg opened 
the way for another power to appear on the scene, besides 
that of the English Church. This was that of the papacy, 
which, in the person of the wonderfully energetic pope, 
Gregory VII., addressed its first known letters to Sweden 
in the years 1080 and 1081 a.d. The first is to I(nge), king 
of the Swedes, and congratulates him on the advent of mis- 
sionaries from the Gallican Church, which, however, has 
only instructed him from the treasures of its mother, the 
holy Roman Church. It requests him to send to the 
Apostolic see a bishop or other sufficient clerk to give in- 
formation as to the habits and character of the nation, and 
to receive the Apostolic (i.e., Roman) mandates to bring 
back with him (4th October, 1080 a.d., Reg. viii., ep. 11 ; 
P. L., 148, 585). The second, dated 24th October, 1081 
a.d., is addressed to the kings of the West Goths, I(nge) 
and A(lstan), after a visit from their bishop. It is thought 
that this may have been Rodulward, Bishop of Skara. 
The letter rejoices over the news of the conversion of their 
people. It exhorts to concord and to reverence of churches, 
compassion towards the poor and afflicted, reverence and 
obedience to bishops and clergy, and urges them to give 
tithes for the use of the clergy, the churches, and the poor 
— thus setting forth the tripartite division of tithes 
which afterwards prevailed in Sweden — and to pro- 
claim the duty of doing so to the whole realm. It 
refers to their predecessor's good fame — by whom, I sup- 
pose, Stenkil is meant — and urges them frequently to send 
their clerks to Rome for further instruction in the manners 
of the Roman Church (Reg. ix., ep. 14; P. L., 148, 617-8). 
The address "to the kings of the Visigoths," or West 
Goths, instead of "to the king of the Swedes," as the 
first was directed, is interesting as showing an increase of 
local knowledge. At this time there were two joint kings 
of the West Goths, reigning also over Svithiod; but the 
title " king of the Swedes and Goths " was not yet 

84 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

admitted. The reference to the " Gallicari Church " is not 
quite clear. Possibly it is an allusion to Anskar as a monk 
of Corbey ; possibly Norman monks, perhaps from Bee, had 
now begun to come (as was natural) to the North. Rodul- 
ward, Ricolf and Edward, bishops of Skara, in the end of 
the eleventh century, are all, however, called Englishmen. 
The next step towards incorporation of Scandinavia into 
the system of the Western Church was the establishment of 
the Archbishopric of Lund. This was the result of a visit 
to Rome in 1093 a.d. of Eric Eiegod, so called from his 
constant kindness and gentleness, the pious king of Den- 
mark, in the time of Pope Urban II., of which the court 
poet, Mark Skeggison, has preserved an interesting record. 
I will quote some verses of it from Mr. Vigfusson's 
translation (C P. B., Vol. ii., p. 236) : — 

" It shall be told how the king went the long-path to 
Rome to win a share in its glory ; there he saw the fenced 
land of refuge. . . . Harold's brother visited the great 
halidoms in Rome; he adorned the rich shrines with rings 
and red gold; he went, with weary feet, round the realm 
of the monks for his soul's good; he passed on from the 
East and came to Rome withal. Eric carried from abroad 
an archbishop's see over the Saxon March, hither in the 
North. Our spiritual state is the better by his act. It is 
impossible that another king could do as much for our 
souls' needs. The pope, Christ's friend, in the South, 
granted all that he asked of him." 

Eric's prayer was granted by the pope, who also 
canonized for him his brother Canute, but there was some 
delay in the establishment of the Archbishopric of Lund, 
which was obviously unpleasing to the see of Hamburg. 
From a letter of our own Anselm to the first archbishop, 
Asser or Atser, it seems that Anselm had intervened to 
overcome the difficulty by putting some pressure upon 
Cardinal Alberic {Epp. lib. iv., ep. 90, also repeated as 
127; P.L., 159, 247). The dignity was not actually con- 
ferred until after Eric's death, which occurred on his second 
pilgrimage, in Cyprus, and was given, not by Urban, but 

§ ii^— CONCLUSION. 85 

by the new pope, Paschal II., in 1103 or 1104 a.d. The 
rights of Hamburg were not entirely abrogated, and Asser 
seems to have had no jurisdiction at first in Sweden. 
Indeed, Popes Calixtus II., in 1123 a.d., and Innocent II. 
in 1 133 a.d, reaffirmed the rights of Hamburg. It was not 
till the time of Eskil, Asser's nephew and successor, that 
the primate of Lund became also primate of Sweden 
(1152 A.D.). 

In the meantime Pope Gregory's correspondent, Inge 
I., had died (1 1 1 1 a.d.), and was succeeded by his nephews, 
Philip and Inge the younger. The period was one of un- 
certain government, and, with their deaths, ended the line 
of Stenkil and a period of even greater confusion followed. 
In the meantime the conversion of the outlying provinces 
was going on ; Eastern Smaland was still heathen, and St. 
Botvid, the first Swedish missionary, found work to do in 
Sodermanland. The temple at Upsala was still standing 
and heathenism had many powerful adherents in Upland. 
But, generally speaking, we may say that Sweden had 
become a Christian country about 1130 a.d., just three 
hundred years after Anskar's mission began. 

§ 11. — Conclusion. 

We can hardly be surprised that it took three hundred 
years for a country, in which individual or at least family 
life was so independent as in Sweden, to become Christian. 
It was a country to which forcible conversion was 
abhorrent, and where the example of the kings, if contrary 
to public sentiment, did not go for very much. Conversion 
demanded an extremely difficult change in life and 
habits, even when it did not penetrate very deeply 
into the character, especially among the men. A man had 
to give up the Viking life. He was forbidden to follow 
the old law of private vengeance, and to have more than 
one wife. He had no longer unlimited power over his wife 
and children, nor the right to acknowledge or expose his 
children at his own will. The Church's rules as to mar- 
riage with near relations and others, as to penance, fasting 

86 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130}. 

and observance of holy days and Sundays, and, in parti- 
cular, the prohibition to eat horse-flesh, were all burden- 
some. Hitherto the laws of Sweden had been of the 
people's own making. Now they had, in part at least, to 
be accepted from outside. 

That in time all these difficulties were overcome tells 
much for the zeal and earnestness of the first preachers of 
the faith. Anskar's memory was a precious possession. 
None of those who followed were, perhaps, equal to him, 
but, whenever they were true to their profession, they made 
definite progress. The experience of appeals to Christ in 
times of danger evidently had a great effect, and miracles 
were certainly believed to have been wrought. The old 
faith had little that was beautiful, and much that was re- 
pulsive about it. It was easy to see that the old gods were 
powerless, when a man like the English missionary, 
Wolfred, hewed down the idol of Thor (Adam: ch. 97). 
But, above all, perhaps, the successes of the two Norwegian 
Olafs weighed with the people. They were heroes after 
the Scandinavian heart, one with his athletic vigour and 
personal charm, the other with his energy and craft. 
All their home work had been done as Christians; and their 
early deaths did not seem in that age a misfortune, 
especially in the case of Haraldson, whose acceptance by 
the people as a saint only gave his name fresh power. 

Thus God, in one way or another, was working out His 
will, and Sweden, having slowly become Christian, may 
be supposed, I trust, to have accepted the faith more deeply 
and unchangeably than other nations to whom it came more 
speedily. On the other hand the fact that Sweden had no 
such long connection with the earlier type of Western 
Christianity as England, for instance, had, and received 
the system of the Church after the development of about 
a thousand years had moved it some way from primitive 
Christianity, was not to its advantage. It has not had the 
same depth or breadth of Christian experience as the older 
Western Churches. I venture to think that Swedes on both 
sides of the Atlantic are already beginning to feel the wis- 


dom of cultivating a greater variety of types of religious 
character and of using the religious freedom, which 
Lutherans prize so much, in a positive more than in a nega- 
tive direction. Two lines of effort seem particularly to 
suggest themselves in connection with the subject of this 
lecture, a broader study of Church history, and indeed of 
all history, as exhibiting the providence of God, and a 
practical participation in the work of foreign missions to 
the non-Christian races and peoples of mankind. The 
former enlarges our intelligence, the latter our experience, 
of the manner in which the manifold wisdom of God is 
intended by Him to be manifested by means of the Church. 
We may thank God that in both these lines of effort the 
Church and people of Sweden are exerting themselves and 
making large and substantial progress. 

Adam de Bremen's Statements as to Scandinavian 


It will be convenient to the reader to have Adam's statements 
in his own form. The principal passage is ch. 242 : " The first 
(missionary) to come to Norway (Nortmannia) from England 
was a certain Bishop John, who baptized the king (Tryggvason) 
on his conversion with the people. To him succeeds Bishop 
Grimkil, who afterwards (tunc) was ambassador to Archbishop 
Unwan (1013 a.d. — 1029 a.d.) from King Olaph (Haraldson). 
In the third place came the well-known Sigafrid [uncle of 
Esmund (or Osmund, ch. 132)], who alike preached to Swedes 
and Norwegians. And he continued up to our own time with 
other prelates (sacerdotibus) equally eminent (non obscuris). 
After whose departure our metropolitan (the Archbishop of 
Hamburg) ordained Thoolf bishop in the city of Trondhjem, and 
Sigward to the same regions. As for Asgoth and Bernard, 
though he was offended that they were consecrated by the pope, 
yet when they apologized he sent them away with gifts." They 
seem to have lived up to Adam's own time. Then he proceeds 
to say that in Norway and Sweden, on account of the recent 
planting of Christianity, no fixed boundaries were set to dio- 
ceses, but each bishop chosen by a king or people did his best 
all round in building up the Church. 

In ch. 92 Adam gives a list of Knut's bishops, of whom " he 
brought many from England to Denmark. He placed Bernard 
in Skone, Gerbrand in Seland, Reginbert in Fune. Our Arch- 
bishop Unwan was jealous of this." It is said that he caught 

88 II.— CONVERSION OF SWEDEN (a.d. 830—1130). 

Gerbrand returning from England, knowing that he had been 
ordained " Bishop by Elnoth (Ethelnoth of Canterbury, 1020 
a.d. — 1038 a.d.) archbishop of the English." Gerbrand was 
forced to promise fidelity to Hamburg, and became a great 
friend of Unwan's. Unwan complained to Knut, who 
apologized, and promised to act with him in future. 

In ch. 94 Adam gives a list of Haraldson's bishops : " He had 
with him many bishops and presbyters from England, by whose 
advice and teaching he prepared his own heart to God, and to 
whose rule he committed the people subject to him. Amongst 
whom, renowned for their learning and virtues, were Sigafrid, 
Grimkil, Rudolf and Bernard. These also, at the king's com- 
mand, went to Svithiod and Gothland, and all the islands which 
are beyond Norway, preaching the Word of God and the king- 
dom of Jesus Christ to the barbarians. He sent also 
ambassadors to our archbishop with presents, asking that he 
would give a kind welcome to these bishops, and send his own 
men to himself who might strengthen the rude people of Norway 
in their Christianity." Then follows the passage about Olaf 
Skotkonung already quoted (See above, pp. 74-5). 

In ch. 78 he had already mentioned John as one of Trygg- 
vason's bishops, " et alii postea dicendi." He, therefore, 
clearly distinguishes John from Sigfrid, mentioning them to- 
gether, as we have seen in ch. 242. Sigfrid is also mentioned in 
ch. 98 as being present at the funeral of Thurgot, about 1030 a.d. 
I do not know on what authority Swedish writers often identify 
John and Sigfrid. No doubt it was quite possible for a man 
to take a new name at his consecration, as Gautbert and Stenfi 
took the name of Simon or Symon. But I see no evidence that 
this was the case here. 



The Romanized Church under the Sverkers, 
Erics and Folkungar (1130 a.d. — 1389 a.d.). 


§ i. — Introduction — Division of the mediaeval period 
into three sections. — I. The Sverker and Eric 
Kings (1130 a.d. — 1250 a.d.) — II. The Folkun- 
gar (1250 — 1389) — III. The Union Sovereigns 
(1389—1520) 92 

§ 2. — Sketch of the papal system now introduced 
into Sweden — Its development — Idea of the inter- 
national Church-state, claiming to be Kingdom 
of God on earth, and acting as heir of the Roman 
Empire 94 

§ 3. — The Pope as Vicar of Christ — Government 
through Metropolitans — The pallium and the 
system of confirmation — All Bishops gradually 
made directly subordinate to the Pope — His dele- 
gates — Religious Orders : Chapters : Crusades, 
and Persecution — Discipline — Freedom of the 
Church from State control, and celibacy of the 
clergy 95 

§ 4. — Endowments — Revenues — Peter's-pence — Cru- 
sading tithes — Annates, etc 99 

§ 5. — Strength and weakness of this system — It gives 
unity and dignity to Europe, but ignores the 
rights of the individual and the nation, and sets 
clergy and laity apart — Cause of its fall, the claim 
of temporal sovereignity 100 

§ 6. — How this claim arose. — The Avignon Popes, 
their avarice and simony — The great schism — 
Failure of reforming Councils — Need of the Re- 
formation : Its partial extent 102 

go III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 


§ 7. — Introduction of the papal system into Sweden 
— Early prestige of Rome in the North — 
Tentative action of Gregory VII. — Archbishopric 
of Lund 104 

§ § 8 to 1 1 . — Section I. The Sverker and Eric Kings 
(1130— 1250). 

§ 8. — Eskil of Lund (1 137 — 1178) — His Council — 
Establishment of fixed sees and monasteries — 
Council of Linkoping (1 152) grants Peter's-pence 106 

§ 9. — St. Eric, King in Upland, law-giver and 
church builder — His crusade — Death (1160) — 
Becomes a popular saint 109 

§ 10. — Charles Sverkersson, first " king of the Swedes 
and Goths " — Upsala made an Archbishopric 
(1164) — Letters of Pope Alexander II. — Pri- 
vileges and immunities of the clergy — Innocent 
III.: Letters to Absalon and Andreas of Lund — 
Swedish clergy publicly married 11 1 

§ 11. — Introduction of the Friars — Power of Domini- 
cans — Growth of power of Bishops — Creation of 
Cathedral Chapters — Council of Skeninge under 
William of Sabina (1248), prohibits clerical 
marriage 114 

§§ 12 to 16. — Section II. The Folkungar (1250 — 1389). 

§ 12. — Jarl Birger and his family — Foundation of 
Stockholm and move of Upsala. Good Laws — 
Magnus Ladulas and Valdemar — Growth of 
power of the Pope — Council of Telje (1279) — 
Priests' marriage — Extension of privileges of the 
nobility— Distinction of "free" and " unfree " 
introduced — Knight-service 116 

§ 13.— Fratricidal wars of the period — Growth of 
literature — Rhyme-chronicle — Petrus de Dacia — 
Crusade against the Carelians — Later Saints: 
Bryniulf, Hemming, Nicolaus Hermanni 120 



§ 14.— St. Birgitta (1303 — 1373) — Her family and char- 
acter — Early impressions — Marriage with Ulf — 
Death of her husband — Change of life and 
thought — Revelations : their method — Her eye 
for nature — Political interests — Her confessor 
Mathias of Linkoping 123 

§ 15. — Her ambition to bring back the Pope to Rome 
and to found an Order — Characteristics of the 
Order — Vadstena — Journey to Rome — Life there 
— Urban V. returns (1367) and sanctions her 
statutes in 1370 — Journey to East, and death — 
Canonized three times, but the Revelations treated 
with caution — Criticism at Basel 133 

§ 16. — Value of Vadstena to Sweden — Unhappy 
career of Magnus Ericsson — His unpopularity — 
Reign of Albrekt of Mecklenburg — Bo Jonsson 
Grip, Drotset or Steward 138 

Detached Note — On the authorities for the life and 

character of St. Birgitta, and her literary relations 141 

9 i 


The Romanized Church under the Sverkers, Erics 
and folkungar (1130 — 1389). 

§ 1. — Introduction. Division of the Mediaeval 
Period into Three Sections. 

The history of Scandinavia is at all times complicated 
on account of the close relations which existed between 
Swedes, Danes and Norwegians, whether for peace or 
war. It is impossible to understand the development of 
any one of the three without frequent reference to the 
annals of the others. The history is often further com- 
plicated by the intestine troubles which have from time to 
time separated different parts of the same land into hostile 
camps. I have, therefore, thought it best to omit much 
of the details of secular history, which could only be made 
intelligible by lengthy explanations, and to take for 
granted that those who listen to or read these lectures are 
generally acquainted with the three periods covered by the 
title of this and the following lecture. I have called it 
The Romanised Church, in order to suggest the main 
truth that up to the commencement of this period Roman 
influence had been very slight in Sweden, and that it only 
extended to a period of about 390 years. In England 
Roman influence began much earlier, and penetrated much 
deeper into the national life. It had been felt in Britain 
from the earliest times up to the pontificate of Leo the 
Great, in the fifth century. After his time there was a 
break in our relations with other Western Churches for 
about 150 years. Then normal relations were resumed, 


and went on from Augustine's time till the breach with 
Rome under Henry VIII., which occurred a little later 
than it did in Sweden. No doubt the relations between 
England and Rome became more binding after the Norman 
Conquest, which coincided with the great development of 
papal power under Hildebrand, but these relations were 
only an extension of much that had long existed. 

I shall divide the history of the Romanized Church into 
three periods, according to the families which successively 
ruled in Sweden. 

First came the rival lines of the Sverkers and Erics for 
about 120 years (1130 — 1250) — a period during which the 
foundations of the mediaeval Church were laid. Then 
came the kings of the Folkunga dynasty, the descendants 
of the all-powerful Birger Jarl, for about 140 years, in 
which the chief names besides his own are those of his son, 
Magnus Ladulas and St. Birgitta. The third period, 
which I shall treat in a separate lecture, is that of the Union 
of Kalmar, when Sweden was under foreign rulers, be- 
ginning with the able Queen Margaret and ending 
with Christian the Tyrant (1389 — 1520) — a period of 
about 120 years (1130 — 1250) — a period during which the 
amongst ecclesiastics is that of Archbishop Nicolaus Rag- 
valdi, who attended the Council of Basel as Bishop of 
Vexio, amongst patriots that of Engelbrekt, and amongst 
statesmen, of course, that of the Stures. 

As a whole, this period of 390 years was a time of great 
distraction, during which the central government was 
often very weak, and the power of the nobles was hardly 
held in check. The power of the Church, or at any rate 
of the hierarchy, grew very much in these troubled days, 
not so much from the greatness of any of its leaders in 
Sweden, but because it was part of a centralized system, 
having its direction outside Sweden. While other parties 
were confused and vacillating in their aims, the Church 
had a definite policy, and had the command of that kind 
of religious influence which is particularly powerful in 
times of ignorance and violence. 


III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (A.D. 1 130— 1389). 

§ 2.— Sketch of the papal system now introduced 
into Sweden. Postulates of the interna- 
tional Church-state. 
Let me remind you of the chief aims and claims of the 
papacy which were set before the Swedes for their accept- 
ance under the Sverker kings in the first half of the twelfth 
century and onwards. They were not formed into a sys- 
tem all at once, but they were the growth of many centuries 
of policy and experience, during which the minds of the 
great statesmen, who at intervals filled the papal throne, 
advanced step by step in the development of a very remark- 
able conception. The mediaeval papacy had its roots far 
back in the past. It owed much to Victor and Stephen, to 
Damasus and Siricius, to Innocent I. and Leo. I., to Gre- 
gory the Great and to Nicolas I., as well as to Gregory 
VII. and Innocent III. These men, taking up St. Paul's 
conception of a glorious and united Church, extending not 
only to the limits of the earth, but conterminous with the 
universe — a conception formed, we must remember, at 
Rome — attached it not unnaturally to the imperial city, 
the only apostolic see-city in the West. The development 
was the creation of the greater minds, of whom I have 
mentioned the names of some; the establishment of the 
tradition was the work of the lesser men who pursued the 
same lines of policy with a unity and continuity of pur- 
pose which is exceedingly wonderful. The idea which 
they set before themselves, whenever they looked at the 
matter as one of religious principle, was to establish an 
international Church-state which was to rule the world, for 
its good, in the name of God. This state was to have 
as its centre the city of Rome, or at any rate, the bishop 
of the Roman see. It was to be a spiritual state, but one 
intimately allied with the powers of this world, and yet 
independent of them and superior to them. The concep- 
tion of such an ecclesiastical society rested on two principal 
foundations or postulates, one theological and one historical 
— but both unsound. The theological postulate was that 
the visible Church of Christ was identical with the king- 


dom of God, proclaimed by our Lord in the Gospel. The 
practical postulate was that it was right for this society to 
claim the prerogatives of the city of Rome, and to adopt, 
"mutatis mutandis," the methods of government of the 
Roman Empire of the West. This adoption of secular 
claims and methods was no doubt very effective up to a 
certain point. It led, however insensibly, to a claim to 
exercise secular authority, which inevitably came into col- 
lision with the growing power of nationalities. 

It followed from this general conception that the Church- 
state was held to be a sacred and divine thing, even though 
its ministers or its monarchs might from time to time be 
very deficient in holiness. Whatever tended to exalt its 
power was held to be for the honour and glory of God, even 
though much mischief and misery might incidentally ac- 
company the measures which promoted it. The great 
plan was to be pursued without faltering. The weakness 
of human nature was regarded as exceptional and unusual, 
but the triumph of divine grace in the body was assured. 

§ 3. — The Pope as Vicar of Christ. The system of 

The pope, who was the centre of the whole, claimed first 
to be the vicar and successor of St. Peter, and then to be 
practically the sole vicar of Christ on earth. His supre- 
macy was considered to be a divinely revealed truth ex- 
pressed in certain texts of holy Scripture, and especially in 
certain sayings of our Lord to St. Peter, to which a very 
strained interpretation was given. 1 

He was already, in the Middle Age, supreme law-giver of 
the Church, as well as the supreme judge of appeal. Just 
as the Roman Emperor issued his rescripts to provincial 
governors, which became laws of the empire, so the pope's 
letters to his representatives became laws of the Church. 
He drew all business into his hands, and declared himself 

1 1 have tried to elucidate the true meaning- of these texts in 
a visitation address on The Roman Church, published in a 
recent volume, entitled Unity and Fellowship, S.P.C.K., 1909. 

96 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 

ready to decide all questions on which men disputed. He 
also claimed to be the fountain and source of all power, the 
dispenser of all privileges, and the director of all troubled 
consciences. The claim to be the source of power grew 
step by step with the custom, which first appears in the 
sixth century, of sending an honorary scarf, called pallium, 
from Rome to metropolitans of various provinces, whom 
the pope desired to attach to himself or to recognize as his 
agents. The fact that this woollen scarf had rested for a 
night on the tomb of St. Peter gave it a special sanctity, 
and carried with it an idea of the delegation of some of the 
Petrine power to the recipient. At first this was given as 
a personal honour. Then in time it came to be the official 
duty of every metropolitan to ask for it after his consecra- 
tion, and it was held that without it he was in some ways 
in an irregular condition. From a gift to a metropolitan 
after consecration it became a condition of his confirmation 
before consecration, and thus the idea was gradually es- 
tablished that metropolitan power was held by delegation 
from the pope. For a long time, certainly up to the thir- 
teenth century, and the fourth Lateran Council under 
Innocent III., it was generally held that ordinary episcopal 
appointments within a province were to be confirmed by 
the metropolitan, with the assistance of the comprovincial 
bishops. But whenever there was a disputed or disputable 
election an appeal to Rome was open, and many bishops, 
in order to gain favour with the pope or a stronger posi- 
tion at home, voluntarily asked for confirmation where 
there was no dispute. In process of time all bishops 
were expected to get confirmation from Rome, and 
to pay heavy fees for it. The financial necessities of 
the papacy, as well as the desire for power, co-operated 
in the extension of this system, which greatly restrained 
episcopal and local liberty. Further, as time went on, 
every bishop was expected to travel to Rome, every three 
years, or to be subject to a heavy fine. In this way every 
bishop was brought into subordination to the central 


The rights of metropolitans were further infringed upon 
by the system of delegating superior power to legates sent 
from Rome with a longer or shorter commission in wider 
or narrower terms. And if a metropolitan's power 
seemed to be growing too great his province could be 
sub-divided by the creation of a new metropolis. 

The pope's agents for quickening and renewing 
spiritual life were, however, not merely occasional visitors, 
but much reliance was placed upon those religious orders 
which were composed of men for whom the ties of family 
and secular life had been broken, and who were, by the 
strongest life-long vows, devoted wholly to the service of 
the Church. They were to be the chief assistants to the 
bishops on the spiritual side, the supplements to the short- 
comings of the secular clergy. 

Besides having the help of these specially holy persons, 
the bishops were to rule with the aid of a body of religious 
men versed in practical affairs, their cathedral chapters. 
They were intended to preserve the continuity of diocesan 
administration, and to prevent a bishop — who might have 
much business on hand of all kinds — from letting the work 
of the diocese drop. They were also gradually substituted 
as elective and legislative bodies for the popular assemblies 
of clergy and people, which were hard to manage, and 
often tumultuous and erratic, and which tended to be super- 
seded or swayed by the authority of the king or some great 
noble. For as long as the king and people had the upper 
hand in such elections the independence of the bishops 
was threatened. It was also felt necessary to check the 
rights of lay patrons and parochial congregations, and to 
give the bishops at least a veto upon the appointment of 
the secular clergy and the right and duty of admitting 
them to benefice as well as office. 

The subjects of this state were to be the whole people 
of the land and any whom the secular power could win by 
conquest. Conversion by crusade, which thus became 
part of the system, was certainly not an invention of the 
papacy. It was an instinct of human nature, appearing 


98 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 

in such different characters as Mahomet, Charles the 
Great, the two Norwegian Olafs, and the Swedish St. 
Eric. But it received a considerable amount, not only of 
sanction, but of direct encouragement from the Church. 
Tithes for the proposed furtherance of such crusades be- 
came a valuable source of papal revenue. Similarly the 
different forms of persecution for heresy, on a larger or 
a smaller scale, were taken up rather than invented by 
Rome. 3 But the foundation principle, both of crusades 
and persecutions, that the general good of right belief was 
much more important than the wrongs or sufferings of in- 
dividuals, became a specially Roman tenet. It was part 
of the general conviction that control of human life by the 
Church should be as extensive as possible. All crimes 
and offences which could be ranked as offences against 
religion were drawn as much as might be into the Church 
courts, and judged by Church laws. All breaches of 
morality and piety — adultery, incest, perjury, blasphemy, 
and the like — were to be judged and punished by Church- 
men. All subjects in which the soul was concerned, mar- 
riage, wills, education, hospitals, charities, and the like, 
were to be subjected as far as possible to Church rule. 
The law of God, the law of the soul, was to be made and 
administered by those who understood His will and were 
devoted to His service. And, lastly, acceptance of the 
papal system, as a chief part of the law of God, came, by 
the end of the period, to be recognized, as the most prac- 
tical duty of religion, and rejection of it as the gravest 
impiety and heresy of which a man could be guilty — and 
heresy was punishable with death. 

For the purposes of this spiritual state it was necessary 
to have both clergy and the religious orders as free as pos- 
sible from external control, as untrammelled by earthly 
ties and interests, as entirely devoted to the work of their 
callings, as subservient to their spiritual rulers, as well 
assured of the means of livelihood, as was possible under 
the conditions of human life. For these reasons it was 

a Cp. Bishop Mandell Creighton : Persecution and Tolerance. 


the object of the Church to free the clergy from the juris- 
diction of secular courts, and to put them as decisively as 
possible under spiritual discipline ; to prevent them from 
entering into obligations of service to secular lords, to 
prohibit the inheritance of benefices, and particularly to 
attach to their calling the obligation of celibacy. On the 
other hand it was the business of the community, based 
upon the teaching of Scripture, to give them an assured 
income in the way of tithes and offerings, and certain pos- 
sessions of houses and land free of taxes, otherwise pay- 
able to the crown and the community. 

§ 4. — Endowments. Revenues. Peter's-pence. Crus- 
ading tithes. Annates, etc. 

Further, since wealth was a means of acquiring power, 
and power is needed for the Church's spiritual ends, men 
and women were to be encouraged as much as possible to 
make the Church their heir, and to build and endow 
churches and monasteries. Such gifts they were taught 
were well-pleasing to God, and made atonement for an ill- 
spent life, or were the crown of a good one. Many a noble- 
man or high-born lady genuinely looked forward to the 
quiet retirement of a convent at the close of life, or desired 
to perpetuate their names by charity to such an institution 
and to have the benefit of the prayers of its inmates after 
death. Hence it became a great point of papal policy to 
secure freedom to testators to make the Church their heir, 
while it was a natural counter-policy of statesmen to dis- 
courage and check such benefactions, which tended to en- 
croach upon the disposable property of a nation, and to 
force the burden of taxes upon a smaller area of the 

Such endowments might suffice for local needs; but be- 
sides them the central government naturally required the 
support of the faithful. In addition to casual fees for legal 
documents, dispensations, indulgences, promotions, and 
the like, it was necessary to have a regular income. This 

ioo III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. i 130—1389). 

was already secured from England from Saxon times, in 
the form of Peter's-pence, a silver coin annually from 
every household. The example of England had been fol- 
lowed in the eleventh century in Denmark and Poland, 
and the same example was in time to be set before Sweden. 
The payment of annates, or half-a-year's first fruits of 
benefices, was an exaction of the latter part of the Middle 
Age, whether such taxes were paid to the bishops or to the 
popes. English clergy still pay such annates to the 
governors of Queen Anne's Bounty, who use them (since 
the reign of that sovereign) for the improvement of small 
benefices. Tithes payable during the time of crusades, 
imposed on all Church incomes, were already known, but 
were nominally only levied in emergencies. They became 
in time a very oppressive and almost constant tax on the 

§ 5. — Strength and weakness of this system. It 
gives unity and dignity to europe, but 
ignores the rights of the individual and the 
nation, and sets clergy and laity apart. 
Cause of its fall. 

I need hardly comment on the strength and weakness of 
this magnificent system. It was a strange mixture of iron 
and clay, of stable and unstable elements, of principle and 
expediency. It started from the great principles of the 
divine fatherhood and of the brotherhood of man, and of 
the duty of uniting with men all over the world in the fel- 
lowship of an universal Church. It lifted men's minds 
above matters of national, provincial, and local interest, 
into a higher sphere, both intellectual and spiritual. It 
gave a union in particular to Europe, which it otherwise 
lacked. It tempered the tyranny of feudalism (though 
that was not developed in Sweden, as elsewhere), and pro- 
vided discipline even for kings and princes. It made life 
to many persons bearable and even happy, in the midst 
of violence and barbarism, bv offering the consolations and 


ideals of religion as a counterpoise to the pettiness and 
misery of present life. Through the doctrine of the Com- 
munion of Saints, it brought the great examples both of 
the present and the past into close relation to the lives of 
Christians dispersed throughout the world, and made life 
nobler by this sense of fellowship. 

On the other hand, it had grave inherent defects. Its 
postulates were unsound and its interpretations of Scrip- 
ture often crude and erroneous. It neglected the interests 
and stinted the growth of the individual soul, and it 
ignored the rights and duties of the Christian people. It 
separated the clergy into something like a caste, and made 
ambition on their part almost a duty. It treated laymen 
chiefly as useful instruments or passive recipients of in- 
struction. It overlooked the design of God that every 
member of the Church should be a fully developed fellow- 
worker in the body. Further, it was largely a paper sys- 
tem, which broke down when applied to mankind on a 
large scale, and it needed men of herculean proportions 
and abilities to administer it even tolerably well. In the 
hands of ambitious, avaricious and sensual men, such as 
often filled the high places of the Church in the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centuries, the system rather spread corrup- 
tion than promoted discipline. 

Nevertheless, with all these defects on the spiritual side, 
the papacy might have continued to dominate Europe if 
it had merely maintained and developed its spiritual 
claims. Its fall was caused by its secular ambition. To 
put it quite simply, the possession of temporal sovereignty 
ruined its character. Yet the development of this temporal 
power was not an unnatural result of the spiritual system, 
and no doubt seemed all but inevitable to those who had 
been brought to think of the visible Church as the kingdom 
of God, and of Rome as the centre of the world. Let 
me point out how the secularity of the papacy arose. 

102 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. i 130— 1389). 

§ 6. — Claim to temporal sovereignty. The Avignon 
Popes and their avarice and simony. The 
great schism. failure of reforming 

Inasmuch as kings and princes were, for the good of 
their souls, subjects of the pope, like other men, and could 
be punished for their sins and crimes by him, or receive 
pardon and abolition from him, and since they depended 
on him for dispensations and were glad to have his as- 
sistance in their quarrels with their rivals and subjects, the 
papacy gradually acquired a large and indefinite power 
of interference in secular matters and concerns of State. 
A rebellious or immoral king, who might be called a perse- 
cutor of the Church, could perhaps only be punished by 
putting his kingdom under an interdict (since personal 
excommunication was little felt), or by favouring some 
rival to the throne. From this habit of interference, 
which, of course, was welcomed by those in whose interest 
it was applied, grew up a monstrous claim to exercise uni- 
versal temporal sovereignty, which culminated in the 
bull Unam Sanctam of Boniface VIII. in 1302. Up to 
this point the papal claims had been tolerated with an ex- 
traordinary amount of patience, because they seemed to 
be the expression, however one-sided and defective, of 
religious principle; but the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- 
tury popes destroyed the fabric which had been built up 
with so much skill and zeal. The fourteenth century saw 
the papacy reduced to a kind of vassalage under the kings 
of France, and yet claiming more than ever the right to 
interfere in other lands. It saw the Limousin popes re- 
sorting to all sorts of oppressive expedients to maintain 
their revenues and to supply their luxuries; simony, 
rapacity and political intrigues, characterize this period. 
After the seventy years at Avignon (1309 — 1379), the 
papacy only returned to Rome to suffer from the effects of 
the great schism between Urban VI. and Clement VII. 
The question which was the rightful pope divided Europe 
into two camps. If Urban was not pope he was merely 


an old archbishop of Bari, not even a cardinal, who had 
been forced by popular tumult into the papal chair. If 
Clement was not pope, he was merely young Robert of 
Geneva, who had been elected by cardinals in rebellion 
against their rightful master. In this uncertainty it was 
impossible for thinking men or even for the people to 
look upon either of them with the old reverence which was 
given to a pope with an undisputed title. It was seen 
also, very quickly, that neither would be able to reform 
the Church as a whole, and that a general council was 
needed, which, from the nature of the case, must be 
superior to both ; and, therefore, to the papacy. Even 
before this the very success of John XXII. in his conflict 
with the Emperor Louis of Bavaria had shattered one of 
the great mediaeval ideals, the majesty of the Roman Em- 
pire. The misconduct and mismanagement of the later 
popes deprived half Europe of its other ideal — the spiritual 
dignity of the papacy. Thus, people on all sides began 
to think for themselves, and to be less under the dominion 
of traditions. The Councils of Pisa, Constance and 
Basel, met and dissolved without effecting the serious re- 
forms which all men agreed were needed. The chief 
result was the abolition of papal " reservations " at Basel, 
and the partial restoration of the freedom of canonical 
election. The papacy had its opportunity for self-reform 
in the seventy years that followed, but it had become an 
ambitious, intriguing, warring state among the other states 
of Europe, and had lost all desire for serious reform. Even 
when one who had been in favour of reform became pope, 
as Pius II., he condemned himself for what he had done 
as Aeneas Sylvius in defence of the Council of Basel. 
Thus, the Protestant Reformation became necessary for 
Europe, and it was embraced by all those nations, includ- 
ing Sweden, in which there was a sufficient interest in 
theology, a sufficient knowledge of Holy Scripture, and 
a sufficient sense of personal dignity and love of liberty 
to enable them to venture upon a decided break with the 
past. These nations were, generally speaking, those 

io 4 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. i 130—1389). 

which had never been, or had only partially been, subjects 
of the ancient empire of the West; and on the whole, the 
thoroughness of their acceptance of the Reformation varied 
inversely with the thoroughness of their previous incor- 
poration into the empire. The reason of this distinction is 
to be found in the fact that conversion inside the Roman 
Empire had been very largely formal and superficial — con- 
version outside it was more the result of persuasion or 

Even to the present day the instinctive attitude of dif- 
ferent European nations towards the papacy is very 
remarkable. It is noticeable even in many who are per- 
sonally alienated from the practice of religion. Men of 
Latin and Celtic race, especially in France and Ireland, 
appear often unable to conceive of any other system of 
Church government than an autocracy. They have little 
personal interest in theology, little sense of personal re- 
sponsibility for the faith and life of the Church, but the 
papacy seems to them a natural and logical outcome of 
the only Christianity which they know. Their sense of 
the value of unity and orderliness outweighs all other con- 
siderations. It is not, of course, so with Teutonic nations, 
and we shall see that in the end the rejection of this system 
in Sweden was more complete than in Germany and 

§ 7. — Introduction of the papal system into Sweden. 

This survey has carried us rapidly to the eve of the 
Reformation. We must now retrace our steps to mark in 
detail the manner in which the Romanized Church 
developed in Sweden. 

To the Northern nations at first the distant power of 
Rome came with an immense and imposing prestige. 
Let me quote to you two of the Norse poets who represent 
the idea which was formed of the relation of Christ to 
Rome, and of Rome to the world. One of them, Eilif, 


who lived, I suppose, about iooo a.d., and wrote of Thor 
as well as of Christ, thus speaks of the latter : — 

"They say Christ sits upon a mountain throne 
Far to the south beside the well of Fate : 
So closely has the Lord whom angels own 

With Rome and Roman lands entwined His state." 

Another, a little later, writes : — 

"The Lord of monks has greater might than all. 
Who can put any limits to God's powers? 
Christ has not only formed this world of ours, 
But for Himself has reared Rome's glorious hall." 8 

No doubt the pilgrimage of the Danish king, Erik Eie- 
god, tended to keep up this feeling of sanctity and majesty 
of the city, where Christ, in the person of His vicar, was 
throned on the seven hills and sent out his emissaries bear- 
ing the decrees of Fate from the banks of the Tiber. 

At first, however, this great southern power approached 
Sweden cautiously and tentatively. Hildebrand did little 
more than ask for information. After his death, Urban 
II. and Clement III. divided the allegiance of Christen- 
dom as pope and anti-pope, and strong action was not 
to be looked for. The establishment of the Archbishopric 
of Lund, which was a move against the pretensions of 
Clement, who was supported in Germany, was not backed 
up by strong action as regards Sweden. All that we can 
say is that after the time of its establishment by Urban II. 
greater regularity of succession to bishoprics seems to 
prevail in Sweden. They ceased to be missionary and 
gradually became territorial. But as yet there was no 
acceptance in Sweden of the papal system, which was 

3 See Corpus Poeticum Boreale, Vol. ii., pp. 22 and 115. 
A more literal translation is: "They say that He sits on a 
mountain throne in the south at the well of the Fates, so has 
the mighty Lord of the Powers bound Himself to the lands of 
Rome"; and: "The might of the Lord of monks is the 
greatest. God is able to do most things. Christ created the 
world and reared the hall of Rome." 

106 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. i 130—1389). 

naturally introduced into Denmark by the Archbishop 
Asser in gratitude for the dignity conferred upon him, and 
in union with the pious feelings of the Danish kings. The 
decrees of the Synod of Reims in n 19, and of the first 
Lateran Council of 1122, both under Calixtus III., were 
received in Denmark shortly after they were passed in the 
South, under the guidance of the legate, Cardinal Alberic. 
They were directed against simony, lay investiture, the 
inheritance of benefices, and the marriage of the clergy. 
Thus, they were a mixture of right and wrong principles. 
Simony was disgraceful and sinful (though the way in 
which it grew up is explicable), and the inheritance of 
benefices highly inexpedient. Lay investiture was a 
matter for compromise — such as was reached in England. 
The marriage of the clergy, on the other hand, was a right 
possessed by them as by all other men, and to deny it was 
so to run counter to human nature, as to promote im- 
morality and a low standard of clerical life. 

§§ 8 to 11. — Period I. 

§ 8. — The Sverker and Eric Kings (1130 — 1250). 
Esetl of Lund (1157 — 1 178). Establishment 
of fixed sees and monasteries. council of 
llnkoping (1152) grants peter's-pence. 

We must now touch on the special history of Sweden 
after the extinction of the line of Stenkil. For more than 
forty years, from 1 137 to 1178, the see of Lund was filled 
by a strong, high-born and ambitious, but also pious man 
— Eskil — nephew of the first Archbishop, a contemporary 
and friend of St. Bernard of Clairvaux,, a man in whom 
the two prevailing impulses of the age, to fight for power 
and to take refuge in monastic seclusion, seem to have 
been equally balanced. He was at home both in the battle- 
field and in the cloister. He was the first to hold a 
council of northern bishops, in 1139 or 1140, at which 
representatives of Sweden, Norway and the Faro Islands 


met with men from Denmark — thus carrying out to some 
extent the project for which Adalbert of Hamburg had 
longed in vain. The papal legate, Theodignus, was pre- 
sent at this council, and preached the celibacy of the 
clergy, mostly, no doubt, to unwilling ears. In 1 145, Eskil 
had the joy of consecrating the present stately cathedral of 
Lund, of which Asser had consecrated the crypt. On both 
these occasions the bishops of West and East Gothland, 
or, as we may now call them by their see-cities, Odgrim of 
Skara and Gislo of Linkoping, were both present. In 
1 152, Eskil became Primate of Sweden, and began to inter- 
vene in its internal affairs, Lund still being in Danish 

Under Eskil fixed sees were established at five centres 
in Sweden — Skara, Linkoping, Old Upsala (which took 
the place of Sigtuna), Strengnas and Vesteras. Smaland 
had been for some time in the diocese of Linkoping, and its 
see-city, Vexio, is not named as having a bishop of its 
own until 1 183. Even then the diocese was very small and 
only included Varend. The last mediaeval see, that of Abo 
in Finland, was founded about the year 1200. It became 
important, and was, perhaps, next in importance to Upsala 
and Linkoping at the time of the Reformation. With the 
assistance of Eskil the first monasteries were also estab- 
lished in Sweden, all of them being settlements of 
Cistercians from his beloved Clairvaux. Several had been 
established before that time in Skane. 

The first monastery in what was then Sweden was 
Alvastra, on Lake Vettern, at the foot of the Omberg, in 
East Gothland, founded in 1143, where the tombs of the 
Sverker kings may still be seen among the ruins. The 
next (1144) was Nydala, in Smaland. Then came Varn- 
hem in West Gothland, where a fine church, with an 
eastern apse, still remains, containing tombs of Biger Jarl, 
Jesper Svedberg and the De la Gardie family. The first 
convent of nuns was at Vreta, near Linkoping in East 
Gothland, and another was founded at Gudhem in West 
Gothland. Sodermanland, the province south of Lake 

ioS III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. i 130— 1389). 

Malar, had its monastery at Viby, afterwards moved to 
Julita. Upland had Byarum, removed to Skokloster or 
Skogkloster (the forest monastery), long the chateau of the 
Wrangel family, but now that of the Brahes. It contains 
the famous collection of spoils from the Thirty Years' War. 

Lastly, the island of Gotland had Gutvalla or Roma, 
which has been state property since the Reformation. 
Thus, nearly every large province of Sweden proper came 
to have a seat of retired religious life, after the ascetic 
model, between the years 1143 — 1164, besides the cathe- 
drals, with their clergy, more or less forming a society, 
though not yet a chapter, which were in the principal 
towns. All this shows an intelligent plan, which many 
reasonably suppose to have been largely framed by Eskil, 
whose long episcopate gave time for the perfecting of 
carefully-planned measures of Church policy. 

The pope was, however, quite ready to give Sweden fur- 
ther relative independence, coupled, of course, with closer 
dependence on the centre, on the principle " Do ut des." 
In 1 152, the first Swedish Council was held at Linkoping 
by the Englishman, Nicolas Brakespear, Cardinal of Alba, 
afterwards Pope Hadrian IV. He had come as nuncio 
from Pope Eugenius III. (the pupil of St. Bernard), and 
had established an archbishop at Trondhjem for Nor- 
way, and was prepared to do the same in Sweden. He 
made a greater impression on the North than any foreigner 
who had hitherto visited the country. It was, however, 
impossible to get the rival kings and the prelates of the 
different parts of Sweden to agree upon the place and per- 
son. For the pre-eminence of Upsala over Linkoping was 
not yet quite settled, and the pallium which had been 
brought to invest the new archbishop was left with Eskil 
of Lund for future use. At this Synod of Linkoping, the 
East-Gothic king, Sverker, was present, and assented to 
the payment of Peter's-pence, thus following the example 
just set in Norway. The custom of all men bearing 
weapons was also forbidden. I imagine that the silence 
of this council in respect to the question of clerical mar- 

§ 9— ST. ERIC. 109 

riage must have been a matter of arrangement between the 
legate and the bishops. It was, I presume, the price paid 
for the grant of Peter's-pence. It is almost necessary to 
suppose something of the sort, when we recollect what had 
been done in Denmark, and note the latter assertion of the 
Swedes (in 12 13), that they had a papal privilege for their 
immunity from the law of celibacy (Innocent III., Reg. 
XVI., 118). 

§ 9. — St. Eric, King in Upland, law-giver and church 
builder. His crusade. Death (1160). Be- 

About this time the rival king of the Sveas, afterwards 
known and widely honoured as St. Eric, was establishing 
laws and religion in Upland, and doing his best to 
Christianize Finland after the manner which the two Olafs, 
Tryggvason and Haraldson, had found successful in Nor- 
way. St. Eric was the son of a large peasant pro- 
prietor or bonde, not of royal race, but his mother, Cecilia, 
was daughter of the heathen Blot-Sven, who had rivalled 
King Inge, and she, too, like the rest of that family, was 
now a zealous Christian. It is probable that Sverker was 
also descended from Blot-Sven ; and, if so, the kings of 
Gothland and Svealand were cousins, perhaps first cousins. 
Eric was a real benefactor to his country, and his reign is 
a landmark in its history. He was at once a law-giver 
and a Churchman. To him the married women of Sweden 
owe important rights. 

The following quaint form was long used by the 
father in betrothing his daughter to her suitor. " I 
give thee this my daughter for honour and house- 
wife, for half the bed, for doors and keys, and every 
third penny in thy goods movable and immovable, and for 
all the rights which Upper Sweden hath from St. Eric, and 
St. Eric gave. In the name of the Father, and of the Son 
and of the Holy Ghost. Amen." (Olaus Magni De gent. 
Septent., XIV., c. 5; cp. S. H., Vol. i., p. 381). This 

no III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 

form seems to have been used without alteration up to the 
middle of the sixteenth century. It was prescribed in the 
civil laws of Gustavus Adolphus in 1618, but with the 
omission of the references to Upper Sweden and St. Eric 
(Suecice leges civiles, lit. 2, c. 5, de jure conjugii, ed. 
Loccenius, Lund, 1675). We possess a church that St. 
Eric built or finished at Old Upsala, on the site and with 
the materials of the famous heathen temple. It is possible 
also that the Church of the Holy Trinity at the present 
Upsala in his work. 

His missionary crusade in Finland was carried on in 
company with his bishop, St. Henry, an Englishman, who 
had come with Nicolas to the North. It is called a crusade, 
but it was conducted, it may be, with more humanity and 
piety than many such expeditions. It was necessary to 
cause the Finns to live at peace with their neighbours, and 
peace and baptism were offered to them before war was 
declared. The king was evidently really in earnest in his 
prayers and efforts for the eternal salvation of his enemies, 
and he wept for those who fell in battle without having 
received baptism. Henry was left behind as bishop in 
Finland, and some years later fell as a martyr. It is re- 
corded that his thumb, which was cut off in the struggle, 
fell on the snow, and was found some time afterwards. It 
long appeared as a charge on the seal of the chapter of Abo. 

Eric returned to New Upsala, then called Ostra-aros, 
and was murdered by a Danish prince, who made a sud- 
den and for a time successful raid in order to claim the 
crown. Eric, who would not interrupt the mass which he 
was attending in Holy Trinity Church, Upsala, was killed 
outside it, about the year 1160, and on 18th May. This 
historic church, I am glad to remember, was put at the dis- 
posal of my colleague, the Bishop of Winchester, for a 
celebration of Holy Communion, at the time of our recent 
visit to Upsala, in September, 1909. Eric was elevated by 
the love of the Swedish people to the glory of saintship, 
and became the patron saint of the nation, though he was 
denied the dignity of official canonization. The rival 


Sverker kings opposed this honour, and their influence 
with the papacy was strong enough to prevent it : but his 
saintship was afterwards de facto recognized by various 
papal indulgences. 

§ io. — Charles Sverkersson, first " king of the 
Swedes and Goths." Upsala made an Arch- 
bishopric (1164). Letters of Pope Alexander 
III. Privileges and immunities of the clergy. 
Innocent III. Letters to Absalon and 
Andreas of Lund. 

The Danes being driven out, Charles Sverker was 
elected king of the Swedes and Goths, and was the first in 
historical times to bear that designation. He did a real 
service to Swedish nationality by taking up again the pro- 
ject, which had been dropped for a time, of forming 
Sweden into a more or less independent province. No 
doubt, it was to conciliate his Upland subjects that he gave 
up any claims that Skara or Linkoping might possess, and 
agreed to fix the Archbishop's throne at Old Upsala. This 
act fell in with the policy of many of the popes, who wished 
to prevent any of the great sees, such as Aries, Hamburg, 
Canterbury, or Lund, from acquiring anything like 
patriarchal rights which might make them rivals to Rome. 
Ever since the fifth century this policy had checked the 
development of the French Church, and the same policy 
checks it still. The German empire had for a time fostered 
and protected the great German sees, but Hamburg was 
first weakened by the establishment of Lund, and then 
Lund by that of Upsala. In England, the obedience of 
York to Canterbury had recently been abrogated, after a 
long struggle, at the instance of Archbishop Thurstan 
(11 14 — 1 140). Whatever may be thought of the other 
cases, Swedish nationality was certainly the gainer by the 
foundation of its Archbishopric. In August 1164, Pope 
Alexander II. (1 159 — 1181) gave a constitution to the new 
foundation by issuing two bulls, one addressed to Stephen, 

ii2 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 13S9). 

the new archbishop, a monk of Alvastra, and, therefore, 
from East Gothland, who had just been consecrated at Sens 
by Eskil of Lund, in the pope's presence. This first bull 
made Upsala the metropolis of the new province, and put 
the bishoprics of Skara, Linkoping, Strengnas and 
Vesteras (naming them in that order) under the jurisdiction 
of the new archbishop (P. L., 200, 301 foil.). It reserved, 
however, the due right and reverence of the Bishop (sic) 
of Lund. What the position of Abo in Finland was in- 
tended to be, is not clear. The second was addressed to 
all the Bishops of Sweden, and directed them to show 
obedience to their new metropolitan, and gave them good 
advice as to carefulness and purity in ordinations (ibid. 
303). But again nothing was heard of clerical celibacy. 
About eight years later (1172), the same pope, who was 
a great jurist, wrote two important letters to the new arch- 
bishop and his suffragans, as well as two of a less detailed 
character to the Bishops of Linkoping and Strengnas. 
The two longer ones deal with many of the usual matters 
of discipline, but even here make no mention of celibacy. 
The first, dated 9th September, 1172 (ep. 975, I.e. 850), 
speaks of certain great crimes, and reprobates also the 
custom of certain clergy celebrating the Eucharist " with 
dried lees of wine or crumbs of bread steeped in wine " 
(thus touching a difficulty which we shall notice later), 
and censures the custom of clandestine marriages among 
the laity. The second, dated the next day (ep. 979, I.e. 854 
foil.), mainly deals with promotion to benefices, which 
laymen are asserted to be in the habit of conferring without 
reference to the bishops. It expresses a wish that the 
clergy should be free from accusation before the civil 
courts. It discourages ordeal by fire or duel, and enjoins 
the payment of tithes. These letters show considerable 
local knowledge, and were no doubt on the whole very 
useful in consolidating the body of Church law in Sweden. 
By the year 1200 the clergy had obtained, as far as the 
king was concerned, the desired exemption from the juris- 
diction of the civil courts. It was not, however, as yet 


agreed to by the people. In 12 19 the goods of the Church 
were declared free from the king's power to impose fines. 
The same period saw the foundation of colleges of clergy 
round the cathedrals of Upsala and Skara (about 1200 and 
1222. See Holmquist: Schweden, p. 21), which were fur- 
nished at first with regular canons. 

At the end of the century, a very powerful and religious 
pope, Innocent III., occupied the Roman see. In his first 
year (1198) he busied himself with the affairs of the North, 
and tried to re-establish the authority of Absalon, Arch- 
bishop of Lund (1178 — 1201) over the Church of Sweden. 
The case in which he particularly interfered illustrates the 
manners of the time and the difficulties of Church govern- 
ment. Three bishoprics had lately become vacant in 
Sweden, and three men, who are described as not born in 
lawful wedlock, had been elected to fill them. These men 
were almost certainly sons of clergy. Absalon, Arch- 
bishop of Lund, forbade the Archbishop of Upsala, whose 
name was Peter, to consecrate them ; but Peter disregarded 
the inhibition, and consecrated two of them. Whereupon 
Absalon suspended them all. Innocent now wrote to 
the next Archbishop of Upsala, Olaus I., directing him to 
follow the commands of Absalon (Reg. I., ep. 444, P. L. 
214, 421; cp. the letter to Absalon on his rights over 
Sweden ; ibid. ep. 419, p. 39s). 4 Olaus died soon after, and 
the people, with the consent of the king, elected Valerius, 
the son of a priest, to succeed him. Andreas of Lund, who 

4 I may notice that we possess the will of Absalon, former 
Archbishop of Lund, dictated on his death-bed. Amongst other 
pious bequests and friendly gifts he ordered the manumission 
of several female slaves with their children, one of whom he had 
received as a present from Biargaherred in Skane. There was 
nothing remarkable in an archbishop having slaves at this 
time. But the manumission of their children would not have 
been necessary in Sweden if the fathers were freemen. In 
Sweden, as distinguished from Denmark, Germany and France, 
the children of slaves by a freeman followed the better half 
(Geijer : p. 86). Another noticeable gift is the remission of a 
debt of several marks to his clerk, Saxo, who seems to be Saxo 
Grammaticus, the Danish historian (P. L., vol. 209, p. 760). 

ii 4 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 

succeeded Absalon, naturally consulted the pope on this 
point. But the pope, perhaps having learnt more of the 
difficulties of the subject, while seeing the inconsistency 
of the position, left Andreas to settle it, and gave way by 
enclosing a dispensation and sending the pallium for 
Valerius (Reg. X., ep. 147, 1207, a.d., P. L. 215, 1244). 
Similar difficulties occurred later, and were met in much 
the same way by strongly-worded declarations in the way 
of canons and statutes, followed by weak action in the way 
of dispensations or relaxations. 

As regards the general condition of the clergy, we have 
evidence from the later correspondence of the same pope, 
Innocent, with Andreas that the clergy of Sweden were pub- 
licly married and claimed to have a privilege from the pope 
for this indulgence (Reg. XVI., ep. 118, 3rd October, 
12 13). The pope desired to see this privilege, but we have 
no record of its production. It may have been, as I have 
suggested, merely a verbal bargain as the price of conces- 
sions to papal claims on the part of king and people. 

§ 11. — Introduction of the Friars. Power of Domi- 
nicans. Growth of power of Bishops. 
Creation of Cathedral Chapters. Council 
of Skentnge under William of Sabina (1248) 
prohibits clerical marriage. 

The weak reign of Eric III. (1222-1250) witnessed a 
further consolidation of the Romanized Church. As the 
twelfth century brought in the Cistercians, so the thirteenth 
naturally introduced the friars — of whom the Dominican 
Friars Preachers were the most powerful in Sweden, and 
did most for education. Thev had two great houses, one at 
Sigtuna, and one at Skeninge in the diocese of Linkoping 
— besides minor ones. 5 

The bishops now began to be secular potentates, and to 
take their places in the more private Councils of State, 

6 A picture of the nave of Skeninge Church is given in S. H. 1 , 
Vol. i., fig. 461. See also Vol, ii., fig 390, for the interior. 


which were gradually superseding the large popular assem- 
blies. They were often men of high birth. Thus Olaus 
II., for fifty years Archbishop of Upsala (1223 — 1273), was 
nephew of St. Eric; Charles I., Bishop of Linkoping, 
was brother of the all-powerful Birger Jarl (ti22o); 
just as a son of the Jarl's was later bishop of the 
same see. Several of the bishops of Skara were of 
noble or knightly rank. It was the interest of this 
powerful hierarchy to keep the succession in the hands of 
men like themselves, and they thus gladly promoted the 
rules of the fourth Lateran Council of Pope Innocent III. 
as to the election of bishops by their chapters (canons 23 
and 24). Since the canons were for the most part nomi- 
nated by the bishops there was great likelihood of the tradi- 
tion represented by the bishops being maintained. The 
first secular chapter founded in Sweden was that of Bishop 
Benedict of Skara in 1222. Ten years later we find similar 
institutions at Linkoping and Abo. Archbishop Jarler 
organized a secular chapter at Upsala in the place of the old 
" capitulum monachorum," with the help of Cardinal 
William of Sabina. The other three followed suit before 
the end of the century. 6 

The mention of William of Sabina leads to a reference to 
the momentous step which was at last taken by the Council 
of Skeninge in 1248 to introduce the most practical and 
most difficult piece of the papal programme — the celibacy 
of the clergy, which was coupled with a requirement that 
bishops should procure and study the most recent collec- 
tion of the Roman canon law. As Cardinal Nicolas had 
presided at Linkoping, so another legate, William of 
vSabina, presided at this second council. Its statutes were 
sufficiently severe, dealing out excommunications and 
anathemas on the married clergy and their wives, with a 

6 I owe this information to a letter from Professor Hjalmar 
Holmquist. Dissertations on the subject have also been 
written by K. V. Lundquist, Bidrag till kannedomen om de 
Svenska domkapiteln, etc., Stockholm, 1897, and H. Lund- 
strom in Skisser och Kritiker, 1903 (See below, 171, n. 19). 

n6 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130—1389). 

view to the prevention of the inheritance of benefices, or 
even of any possessions by their children. At the same 
time bishops were forbidden to exact anything but food and 
drink at their visitations, and only allowed to take a certain 
retinue with them. 

The legate ordered these rules to be read and put in exe- 
cution at the yearly synods. He further enlarged them, 
with papal authority, a year or two later doing his best to 
get the elections of bishops entirely free from outside inter- 
ference, and to prevent the clergy from taking any oath to 
the king or other secular person. These rules were con- 
firmed by Innocent IV., who was then pope, in 1250. 
They naturally produced opposition, and the law of celi- 
bacy was never really thoroughly enforced, though it was 
often talked about. 

§§ 12 to 16.— Period II. The Folkungar (1250— 1389). 

§ 12. — Jarl Birger and his family. Good laws. 
Magnus LadulAs and Valdemar. Growth of 
power of the pope. council of telje (1279). 
Priests' marriages. Distinction of "free" 
and "unfree." knight-service introduced. 

With the death of Eric Erricsson, the third of the Eric 
line of Swedish kings, the rivalry between that dynasty and 
the Gothic line of the Sverkers came to an end. During 
the latter part of Ericsson's nominal reign the Jarl Birger 
had been all powerful, and he continued to be so after the 
election of his son Valdemar until his own death in 1266. 
The election took place during the Jarl's absence on a 
crusade in Tavasteland against the Finns, where our coun- 
tryman, Bishop Thomas, was at once zealous and impru- 
dent. The crusade was promoted by Pope Gregory IX., 
who gave the same indulgence to those who took part in it 
which was granted to crusaders going to the Holy Land 
(Celsii : Bullarium, p. 67, 9th December, 1237). 

The Folkunga dynasty lasted in one form or another for 
nearly 140 years, It was something like the line of Pepin 


in France taking the place of the Merovingian kings ; some- 
thing like that of the House of Lancaster in England in the 
fifteenth century. Only it was a rule of Swedish law up to 
the sixteenth century that the monarchy was elective, not 
hereditary, and hereditary right has never had so many 
votaries as in France and England. The Folkunga 
period was favourable to the growth of the immunities and 
privileges of the Church, and at the same time to the 
establishment of better laws, jarl Birger is remembered as 
the founder of Stockholm, which, from its splendid posi- 
tion, was as important a move for Sweden as the founda- 
tion of Constantinople by Constantine, or of Petersburg 
by Peter the Great, to their dominions. It was also in his 
time (1258) that Pope Alexander IV. gave leave for the 
removal of the archiepiscopal see from Old Upsala, to the 
more convenient site near Ostra-aros, or East-mouth, about 
three English miles distant, while it retained the name be- 
longing to the old city. This was as important for the 
Swedish Church as (to compare small things with great) 
the movement from old Sarum on the hill to new Sarum in 
the valley, thirty years before, was to the diocese of Salis- 
bury. The transfer at Upsala was not, however, complete 
till about 1273. 7 

The Jarl is also remembered for his legal reforms, and as 
substituting as far as possible process in the courts for 
private revenge. He proclaimed four laws for peace — the 
first protecting the church and churchyard ; the second 
forbidding the forcible abduction of women ; the third 
establishing a man's rights to personal security in his own 
house and on his land ; and, lastly, when travelling to the 
Ting, or assize. He also did his best to stop trial by ordeal 
or wager of battle, and, in other ways, improved the posi- 
tion of women, slaves and shipwrecked mariners. In all 
this he naturally had the help and encouragement of the 

His son, Magnus Ladulas, or Barn-lock, whom the Jarl 

7 See E. Benzelius fil. : Monumcnta, pp. 20-1, and Celsii : 
Bullarium, s. annis., 1258, 1259. 

nS III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. i 130— 1389). 

had made a duke in order to balance his brother Valdemar, 
is equally remembered for his improvement of the laws. 
His surname was given to him because of the check which 
he imposed on travellers, especially on nobles, who were 
accustomed to help themselves to the peasants' stores with- 
out payment — thus abusing the old Swedish custom of 
universal hospitality. In the place of it innkeepers were 
established everywhere to superintend the lodging of 
travellers in different houses. Magnus was an enlightened 
and magnificent king, but he had, like our Henry IV., to 
make terms with the clergy in order to cover the usurpation 
by which he deposed his brother Valdemar. 

Let me explain how the pope had cause to interfere. 

In the year 1274 Pope Gregory IX. had obtained power 
over King Valdemar by reason of a great sin which he had 
committed, and for which he had gone to Lyons to obtain 
pardon. During this pilgrimage the pope inhibited the 
realm of Sweden from electing a new king, and mentioned 
that the king of Sweden had acknowledged the Roman 
pontiff as his superior, and his kingdom as tributary to 
Rome (9th January, 1274, Celsius, p. 85-6). Seven 
months later he wrote to Duke Magnus demanding that 
testators should be free to leave their property to the 
Church, and the clergy freed from the jurisdiction of the 
civil courts. He also condemned the practice of civil 
magistrates excommunicating lay offenders (9th August, 
1274, ibid. 86). Magnus, who was at war with his brother, 
purchased the support of the Church by giving Way to 
these demands (see Holmquist: 22-3). After his corona- 
tion a council was held at Telje in October, 1279, which 
reflects the alliance between himself and the hierarchy 
(Reuterdahl : Stat. Synod, p. 37). The sacredness of the 
king's person was established and protected by threat of 
excommunication. At the same time prohibitions of 
clerical incontinence were renewed, and it was laid down 
that a fine for this fault was to extend to a quarter of the 
clerical income, and was only to be taken once. After that 
punishment was to be more severe. 


Yet the decree states that " few or none are exempt from 
this plague " (ibid., p. 30). There could be little hope of 
stamping out a custom so inveterate. For, if all were in- 
volved in it, it was the interest of all that the law should be 
evaded. And inasmuch as the council went on to revoke 
the law against clerical inheritances and to allow the law- 
ful heirs to succeed to all goods acquired by whatever 
means, the position of the children of the clergy was better 
than it had been before (ibid., p. 32). 8 

It is difficult to form a judgment of the moral condition 
of any large body of persons, especially in a bygone age 
very different from our own. But the clergy in Sweden 
were probably a more independent and, if we may use the 
word, respectable class of men than in those countries 
where the feudal system, with its lay patronage in the 
hands of great landlords, prevailed. Sweden, as I have 
said, was not a conquered but a settled country, divided 
amongst a large number of small landowner or " bonder." 
A group of these men, acting as a parish, founded and 
endowed the churches and chose the clergy, men usually 
of their own class. 9 On the other hand, where the feudal 
system prevailed, the clergy often were dependents on the 
lord of the manor, often his slaves or villeins. 

It is probable that the priests' families were much on a 
par with those of the " bonder " around them. How far 
they were able to continue to intermarry with these families 
after the council of 1248 it is not easy to ascertain. It is to 
be feared that as time went on they were forced to choose 
their partners from a less reputable class ; and that the men 
themselves paid less regard to the tie, which was no longer 
respected by the law. Probably the rights of the children 
were better protected by the civil law than those of the 
mothers, who were denounced by Church law. We find 

8 See further on this subject J. A. and Aug. Theiner : Ein- 
fiihrung der erzwungenen Ehclosigkeit, Vol. ii., pp. 331-7, 
Bremen [1892]. 

9 The different rules of this period are described by Reuter- 
dahl : S. K. H., Vol. ii., pt. 2, p. 633. 

i2o III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. i 130— 1389). 

the Council of Upsala in 1368 referring to and reinforcing 
the decrees of Telje (1279), but heading this part of its 
statutes with the significant words: "These rules that 
follow are not to be published to the laity " (Stat. Syn., 52). 

The reign of Magnus Ladulas is not only an epoch in the 
history of the growth of Church privileges, but it is also 
marked by an extension of the power of the nobility. He 
was the first sovereign who gave the nobility a charter of 
exemption from taxation, with the intention of attaching 
them to the personal service of the crown (Geijer, p. 52). 
He also exempted from payments to the king " all per- 
sons serving on horse-back, in the service of whomsoever 
they might be " (Ordinance of Alsno, 1285, ibid.). Thus 
arose the momentous distinction of " free " and " unfree " 
(fralse and ofralse), which in origin had nothing to do with 
personal freedom or freehold of property, but only freedom 
from taxation on account of services supposed to be ren- 
dered to the State. Thus also arose the order of knight- 
hood, which was personal, not hereditary, just as it was, 
and, indeed, still is in England. 

These changes, though not directly intended to depress 
the peasantry, certainly did so, especially in days when 
foreign officials came in and treated liability to taxation as 
if it were a condition almost of serfdom. 

§ 13. — Fratricidal wars of the period. Growth of 


Dacia. Crusade against Carelians. Later 
Saints : Bryniulf, Hemming, Nicolaus Her- 

The Folkunga period was disturbed by frequent civil 
wars and murders, especially amongst brothers of the royal 
household. " Not a king of this race " (writes Fryxell : i., 
265) " is to be found who did not commit violence on, and 
act treacherously by, his nearest relations, father, brother 
and children. They were the cause of their own ruin by 
their persecutions of each other, to the degree that no noble 


branch remained of a family once so numerous." It is 
remarkable that these fratricidal wars first called out the 
spirit of Swedish poetry, which is manifested in the earliest 
anonymous rhyme-chronicle. This is the so-called 
Eric's-chronicle which describes the period 1229— 1319, 
and was probably written down about the date of the final 
years recorded in it in the reign of Magnus Ericsson. 10 

The Folkunga period was, however, a time of intel- 
lectual progress, the leaders of which in Sweden were the 
Dominicans, and afterwards the Birgittines. The Francis- 
cans had most influence in Stockholm, which was, how- 
ever, very largely a German town. The Dominicans, by 
their establishments in foreign cities, such as Cologne and 
Paris (1285), introduced Swedes to the growing knowledge 
of the day. But scholasticism never took much root in the 
country. The first Swedish writer of importance was 
Petrus de Dacia, who had studied under Thomas Aquinas, 
but whose bent of mind was much more to allegory and 
mysticism than logical system. He conceived la deep 
platonic affection for Kristina of Stumbelen, a nervous and 
fantastic peasant girl, living in the neighbourhood of 
Cologne, whose acquaintance he made as a student there 
(1266-9), an d to whom he afterwards wrote mystic love 
letters, which may be found in the Acta Sanctorum for the 
month of June, embodied in the life which he wrote of her 
(tome v., pp. 231-387). The following extract from one of 
his letters will give an idea of the strength of his 
affection : — 

" O my most loving one! O inmost marrow of my 
heart ! I beseech thee let us raise our eyes and lift our 
hearts to God, in whom all things are one; and from Him 
and in Him we find ourselves, as far as we are one, we who 
in ourselves are very much separated. O dearest ! would I 

10 This first part of the Chronicon Rhythmicum mains may be 
found in Scr. rer. Suecicarum, Vol. i., pt. 2, pp. 1-52. The 
connecting part that follows is of little historical value. The 
better work begins again with the Karlskronika, 1389-1452, 
and the Stare-chronicles, 1452-1520. 

122 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 

could talk to thee face to face, and abide with thee also in 
bodily presence! and this certainly I should prefer to all 
the comfort given to me by the relations and friends 
amongst whom I dwell, and I daily beseech God to do it 
before my death by whatever opportunity for it may be 
given. I, thy father, am well, dearest daughter; and I am 
deeply grieved because I have heard nothing lately about 
thy state." This was perhaps his last letter to her before 
his death. 

The end of the thirteenth century was marked by a 
crusade conducted against the heathen Carelians, in Fin- 
land, who were assisted by the Russians who had long been 
adherents of the Greek Church. This war was waged dur- 
ing the minority of Birger, son of Ladulas. From this 
unfortunate war began the long-drawn contest with Russia. 
A few years later, in 1295, a check was put upon the 
primacy of Lund, and Archbishop Nicolaus Allonis of 
Upsala received the pallium direct from Rome (see Celsii : 
Bullarium, p. 97. Boniface VIII. writes: "Pallium 111 i 
per manus Cardinalium delegatorum Romae tradi curavi- 
mus, salvo Lundensis jure "). 

The latter part of the Folkunga period is memorable for 
the career of the great female saint, Birgitta. It was also 
brightened by the lives of the only later sainted bishops 
which Sweden has to show, Bryniulf, or Brynolphus I. of 
Skara (1278 — 6th February, 1317), Hemming of Abo (1339 
— 22nd May, 1366), and Nicolaus Hermanni of Linkoping 
(1374 — 13th September, 1391). Bryniulf was a man of 
high birth, son of the West Gothic lagman, Algot, who had 
studied for many years in Paris, a Latin poet and good 
administrator, who governed the see of Skara for nearly 
forty years, though often in conflict with Magnus Ladulas, 
Hemming was a zealous missionary in Finland and its 
neighbourhood, and a great founder. Amongst his other 
foundations must be reckoned the establishment of the first 
the first Church Order of the province. He also procured 
library in Finland. His statutes published in 1352 were 
the representation of Finland in the election of the king of 


Sweden at the Mora Stones. He is, therefore, rightly re- 
garded as a sort of national hero in that province. He was 
a friend of St. Birgitta, of whom I am about to speak, and 
the first who brought her revelations to the notice of the 
pope (Nordisk F. B., s.v. Hemming). 

Nicolaus Hermanni, the last Swedish saint before the Re- 
formation, was even more closely connected with Birgitta, 
who chose him as tutor for her children. After her death 
he worked hard to get her canonized, and was the author of 
a well-known hymn in her praise : — 

Rosa rorans bonitatem 
Stella stillans claritatem 
Birgitta vas gratige 

in a metre which became popular for Swedish verse. 

Nicolaus was the first Churchman of high rank to sup- 
port Queen Margaret, and he is, therefore, an important 
link between the Folkunga and Union periods. His con- 
temporary, Archbishop Birgerus Gregorii (1366 — 1383), 
another zealous friend of Birgitta's, may also be mentioned 
as the principal Latin poet of the Middle Age, in company 
with Bryniulf (/. S. L. H., i., p. no). His offices for St. 
Botvid and St. Birgitta have some real poetical beauty 
(See G. M. Dreves' Lateinische Hy7nnen-dichtung, I., 
pp. 437-41, Leipzig, 1909). 

§ 14. — St. Birgitta (1303 — 1373). Her family and char- 
acter. Early impressions. Marriage with 
LJlf. Death of her husband. Revelations : 
their method. political interests. 11 

We must now turn our attention to Birgitta herself, 
whose life (1303 — 1373) deserves a fuller treatment. She is 
confessedly one of three representatives of religion in 
Sweden, whose names are everywhere known — the other 
two being Gustavus Adolphus and Swedenborg. 

She was also the first who has left sufficient personal 

11 See the detached note at the end of this lecture. 

i2 4 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 13S9). 

memoirs (so to call them) to enable us to form a full esti- 
mate of her character and inner life. 12 She was a lady of 
noble— though not, as was sometimes said, of royal— birth, 
and had a full consciousness of her dignity, and of her 
duty to the Church, a consciousness which doubtless saved 
her from many a false step, and supported her in many 
trials. Her father, Birger Persson (11328) was lagman of 
Tiundaland, the chief province of Upland. He was nep- 
hew of the Archbishop of Upsala, Jacobus Israelis, and 
other members of the family had been bishops. 13 

Her mother was descended from a brother of the great 
Birger Jarl. Her father was president of the royal com- 
mission which codified the laws of Upland in 1296. He 
was an adherent and friend of the dukes Eric and Valde- 
mar in their struggle with their brother Birger, and 
particularly of the chivalrous Eric, who, it is said, saved his 
wife Ingeborg's life in a shipwreck off the island of Oland 
shortly before Birgitta's birth. Both of them were 
Folkungar, that is to say, reckless in their family quarrels, 
but the cruel revenge taken on them by their brother Birger 
awakened the utmost horror and compassion among the 
people throughout the North. 

Birgitta's father, of whose name hers is, of course, a dimi- 
nutive, was a man of great piety, and was a large bene- 
factor to churches and convents, and made a pilgrimage as 
far as to St. James of Compostella. From him she clearly 
inherited much besides her name. Such striking features 
in her character as her love of law and law-making, which 
appears in the rule of her order, and in her general desire for 
orderliness ; her tendency to utter decisive judgments, often 
in tones of great severity and without respect of persons ; 

12 Cp. Lydia Wahlstrom : Den heliga Birgitta, Stockholm, 
1905, p. 4 : " Den heliga Birgitta ar den enda historiska per- 
sonlighet under Sveriges medeltid, med hvilken vi kunna kanna 
oss sta oga mot oga, hvars sjalslif vi kunna studera i minsta 
detalj och hvars lefnadsvanor vi kunna sluta oss till." 

13 See the table in S. R. S., Vol. III. 2 , p. 189. The name 
" Israel " seems to have been much in fashion in this family. 


the tendency also to oppose the crown in politics, and to 
take the side of the nobility, and, lastly, the love of pilgrim- 
age and of pious foundations — all these seem traceable to 
him. From her mother she inherited both the hardness 
and the chivalry of the Folkunga character — the hardness 
shown often towards herself, the chivalry in many of her 
conceptions of religious life, in which she likens Christ to 
a noble warrior, and holds up the crusading knight to 
greater honour than the monk. It may be traced also in 
her favouritism towards her son Karl, and her joy when her 
son Birger was knighted at Jerusalem. The images of the 
whole family, including Birgitta, are still to be seen in the 
brass which is the oldest monument in Upsala Cathedral. 14 
Birgitta was naturally proud and ambitious, with a very 
strong will, and a powerful imagination, and (as I have 
said) a certain hardness, which she learnt to use towards 
herself quite as much as to others. Probably her character 
was fixed in the years of childhood, passed first in her 
father's dark and rather dull country house of Finstad, in 
Eastern Upland, and, after her mother's death (1314), 
under her maternal aunt at Aspnas in East Gothland, some 
thirty miles from Vadstena. She became used to the 
society and conversation of religious men, and, happily, 
she seems to have fallen in with remarkably good ones, 
who, in succession, were devoted to her. She was accus- 
tomed to hear legends and religious books read, and to 
discuss religious questions. Quite as a child she began to 
have visions. The two which impressed her most were the 
gift of a crown pressed upon her head, which she felt 
exactly fitted it, and some words spoken to her by the 
Saviour from His cross. When she was thirteen years old 
both she and her younger sister Katharine were married to 
sons of Gudmar, lagman of Nerike, who belonged to the 
same party as her father. Birgitta's husband, Ulf, was 
only eighteen, and her strong will largely moulded and 
controlled his. He joined her in her religious exercises 

14 It is figured in S, H. 2 , fig. 179. 

i26 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 

and mortifications, and learnt to say the " hours " of the 
Virgin with her, while she took care not to press him too 
hard, and encouraged him to study books of law and jus- 
tice, so that he might better discharge the duties of his 
office. He succeeded his father as lagman of Nerike, but 
they generally lived at Ulfasa in East Gothland. 

In one instance he took his own way in giving their 
daughter Marta in marriage to Seved Ribbing — a rough 
hard man whom Birgitta generally calls " the robber." 
But, on the whole, Ulf was a man of excellent and honest 
character, a good knight and a good man of business. 

Amongst her particular occupations, probably begun at 
Finstad, a high place was given to the reading of the Bible, 
which she caused to be translated at least in part into 
Swedish for her use. 

It is interesting to know that she was not alone in her use 
of the Bible, for King Magnus Ericsson, who succeeded 
his uncle, Birger, " possessed a great book of the Bible in 
Swedish." 15 

Some time in her married life Birgitta seems to have re- 
sided at the court as "court-mistress" to Blanche of 
Namur, Queen of Magnus. Her judgment on both the 
gay young king and queen was very severe, and was per- 
haps dictated by her partisanship in politics — although 
Magnus was son of Duke Eric, whom her father had fol- 
lowed. 16 What is astonishing is that a woman should have 
been bold enough, in this age, to take so decided a line in 
politics in such a country as Sweden. 

15 Wetzer and Welte : Realenc, s.v. Bibeliibersetsungen, p. 
768. This was probably the Pentateuch. It is mentioned in 
his will, dated 1340. This and other pre-Reformation versions 
were printed by Klemming in Svenska medeltidens Bibel- 
arbeten, 2 vols. Stkh., 1848 — 1855. 

16 For an interpretation of the passages in her revelations 
touching the king and queen, which are contained in the 
appendix Extravagantes 80, and in lib. iv., ch. 3, etc., we may 
refer to Commentarii historici super nonnullis Rev. S. Birgittce 
in Scr. rer. Suec. III. 2 , 16-20. In Extrav. 59 Birgitta tells 
a story about a box of relics given to her when she was " magi- 
stra Reginae Blancae quondam Reginae Sueciae. " 


After the birth of their eight children (five of whom lived 
to grow up) Ulf and his wife visited the tomb of St. James 
at Compostella. On their way back Ulf fell ill at Arras, 
and Birgitta had a revelation of his recovery in a vision of 
St. Denis, patron of France — a vision which also spoke of a 
new life and work for herself. Ulf came home, but only 
to die (t 1344) in the Cistercian monastery of Alvastra. On 
his death-bed he placed a ring on her finger as a reminder 
that she was to pray continually for his soul. Their friends 
were astonished to notice that in a few days she had given 
up wearing it. She declared that she felt the ring to be a 
clog binding her to the remembrance of earthly joys, and, 
though she had loved Ulf with her whole soul, she now 
intended to give her love wholly to God, and so she ended : 
" I will forget both the ring and my spouse " (S. R. 5., 
III., 2, 227). The first years after Ulf's death were spent 
in quiet retirement at Alvastra and in intimate friendship 
with the clergy there. 

Shortly after it came her first distinct revelation. Our 
Lord appeared to her and said : — " Thou art my bride and 
the channel between myself and mankind. Thou shalt 
hear and behold spiritual things, and my spirit shall rest 
on thee till thy last day " (ibid. 193-4). Other revelations 
followed in succession, and the words which Christ or St. 
Mary or other of the saints spoke to her were written down 
by her or taken down from her lips and translated into 
Latin, and considered to be the very words of the speakers. 
She was a seer and a prophetess rather than a mystic 
enthusiast. She was throughout filled with a moral pur- 
pose like that of the Old Testament prophets, whose 
language she often recalls to us. Of her seven hundred 
revelations only three or four were corporal, or hallucina- 
tions of the senses (I.S.L.H., i. 70). 

Her first amanuensis was an excellent man and a good 
Latin scholar, Master Mathias, Canon of Linkoping, the 
best theologian in Sweden, whose most famous work was 
Concordancie super totam Bibliam, a commentary in three 
folio volumes. He naturally did some editing, and cut out 

128 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 

from the revelations anything that had a heretical or dan- 
gerous tendency, but without depriving them of their 
strong personal flavour. About half of the books of the 
revelations passed through his hands. 

The trances in which Birgitta's revelations were given 
came upon her suddenly, and generally in prayer. Once 
when she was riding to what was then the king's house at 
Vadstena, she turned her thoughts to God, and in a moment 
she passed into an ecstasy, and lost consciousness. She 
saw before her a great staircase, above which sat our Lord 
as judge, surrounded by saints and angels. Half way up 
the stairs was a learned monk, whom she knew quite well. 
His face had a diabolic expression, and he put a succession 
of puzzling questions to Christ, who answered him calmly 
and without anger. 

Meanwhile a servant rushed forward and grasped her 
horse's reins, and, after an hour, she returned to conscious- 
ness. She remembered every word she had heard, and 
dictated it in Swedish to her confessor, who turned it into 
Latin. This vision occupies the fifth book of the revela- 
tions, which contains sixteen chapters — an immense effort 
of memory. Besides this, the first and second books and 
part of the rule of her order belong to the Swedish 
period of her life, as well as some scattered revelations 
in books six and eight and in the appendix (Revel, 
extravagantes), and probably the prayers. Sometimes she 
herself wrote her revelations in Swedish, and the MS. of 
one or two of them remains written in a firm strong hand 
(see /. S. L. H., i., p. 96, for a facsimile). 

Birgitta was not a Protestant like Wycliffe or Hus, 
though she denounced the immoral life of priests and 
monks, and gave advice alike to kings and popes in the 
form of sharp reproof. Her attitude to the papacy was 
thus expressed by herself: — " It is a true Christian belief 
that the pope, who is without heresy, however much he 
may be tainted with other sins, nevertheless is not so 
degraded by these or other bad actions, that he cannot exer- 
cise the power to bind and loose souls, which power he has 


received of God" (Rev. lvii., c. 7). On another occa- 
sion she heard the Blessed Virgin say that she had two 
sons, one our Saviour, the other he " who sits in the papal 
seat, that is the seat of God in the world, if he has obeyed 
His precepts and loved Him with a perfect charity " (Rev. 
iv. c. 138). This refers to Pope Urban V. Quite at the 
close of her life, in her last pilgrimage, she declared that it 
was the duty of the Greek Church to submit to Rome, and 
threatened it with perpetual slavery if it did not do so (vii. 


Dr. Schiick, whose account of Birgitta's life is one of the 
best known to me, compares her to Fra Angelico. She is 
a poetess, with a keen eye for nature, and yet with a 
mediaeval, not a modern, love of nature. She sees nature 
" with a background of gold and sky blue." " When one 
reads her writings," he says, " it is as if one stood on a 
height with clouds beneath one's feet, the vault of heaven 
arching over one's head, but without discerning a bit of 
earth" (I.S.L.H. i. 97). 

But (as he goes on to say) Birgitta is far from being cold. 
" In her writings seethes a mystic passion. Childhood's 
dreams and youth's suppressed enthusiasms return in her 
revelations coloured by an already ageing woman's power- 
ful imagination. ' My body (she says) is like an untamed 
colt, and my feelings like the wild birds of the forest ' " 
(Rev. exit. 52). She hears her bridegroom Christ whisper 
to her : — " If thou desire nothing beside me, if thou despise 
everything for my sake, not only children and parents, but 
honour and riches, so shall thy heart be in my heart, and 
inflamed with love for me, just as dry bushwood is burnt in 
the fire; and I shall be in thee, so that all worldly things 
shall become to thee bitter and the pleasures of the flesh as 
poison " (Rev. i. 50). 

The following extracts, which I have chosen from those 
selected and translated (rather too freely) by Hammerich, 
will give a fair idea of Birgitta's style, and particularly of 
her eye for nature and her faculty of apt illustration : — 

" Christ speaks : The world is like a broad desert, overgrown 


130 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 

with woods, so dense and dark, that nobody was able to pene- 
trate through it. There was only one made road, which ended 
in an abyss. And those who fell into it cried out : O Lord 
God, come and help; show us the way, and give light to us who 
are waiting for Thee. In Thee alone is there salvation ! And 
this cry has come up to heaven to my ears and touched my heart; 
and I came into the desert as a pilgrim, in order to work here 
and make a road. Before me there sounded a voice : Now is the 
axe laid to the root of the trees ! This was the voice of the 
Baptist who was to prepare the way before me. And I worked 
from sunrise till the hour of rest ; I allowed myself to be 
tempted ; I endured hatred and scorn ; I have cut the way to 
heaven and cleared the trees and bushes which barred it. The 
sharpest thorns pierced my side, and iron nails wounded my 
hands and feet ; my teeth and cheeks were cruelly smitten ; 
but I turned not back ; I became the more ardent and went 
onward like the animal which, driven by hunger, throws itself on 
the hunter, and in its passions, runs the lance into itself, held 
towards it by the hunter. The more zealous man was to 
murder me the more zealous I became to suffer for him " (Rev. 
ii. 15). 

" When coal is consumed and the brass is melting in the 
fire, the air remains in the bellows nevertheless ; thus also 
desire remains in the heart when the time of grace is passed " 
(iii. 7). 

" Whatever may come in the life hereafter must be indifferent 
to me if only I can have my will in this life, so says the man 
of the world with a hoarse voice. Of a truth the humble bee 
keeps humming and bumming and stays near the soil " (i. 44). 

"The friendship of the world is light as snow, and at the 
same time cold as the hoar-frost." 

" The world is a poor-house ; there it is dark and dreary, full 
of smoke — but what darkens the soul is love of the world — and 
full of soot, that is to say, the lust of the flesh. But thou art 
introduced into a society of great people, into the House where 
beauty is without blemish, warmth without smoke, sweetness 
without disgust" (v. 9). 

" With many people the will is like a mill-wheel which re- 
mains still and cannot grind, because it has no water. There- 
fore break through the milldam of pride, and the water of the 
Holy Spirit will be poured out, and will set thy will in motion " 
(iv. 97). 

" Man longs often for vain honour, which, like the froth of 
the sea-wave, rises high like a mountain, but quickly vanishes. 


As an owl desires the night so does man ; he hunts after vain 
things and hates those belonging to eternity " (i. 2; vi. 45). 

" There are tears which are like the pouring rain, when man 
laments his temporal need ; others are like the snow or hail 
when man weeps after his God, but not out of love and longing, 
but with an icy cold heart full of fear of hell ; and would be 
content, be it in heaven or on earth, to find a little place, where 
he could get rid of the torment and satisfy for ever his desires. 
On the contrary, those tears which draw the soul to heaven, 
and heaven to the soul, are like the dew which falls on a rose- 
leaf. When man bethinks himself of the love of the Lord and 
of His cruel and bitter passion ; then the eye is filled with tears 
which surround the soul as the dew drops lie round the flower ; 
which refresh the soul and make it fruitful and bring God the 
Lord into it" (i. 81). 

" If the kernel of a date is planted in a fertile soil, it takes 
root, the palm branches unfold themselves, the tree throws off 
a beautiful perfume, and its fruit ripens. So is the thought of 
the divine Judgment, when it penetrates a heart which has 
acknowledged its sin ; then the sacrifice of its own will, together 
with holy exercises, form the stem ; the branches grow by love ; 
the fruit which ripens under the word of preaching is the joy to 
proclaim the honour of God" (i. 43). 

" The rock gave water when the staff of Moses touched it. 
Thus flow the tears of repentance when the hard heart is 
touched by the fear and love of God " (i. 2). 

" The rose has a sweet scent, is lovely to look upon, and soft 
to the touch ; and yet it grows among thorns. So the good 
among the bad ; the one cannot be without the other. Bear 
thou also with the enemies of Christ, so long as He himself bears 
with them into that which." 

"Love changes the beloved one into that which he loves" 
(cp. i. 54; vi. 17). 

Hammerich thus concludes his selection of passages : — 

" The ground thought on which everything rests, her prin- 
ciple of knowledge is the same as in Bernard and Hugo, 
namely, love. . . . We are changed into that which we love ; 
by love God is enclosed in the soul ; being loved, He is com- 
prehended as the externally present One, and thus is He, and in 
Him His creation, enjoyed by us. 

"Where the fulness of love is there is also knowledge; he 
who loves sees God in everything. But all true love rests on a 
thorough discernment of that which is loved by the loving one 

i 3 2 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130-1389). 

himself. The consciousness of this never leaves our Birgitta, 
and keeps her soul from that inclination of German mysticism, 
to lose itself in the divine formless nothing." 

And not only does Birgitta, in distinction from other 
mystics, preserve this sense of the persistence of her own 
personality, but she has a particular perception of beauty, 
as an attribute of God. This, says Hammerich, is peculiar 
to her among such writers (p. 209). It appears emphatic- 
ally in her descriptions of our Saviour, and of the Blessed 
Virgin Mary. She assigned to the latter a very high place 
in the dispensation of God's grace and believed (with the 
Franciscans, not the Dominicans) in her immaculate con- 
ception. One of the most strikingly beautiful of her re- 
velations is the vision of her son Karl's judgment in which 
the Virgin Mother appeared to reinforce his own mother's 
prayers in the struggle for his soul between good and evil 
powers (Rev. vii. 13, Partridge's Life of St. B., pp. 231-7). 
This, in one form or another, was her special consolation 
on the pilgrimage to Jerusalem. To any mother who reads 
these revelations it will probably appear the most wonder- 
ful of all. 

But the personal and spiritual elements are by no 
means the only ones. Her revelations often extended 
to practical matters and those of political importance. It 
was in a considerable measure due to her that the 
king, Magnus Ericsson, prosecuted his design of a war 
against the Russians in 1348. In the strife which fol- 
lowed between king and nobles she naturally took the part 
of the latter, and she even uttered revelations which advised 
the king's deposition. One of these, which gives us a 
darker picture of the king's character than any other his- 
torical document known to us, declares that God would 
drive the king and his whole house from the throne, and set 
on it a native Swede, who should guide the land in accord- 
ance with the will of God (Rev. extrav., 80). By this she 
is supposed to have meant her own son, Karl Ulfsson, a 
man of pleasant and attractive manners, but apparently 
quite unfit for any great position. 

§ is-— st. birgitta at rome and in the east. 133 

§ 15.— Her ambition to bring back the Pope to Rome 
and to found an order. characteristics of 
the Order. Vadstena. Journey to Rome. 
Life there. Urban V. returns (1367) and sanc- 

and death. canonized three times, but 
Revelations treated with caution. Criticism 
at Basel. 

She extended her messages to other European princes, 
and she felt herself commissioned to declare in the name of 
Christ that those two ferocious beasts, the kings of Eng- 
land and France, were to make peace on the basis of a 
marriage, that so the kingdom might descend to the lawful 
heir (Rev. iv. 104 and 105. Cp. Rev. vi. 34 and 63, to 
Pope Clement VII.). 

But her chief concern was to bring the popes from Avig- 
non, of the wickedness of which place she may have heard 
from her father. The exile of the papacy from Italy for 
seventy years was very distasteful to all good churchfolk, 
at least outside France. In England it was made a reason 
for the non-payment of the customary tribute and of Peter's- 
pence. Even in Sweden it provoked resentment. Two 
years after her husband's death Birgitta received a revela- 
tion, in which Christ thus spake to her: — " Go to Rome: 
for there the streets are paved with everlasting gold ; that 
is, the blood of the martyrs and saints. There, by the 
merits of the saints and the absolution of the pope, lies the 
shortest way to heaven. In Rome thou shalt remain until 
thou hast seen the pope and the emperor" (S.R.S. III. 2 

She wrote to the then pope, Clement VI. (1342 — 1352), 
the implacable enemy of the Emperor Lewis, urging him 
to break the fetters of his Babylonish captivity, and to re- 
turn to the capital of Christendom. The failure of her 
entreaties, combined with other impulses, such as the wish 
to attend the jubilee of 1350 and the desire to promote the 
interests of her proposed order, led her to take her journey 

134 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. i 130—1389). 

to Rome — a journey from which she never returned. She 
set out in the autumn of 1349. 17 

Her confessor, Mathias, was absent with the king as his 
adviser on the Russian crusade, to which Birgitta had in- 
cited him. This was a foolish and fatal expedition, in 
which Magnus treated the Russians as if they were heathen, 
and pressed Latin baptism and allegiance to the pope upon 
them at the sword's point, only to suffer loss, to return to 
his country loaded with debt, and to meet the great plague 
of 1350. Mathias died shortly after his return. 

Birgitta had, however, two other excellent friends and 
companions, Petrus Olai, prior of the monastery of 
Alvastra, and another priest of the same name, Magister 
Petrus Olai, head of the Holy Ghost's Hospital at 
Skeninge. The latter was her confessor in place of Master 
Mathias, though he was much inferior to Mathias as a 
theologian and a scholar. 

I have already indicated the objects of her journey and 
ambition, especially her personal desire to found a new re- 
ligious order, from which should grow the regeneration of 
mankind. She desired to be the equal of the great men 
whose foundations had given them such renown and re- 
putation for saintliness as to dim the glories of conquerors 
and statesmen. Magnus Ericsson had already fallen in 
with her plan, and gave great gifts and grants to it, includ- 
ing the estate of Vadstena, which was well situated for the 
central position she wished her order to occupy. It was 
placed half way down the eastern side of Lake Vettern, 
behind the Omberg, and was naturally visited by all 
travellers passing from one province of Gothland to the 
other. But, before this plan could be executed, it was 
necessary to obtain the sanction of the pope. 

17 See Rev. book v., ch. 12, near the end of the book, which 
shows the difficulties she had to contend with in Sweden. Mrs. 
Partridge's Life of St. Bridget makes her arrive in Rome in the 
spring of 1347 (p. 88), and be a witness of Rienzi's election to 
the tribunate in May (April?) of that year (pp. 96-7); but this 
does not seem to agree with the other evidence of the date of her 


The peculiar feature of the plan was one which naturally 
arose from Birgitta's own experience of the value of co- 
operation between men and women. Her " Order of the 
Holy Saviour " was to be lodged in a double-cloister. It 
was to be " first and principally " for women, but a certain 
body of men, mostly priests, was to be settled beside it 
The two bodies were hardly to meet except in church, 
and even then were not to see one another, but each sex 
was to supply its proper gifts for the advantage of 
the whole. The idea was not a new one, having 
been carried out in England in Saxon times, and more 
recently in the twelfth century by St. Gilbert of Semp- 
ringham and elsewhere. There were to be thirteen priests 
to represent the twelve apostles and St. Paul ; four 
deacons to represent the four Latin doctors; eight lay- 
brothers, and sixty nuns — the deacons, lay-brothers and 
nuns forming a body of seventy-two to represent the Lord's 
evangelists. No nun was to be admitted younger than 
eighteen years; no man under twenty-five. Entrance 
was to be after repeated requests during a year's probation. 
The nuns were admitted with a marriage ring and crown, 
but carried out of church upon a bier. An open grave in 
the cloister and a coffin in the church were perpetual re- 
minders of death. The rules as to fasting and poverty 
were, however, not too strict. Vadstena itself was in the 
diocese of Linkoping, and subject to the bishop of that see 
— as the other houses were to the diocesan bishops. All 
this and much else was supposed to be matter of divine 
revelation. The object of the order was naturally not 
merely the edification of the members, but the promotion of 
learning and education, and the instruction of the people 
by popular preaching in the mother tongue. Attention 
was also paid to improved methods of cultivation, and to 
various kinds of husbandry and home industry, such as 
lace-making, which is still carried on at Vadstena. 

With these two plans in mind Birgitta journeyed south- 
wards, and reached Rome after a difficult journey. Here 
she was joined, after a time, by her son Birger and her 

136 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1 130— 1389). 

daughter Katharine, and by other travellers from Sweden. 
Her revelations took the form of prophetic warnings 
addressed to Rome and to the popes, and to various leaders 
of the Church ; but usually her life was a quiet well-ordered 
and serious round of study, devotion, careful meal-times 
and ministry to the poor. She was much too independent 
to enter a monastery, for, while she desired to live by rule, 
she did not wish to live under rule. She never even wore 
the habit of her own order. The city was dis- 
tracted by the factions of the Orsini and the Colonna 
families, and was sometimes hardly safe to move in. She 
was protected by one of the Orsini family, and in 
time got a house lent her, which, after a while, be- 
came a priory of her order, and the agency of Vad- 
stena, and almost of Sweden in Rome. It is near the 
Campo di Fiore and is still shown. She had a long and 
tedious time of waiting before her vision was fulfilled. 
Clement VI., and his successor, Innocent VI., lived and 
died at Avignon. At last, in 1367, she had the joy of see- 
ing Urban V. enter Rome, and the Emperor Charles IV. 
came for a time in the next year. Urban showed her great 
favour, and in 1370 sanctioned the statutes of her order, 
though only " per modum constitutionum," as a branch 
of the Augustinians, and gave her many privileges. But 
he left Italy in September of that year, and Birgitta prophe- 
sied his death, which took place in Avignon after a few 
months. This event immensely increased her reputation as 
a prophetess. She now wished to fulfil her long-cherished 
design to visit Palestine. In 1372 she started on this 
pilgrimage, passing Naples, where her son Karl, a married 
man, boldly made love to the queen — Joanna — a lady of no 
good record — much to Birgitta's distress. But he died 
there, much to her relief, and, as she supposed, in answer 
to her prayers. I have already spoken of the consolation 
which she received in visions of the rescue of his soul in the 
other world. She went on with Birger, who was made a 
knight of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. Her strong 


will struggled with sickness on the journey, and her revela- 
tions continued, and were extended to Cyprus and to the 
prelates of the Greek Church. She lived to return to Rome, 
and there breathed her last with great piety and trust the 
23rd July, 1373. She did not foresee that a younger saint 
than herself, Catharine of Siena, a friend of her own 
daughter Katharine, would be more successful, and actually 
would procure the return of Pope Gregory XI. only a few 
years later. Birgitta herself was canonized in 1391 by Boni- 
face IX. But, inasmuch as this took place during the great 
schism, the interests of the order, which was subject to a 
good deal of jealousy and suspicion, both theological and 
practical, required a further confirmation of her sanctity, 
and of the value of her revelations. The question of the 
authority to be attached to the latter was raised at the Coun- 
cil of Constance in 1415 by the greatest theologian of the 
day, John Gerson, Chancellor of the University of Paris, 
in a tract written for the purpose, which he entitled De 
probatione spirituum (Opera, t. i. 37-43, Antverpise, 
1706). He notices the difficulty involved in either approv- 
ing or rejecting her revelations, and complains that they 
were not properly before the council for the purpose of 

The eleventh consideration of this tract seems to be 
especially directly against Birgitta. It warns the council 
of the danger of a woman having long conversations with 
her confessor under pretext of frequent confession, and 
prolix narration of her visions, or any other excuse for ex- 
cessive talking. " There is scarcely any other plague 
which is more effective to do mischief or more hard to 
heal," he exclaims, and then goes on to quote Virgil's 
description of Dido's dangerous conversations with 
Aeneas. The University of Oxford was also concerned 
to oppose the multiplicity of canonizations. Birgitta's 
second canonization was, however, solemnly performed by 
Pope John XXIII., who had already issued an immense 
bull, generally called, from its size, Mare magnum, the 

138 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1 130— 1389). 

i st May, 141 3, in favour of the order, and this act was con- 
firmed by the council in 1415. 18 

This, however, was not considered sufficient, and a fresh 
confirmation, both of the canonization and the privileges of 
the order was demanded and supplied by Pope Martin V. 
at Florence in 1419. 19 

All opposition was not, however, even then overcome, 
and the defenders of the order had to meet even more 
strenuous criticism at the Council of Basel in 1433, when 
123 passages from the revelations were attacked. The 
Roman Church then and later prudently refused to commit 
itself to the defence and sanction of all the revelations, 
though expressions were used asserting that Birgitta 
possessed a prophetic spirit, and was moved by divine 
grace. Pope Benedict XIV., in his book On the Canoni- 
zation of Saints (ii. 32), sums up the judgment of the 
Latin Church that they may be read for edification, but are 
in no sense matters of faith. 20 The "ad instar " indul- 
gences — which it was hoped would make a pilgrimage to 
Vadstena equal to one to " St. Peter ad vincula " in Rome, 
or to the Portiuncula at Assist — were also withdrawn and 
not restored. 

§ 16. — Value of Vadstena to Sweden. Unhappy 
career of magnus ericsson. hls unpopu- 
LARITY. Reign of Albrekt of Mecklenburg. 
Bo Jonsson Grip, Drotset or Steward. 

Although the Order of the Holy Saviour did not re- 
generate the world, and did not even acquire the same privi- 

18 Celsii Bullarium, p. 165, cp. L'Enfant Concile de Con- 
stance, I., p. 103. The bull may be found in Svenskt diploma- 
tarium (1401 onwards), II., 1714. Cp. T. Hojer: Vadstena 
Klosters .... Historia, pp. 165-6, Upsala, 1905. 

19 See fuller details on most of these points in T. Hojer : 
I.e., p. 180 foil. He speaks of the house given by Francisca de 
Papazuris and afterwards used as a hospitium for Swedish 
pilgrims (pp. 120-2). 

20 See Hefele : Councils, § 794. 


leges as the Franciscan, it did great service to Sweden, and 
even to England, where the nuns of Syon did honour to the 
memory of their founder, King Henry V., and even now 
keep up a small house in Devonshire. The mother house 
of Vadstena was the centre of the religious life of Sweden 
and of its higher education. To it we may ascribe a great 
influence in forming the noble character of most of the 
Swedish ladies of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries ; for 
those who were not educated there were almost all in- 
terested in the convent of Vadstena, and on friendly terms 
with its inmates. 

Its library was a remarkable one, and still forms an im- 
portant portion of the university collection at Upsala. Its 
preachers went everywhere through the country, preaching 
in the mother tongue. From it issued (though doubtless in 
few copies) the first Swedish versions of the Scriptures and 
translations of famous mystical books and sermons. Its 
chronicle, the Diarium Vasstenense, 21 which covers the 
period from 1344 to 1545 — just two centuries — is not only 
an indispensable document for Swedish history, but gives 
a picture of a quiet religious life, which it is very comfort- 
ing to contemplate. The Church historian, Reuterdahl, 
writes of it with more than usual display of feeling in speak- 
ing of the moral and religious character of the Union period. 
After confessing that we have many evidences of mischief, 
both among the clergy and in the convents, he adds that 
we have also many which witness to inward piety, and 
deep reverence for Christ and His work on earth. " If 
anyone doubts this let him simply read without prejudice 
the old meagre inventories of gifts, and the registers of 
benefactions, and the monastic chronicles. Let him 
especially read through the Diary of Vadstena. Simple 
but warm faith and inward and humble love may be read 
there in almost every line. It would be unjust not to read 


21 Printed in the first volume of the Scriptores rerum 
Suecicarum, Upsala, 1818. 

22 Svenska Kyvkans Historia, Vol. iii., pt. 2, p. 395, Lund. 

i 4 o III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130-1389). 

So deeply rooted was Vadstena in the affections of the 
people that it lasted throughout the period of the Reforma- 
tion, and was not closed till 1595, by order of Duke Charles, 
when it was a home of disaffection and conspiracy. The 
other houses of the order had mostly disappeared, but four 
still remain, Altomtinster in Bavaria, two in Holland, and 
one, as I have said, in England. The houses at Valladolid 
and elsewhere in Spain are revivals, not survivals. 

During Birgitta's absence in Rome the reign of King 
Magnus closed in Sweden with a period of great misery 
and unpopularity. He returned from his Russian crusade, 
as I have said, loaded with debt, only to meet the calamity 
of the great plague of 1350 — a plague which pressed with 
special severity upon the clergy. A similar scourge ap- 
peared in 1360, which fell particularly upon the children. 
Magnus was especially unpopular on account of his un- 
worthy favourite, Bengt Algotsson, and because of his re- 
trocession to Denmark of the provinces of Halland, Skane 
and Blekinge, which had revolted to Sweden early in his 
reign. His object, of course, was to purchase the support 
of Denmark in his struggle with his son Eric and his sub- 
jects. He was deposed in 1363 by the party with whom 
Birgitta was acting, and, after an imprisonment of some 
years, he retired with his son Haco to Norway, where he 
enjoyed a higher reputation than in Sweden. His sister's 
son, Albrekt of Mecklenburg, was elected in his place, and 
had a precarious tenure of the crown — making himself very 
unpopular by the number and character of his German 
followers. During Albrekt's reign Sweden was practically 
governed by a nobleman, Bo Jonsson Grip — so called be- 
cause his arms were a Griffin's head — who was lord over 
two-thirds of the mainland and the whole of Finland, who 
oppressed the country in the king's name. He bore the 
title of Drotset, or Drots, which may be rendered steward, 
or seneschal of the realm. 23 After his death Albrekt tried 

23 See Ducange : s.v. Drossatus, which is rendered in Latin 
" Dapifer " and " Dapifer, " again "Seneschal." But 
"Steward" is the word used in the English translation of 


to govern more for himself, but he was conquered and 
treated with ignominy by the Danish princess, Margaret, 
widow of Haco, in 1389, and thus the once brilliant 
Folkunga dynasty came to an inglorious end. 

Detached Note. — On the Authorities for the Life and 
Character of St. Birgitta and her literary relations. 

The earliest Life is that by her two later companions, Magister 
Peter and Peter the Prior, written in 1373 : this is the most 
important source next to the revelations themselves. It may 
be found in Scr. rer. Suec, III., 2, pp. 185-206. The revela- 
tions were first printed at Li'ibeck in 1492. MSS. exist in 
various libraries even in England, as at Balliol, Merton and 
Magdalen Colleges in Oxford, and Lincoln Cathedral, but none 
of these are complete. The best English MS. is, I believe, in 
the British Museum, Harleianus 612, which belonged to Syon. 
This also contains the partly unpublished Processus Canoni- 
zationis, which is also found in MSS. of the Royal Library at 
Stockholm, and of the Vatican. Part of it is published in 
S. R. S., III., 2, 218-40. There is an interesting copy of 
Koberger's edition, Nuremberg, September, 1521, in Lambeth 
Palace Library. It belonged to the monastery of Syon, and 
was given at the petition of David Curson, " a brother pro- 
fessed ... by the consent of the reverent father and all hys 
brethern," to Mr. John Doo, of the College of Fotheringham, 
on condition that he should pray for the company of the said 
monastery, and leave it to the common use of the college afore- 
said. I have myself used Durantus' full and convenient edi- 
tion, printed with the revelations of SS. Hildegard and 
Elizabeth, Cologne, 1628. 

Of modern books I have used Schiick III. Sv. lit. hist., H. 
Lundstrom Birgitta in P.R.E. 3 , Vol. 3 ; Dr. F. Hammerich (of 
Copenhagen) St. Birgitta, German translation by A. Michelsen, 
Gotha, 1872 ; G. Binder Die heilige Birgitta von Schweden, 
Munchen, 1891 ; Lydia Wahlstrom Den heliga Birgitta, Stock- 
holm, 1905; Hojer : Vadstena Klosters . . . . Historia, Upsala, 
1905, and MS. notes generously supplied by Mr. Knut B. West- 
man, of Upsala, who is writing a monograph on the subject. 
I believe that the latest and fullest biography is one by Hans 
Hildebrand, published about six years ago in Svenska Akade- 
tniens Handlingar, but I have not had access to it. 

Geijer's History, and is familiar to us from the history of Scot- 
land, where the Stewards or Stuarts became kings. 

142 III.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1130— 1389). 

There is an English Life {The Life of St. Bridget of 
Sweden, by the late Mrs. F. J. M. A. Partridge, Burns and 
Oates, London, 1888), which only professes to be a condensation 
of the book of a German nun published at Mayence. This 
latter is Leben der Heiligen Birgitta von Schmieden von einer 
Klosterfrau der ewigen Anbetung zu Mainz [der Abtissin Maria 
Bernardina], 1st ed. Mainz, 1875, 2nd ed., 1888. It is intended 
for edification, and must be read with this qualification in mind. 
But it is brightly written, and well conveys the feeling and spirit 
of the old authorities. It also gives references to the books and 
chapters of the revelations which more pretentious books some- 
times lack. Mr. Westman has also most kindly helped me to 
identify a number of them. 

As regards the literary relations of St. Birgitta the following 
letter from Mr. Westman will be read with interest : — 

Sysslomansgatan 16, Upsala, Sweden, 

27th March, 1910. 

Right Reverend Sir, 

Professor Soderblom has asked me to tell you what is known 
about the books Birgitta owned or studied, especially with re- 
ference to a possible literary influence on her from some of the 
earlier mystics. Unfortunately the notices in this respect are 
very few and not very significant. She has surely known the 
following books : — 

The Bible ; Historiae Scholastics (which I suppose to be 
the Historia Scholastica by Petrus Comestor) ; Dialogus 
Gregorii ; Vitae patrum ; Pseudo-Bernhard, Liber de modo 
bene vivendi ; and Speculum Virginum (an ascetic book, 
later on translated into Swedish, now edited by Geete, 
Stockholm, 1897-8). 

There is scarcely anything more to mention, if not some 
Italian heretical and apocalyptic books — no doubt emanating 
from the Fraticelli — which she disapproves (III., 33; VI., 68, 

6 7)- 

So there is no explicit trace of any literary influence from any 

of the earlier female mystics. To the question whether any 

such influence on the text of the revelations — for instance, from 

Gertrude, or either of the two Mechtilds — is, on inner reasons, 

to be supposed, I would personally answer in the negative. At 

least, no such influence is needed to explain those rather un- 

literary writings of Birgitta. If there can be found any detail, 

a thought or parable or something like that, that could be best 

explained by supposing such an influence (a possibility which I 


do not deny, though I have not found any), it must always be re- 
membered that Birgitta and the above-named mystics are 
religious types of a very different kind. They are ecstatic, with 
their visions centred around a bridal mysticism on the lines of 
Bernhard's Sermones in Canticum, partly (Mechtild of Magde- 
burg) also devoted to the metaphysical trend of Dionysius Areo- 
pagita and the Victorines. She, even in her visions, is prophe- 
tical and practical, intent on finding and interpreting the 
intensely active and world-reforming will of God. To this type 
belongs, for instance, Savonarola, and, in some degree also, 
Hildegard of Bingen. — Believe me, yours very respectfully, 




The Romanized Church under the Union Sovereigns 
(1389 a.d. — 1520 A.D.) 

Margaret, Eric of Pomerania, Christopher of Bavaria, 
Karl Knutsson, Christian I., John and Christian 


§ I. — Margaret and Eric of Pomerania (1389) — Queen 
Philippa of England — Vadstena and Syon — 
Foreign bailiffs — Eric intrudes Johannes Jerechini 
into the archbishopric and Andreas into Strengnas 
(1408) — Brother Johannes Haquini archbishop 
(1422 — 1432) — Dispute about Archbishop Olaus 

0432) 148 

§ 2. — Peasant rising under Engelbrekt (1433 — 1436) 
— He wins the Council of State at Vadstena (14th 
August, 1434) — Elected administrator at Arboga 
(1435) — Reaction — The marshal, Karl Knutsson, 
administrator (1436) — Murder of Engelbrekt — His 
services to Sweden in reviving the peasant estate 
and breaking down provincialism — The national 
Parliament and the national Kingship due to him 

— Poems of Thomas Bishop of Strengnas 151 

§ 3. — Retirement of King Eric — Nicolaus Ragvaldi 
archbishop (1438 — 1448) — The bishops get Chris- 
topher of Bavaria elected king (1440 — 1448) — 
Legislative measures of this reign — Christopher's 
land's-law promulgated 1442 — Its relation to 
Eric's land's-law of 1337 — Roman civil law not 
known in Sweden — Archbishop Nicolaus and the 

castle of Almare-Staket 155 

§ 4. — Election of Karl Knutsson (1448) — His enemy, 
Johannes Benedicti (Oxenstierna), archbishop 
(1448 — 1468) — Karl's feebleness — The arch- 
bishop's ambition and presumption — He drives 


i 4 6 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389— 1520). 


Karl from Sweden — Struggles between Karl and 
Christian I., of Denmark — The archbishop's 
death in Oland (15th December, 1468) — Jacobus 
Ulphonis consecrated at Rome (15th April, 1470) 
Death of Karl 158 

§ 5. — Sten Sture the elder succeeds as administrator 
(1471) — Victory over Christian I. at Brunkeberg — 
Foundation of Upsala University (1477) — Arch- 
bishop Jacobus and Hemming Gad — Death of 
Christian I. (1481) — His son John elected king of 
Sweden (1483), but now crowned till 1497 — Svante 
Sture (Natt och Dag) administrator (1504 — 1512) 
— New and young actors on the stage — Sten Sture 
the younger (1512), Christian II. ( 1 5 1 3) and Arch- 
bishop Gustavus Trolle (elected December, 15 14, 
and confirmed and consecrated at Rome under 
Pope Leo X., 1515) — Character of Trolle: His 
stubbornness and ambition — Hostility to Sten — 
His deposition (1517) leads to a breach with 
Rome — Christian's efforts to conquer Sweden — 
Episode of Arcimboldi, the papal legate and 
pardon-monger — Swedish gold used to conquer 
Sweden 161 

§ 6. — Inner religious life of the Church not so very 
dark — Book knowledge late — Elementary popular 
religious teaching — Inconsistent character of 
Swedish bishops — Their status before election — 
Not many from religious orders; few foreigners; 
mostly men of good birth — Cathedral chapters all 
of secular canons — Officers : Provost, archdeacon, 
dean, scholasticus, cantor, sacristan — General 
duties — Size of dioceses — Rural deaneries — Parish 
priests — Monasteries and religious orders — Their 
number and distribution — Wealth of the Church 167 

§ 7- — Conclusion. — Dissatisfaction with Rome and ill- 
feeling against the bishops — The latter brought to 
a head in the deposition of Archbishop Trolle 



(15 1 7) — The craft of Christian II. using this as a 
handle for his own revenge — Plan of Didrik Slag- 
heck — Coronation (4th November, 1520) — The 
blood-bath of Stockholm 8th November — Some 
details of it — Its influence on both Church and 

State 175 

Detached Note. — On the Monastery of Syon in 

England 182 



The Romanized Church under the Union Sovereigns 
(1389— 1520). 

§ 1. — Margaret and Eric of Pomerania. 

The history of the Union period is particularly important 
for our subject, as exhibiting the bishops, especially the 
Archbishop of Upsala, in the enjoyment of the fullest 
secular power, and so preparing the way for that reaction 
against the excessive wealth and independence of the 
Church, which was a very marked feature of the Swedish 

Queen Margaret was a Danish princess of great ability, 
goodness and beauty — her face may still be seen in the 
abbey of Roskilde — and she was acceptable in Sweden as 
a pupil of St. Birgitta's daughter, Marta. She was acknow- 
ledged as sovereign by the whole of Scandinavia at the 
Union of Kalmar 20th July, 1397. Experience of the 
misery caused by the constant warfare between the three 
kingdoms and the knowledge of their kinship and common 
interests naturally suggested the union, which was fav- 
oured by the accident of her unique position and by the 
admiration of her fine personal character. By the terms of 
the union each country was to be governed by its own laws, 
and fugitives from one were not to be protected in another, 
while each was to be allied with the others for mutual de- 
fence. Doubtless both enmity of Germany and jealousy 
and fear of Russia favoured the union, although the terms 
on which it was concluded were not at the time publicly 
known. It was at first accepted passively. 

It was further agreed that Margaret should be succeeded 
in wearing the triple crown by her grand-nephew, Eric of 
Pomerania, who was at the time of the union in his six- 
teenth year. He was crowned at Stockholm in the next 
year (1398). This king is interesting to us from his mar- 
riage (in 1406) with Philippa, an English princess, 


daughter of our Henry IV., who was distinguished at once 
for her gentleness, her intelligence, and her courage. Un- 
fortunately her marriage was childless ; and it was rendered 
unhappy by her husband's misconduct. Nevertheless, she 
was of great service to Sweden as regent during his 
absence. Like the other royal ladies of Sweden, she 
attached herself to Vadstena, and it was clearly through her 
and one of her English companions that the Birgittines 
were introduced into England. The Diary of Vadstena 
mentions the name of ** Henry Rawinzwatt " as coming in 
the year of the marriage, to ask for brethren to be sent to 
England. This, to us, rather strange designation, covers 
the name of a well-known person, Henry Fitzhugh, third 
Lord Fitzhugh, a great traveller, who was advanced to the 
office of constable of England on the coronation of Henry 
V., and was father of a Bishop of London. 1 

As long as Margaret lived Eric's faults were to a great 
extent controlled and concealed. Her chief fault, in the 
eyes of the Swedes, was that she considered herself as a 
Dane, and Denmark as the head of the union kingdom, and 
that she governed Sweden through Danish noblemen. 
Eric, however, regarded himself as a German, which was 
worse ; and he had neither the ability for government nor 
the character of Margaret. He was a man of very incon- 
sistent nature, learned and accomplished according to the 
standard of the times, and not without religious impulses 
and interests, but headstrong, obstinate and vain, lax in 
morals, and determined to use the power of the Church for 
secular ends. Much of his long reign was spent in vain 

1 See detached note at the end of this lecture. "Rawinz- 
watt," in Swedish books, is also called " Ravenswather " 
(Sv. H. 1 , 2 p. 163). It perhaps means " Ravensworth," 
though I have not identified the name in connection with Fitz- 
hugh. He married Elizabeth, heiress of Sir Robert Grey, of 
Rotherfield-Grays, Co. Oxon. See for some notices of them 
Collins' Peerage, ix., 467. Henry Fitzhugh, " noster Camer- 
arius," was one of the witnesses to Henry V.'s deed of 
foundation of Syon on his manor of Isleworth, in the parish of 
Twickenham, Middlesex. 

ISO IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389— 1520). 

attempts to get hold of the German provinces of Pomerania 
and Slesvig, to which he had some claim, and he governed, 
or tried to govern, Sweden with German bailiffs, who 
treated the free Swedish peasantry with the contempt and 
roughness which German barons used towards their own 

We are, of course, specially concerned with Eric's inter- 
ference in the Church, for which opportunity was given by 
the uncertainty as to who was the true pope. Already, in 
1409, before Margaret's death, he offended the clergy by 
forcing his Danish chancellor, Johannes Jerechini, 2 into the 
Archbishopric of Upsala, and obliging the Chapter of 
Strengnas to accept Andreas, the archbishop-elect, who 
was thus displaced, instead of their own dean, Georgius, 
whom they had elected. One rival pope, Gregory XII., 
confirmed Andreas; the other, Alexander V., confirmed 
Georgius. The latter, being opposed by the king, had to 
give way, and thus both the bishopric and the papacy were 
turned into the tools of a secular intrigue. 

The chancellor-archbishop was so hated that he had at 
length to leave the kingdom. He became Bishop of Skal- 
holt, in Iceland, where he also became unpopular, and was, 
in consequence, drowned by the people. After his removal 
King Eric was on better terms with the Chapter of Upsala, 
who submitted to him three names, from which he chose 
one, that of his own confessor, Brother Johannes Haquini 
of Vadstena. But, on the death of Haquini in 1432, a 
bitter conflict again arose. The king asserted that the 
archbishop could not be chosen without his consent, since 
he was the first councillor of the sovereign and of the realm, 
and the chief man in the kingdom when he himself was 
absent. 3 He, therefore, refused to accept Olaus Laurentii, 

2 It appears to be the Swedish custom to distinguish clerical 
persons by Latin names, even to a much later date, while lay- 
men are described in Swedish. Although the custom is not 
universal, it is convenient, and so I have written Birger Persson 
•for the layman, and Birgerus Gregorii for the archbishop, etc., 
etc. I have, however, not always been consistent. 

3 See Reuterdahl : III., 2, p. 16 ; cp. Celsii : Bullarium, 180-1. 


who was chosen by the chapter, and tried to force on them 
his own man, Arend, or Arnoldus, Bishop of Bergen, a per- 
son of bad character. On Arnoldus' death the king pressed 
another man of his own choice, Thorlak, a Norwegian ; but 
the quarrel was suspended on account of the peasant rising 
under Engelbrekt, which, in the end, caused the king's 

§ 2. — Engelbrekt's rising (1433 — 1436). Its permanent 
results. Karl Knutsson and Thomas of 

Engelbrekt Engelbrektsson, 4 the leader of this rising 
( I 433)> is trie William Tell of Sweden. He was a true 
patriot, and a worthy national hero. He was just the sort 
of leader whom the people needed, a wealthy mine owner, 
and a member of one of the lesser noble families or gentry 
of the province of Nerike, in the chief town of which, 
Orebro, he was born. His heart was stirred by the treat- 
ment of the free Swedish peasants, as if they were dogs or 
cattle, rather than human beings, on the part of the foreign 
bailiffs, and in particular the treatment of the Dalesmen of 
the neighbouring province by a Danish nobleman, Josse 
Ericsson. Josse lived at Vesteras, but had authority over 
great parts of Vestmanland, Bergslagen and Dalarne. He 
was accused, apparently truly, of forcing the peasants into 
obedience by hanging them up in the smoke of a fire and 
yoking their wives to their own hay-carts (for holass). 
The rising, though it began in Dalarne, soon extended over 
the whole country, and it was remarkable for the rapidity of 
its success and the good conduct of the insurgents. It was 
said that not a housewife lost a fowl. It seemed a move- 
ment inspired by God, so that Bishop Thomas of 

4 There is a good popular account of Engelbrekt by Professor 
S. J. Boethius in Heimdal's Folkskrifter, 1893. The poem, 
Engelbrekt och Karl Knutsson, attributed to Bishop Thomas 
of Strengnas, may be found in full in Medeltids Dikter och Rim, 
published by the Sv. Fornskrift Sallskapet, pp. 385-390, Stkh., 
1881— 1882. 

152 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389— 1520). 

Strengnas does not scruple to write about it in his poem, 
entitled " Engelbrekt and Karl Knutsson " : — 

God roused up that little man Engelbrekt, 
Who had slight skill the work to direct ; 

He gave him might and wit. 
Castles and cities, folk, counties and lands 
Fell all right quickly into his hands ; 

As God willed He ordered it. 

For three years this hero became the most powerful man 
in Sweden, and its true ruler. His great achievement was 
the winning of the Council of State, which he found sitting 
at Vadstena in East Gothland on its return from Copen- 
hagen. He marched into the room, leaving his followers 
outside, and dealt straightly with its members, and in 
particular with the bishops. He first seized (we are told) 
Bishop Knut of Linkoping by the throat, and threatened to 
drag him out to the people. He made as if he would treat 
Bishop Sigge of Skara in like manner. Bishop Thomas of 
Strengnas, afterwards his great friend and elegist, was also 
in trouble. He persuaded the council, then and there, to 
write a letter, dated 16th August, 1434, to King Eric, re- 
nouncing his authority. The rebellion succeeded so well 
that in the next year, 1435, Engelbrekt was elected adminis- 
trator of the kingdom at the Diet of Arboga. Unfortu- 
nately, however, the patriotism of the nobles was of short 
duration. They made terms of some sort with Eric, by 
which he was to rule through Swedish noblemen ; and the 
titles of steward and marshal were revived — the first being 
given to an old man, Christer Nilsson Vasa, and the second 
to a young and popular knight, Karl Knutsson Bonde, who 
was the rival of Engelbrekt in the affections of the people. 

Christer Nilsson is interesting to us as the direct ancestor 
of King Gustaf Ericsson Vasa. The family acquired the 
name Vasa from the charge on their shield, a faggot or 
fascine used to fill up a ditch in storming a fortress. 
Christer's son-in-law, Bengt Jonsson Oxenstierna, was 
himself administrator in 1448, and father of the famous 
archbishop, Johannes Benedicti, who was administrator in 
1457 and 1465. Christer was also grandfather in the male 


line of Ketillus Caroli Vasa, Bishop of Linkoping, who 
was administrator in 1464. The Vasa family was at first 
Danish in sympathies, but it was reconciled to the nation- 
alist party by the marriage of John Christersson with Brita, 
a daughter of Gustaf Sture, and a niece of Karl Knut- 
sson's. 6 Engelbrekt was not elected administrator a 
second time, but the office was given to Karl Knutsson, 
much to the disappointment of many of Engelbrekt's fol- 
lowers. Engelbrekt, none the less, went on labouring for 
the public good, though with weakened health and spirits. 
He was, however, foully murdered in April 1436, by a 
nobleman whom he had, as administrator, checked in a 
course of piracy, but who now approached him seemingly 
as a friend. 6 

This murder ranks with the other public tragedies which 
have profoundly affected the national imagination, and few 
victims of revenge have more deserved popular sympathy 
than this good man. He was buried in his native town, 
where his memory and example, without doubt, appealed 
to the two foremost leaders of the Swedish Reformation of 
the sixteenth century, which was so closely connected with 
the reaction against foreign tyranny. The brothers, 
Olaus and Laurentius Petri, were, like Engelbrekt, born 
at Orebro. Though Engelbrekt's career was short, it was 
permanently fruitful. It revived in the peasants a sense of 
their old position and their power, which they were well- 
nigh losing, as for a time they quite lost it in Norway, where 
they had no such leaders to encourage them. It broke 
down the provincialism of Sweden, and created a fuller 
sentiment of nationality and of the value of duty to the 
country, as well as of affection for it. Two great 
institutions may be said to have grown out of it, the national 
parliament or Riksdag, and the national Kingship. The 

5 See the table of the Vasa family in Sv. H. 2 , 2, p. 499. It 
is more exact than Geijer's account of the family, p. 97. 

6 This was Mans Bengtsson, son of Bengt Stensson, of the 
family of Natt och Dag. The murder took place in an island on 
Lake Hjalmar, near the Castle of Goksholm. 

154 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389—1520). 

meeting at Arboga in 1435, at which Engelbrekt was 
elected Rikets hofvidsman, or administrator, was the first 
to which not only spiritual and temporal nobles, but one or 
more burghers from every town, and some peasants from 
every province, were summoned as representatives. The 
parochial clergy were not yet summoned, but in other 
respects it was a true Parliament. The office to which 
Engelbrekt was elected was also a new departure. For 
though he was only administrator for one year, he prepared 
the way for the Stures, and then for Gustaf Ericsson Vasa, 
and finally for the strong-handed measures by which 
Charles IX. and Charles XI. broke down the dangerous 
privileges of the nobility. 7 The peasant rising of the 
Dalesmen was even more obviously a precedent for that 
which assisted Gustaf Vasa in the liberation of the country 
some eighty years later. 

It is further to be noticed about this rising that only one 
instance of revenge on the tyrants who had misgoverned the 
people is recorded. Josse Ericsson took refuge from the 
peasants in the monastery of Vadstena, where he resided 
some three years, but in 1436 he was drawn from his retreat 
by the East Gothland peasants, taken to Motala, and con- 
demned to death and executed. He had been a benefactor 
to the Church, especially at Vadstena, and his punishment 
was considered by zealous Churchmen as an act of 

After Engelbrekt's death, his rival in the affections of 
the people, Karl Knutsson, the marshal, remained the 
chief man in the kingdom ; but the Union party soon took 
courage again. The nobility and the bishops for the most 
part were in favour of a foreign ruler, under whose distant 
oversight they might develop their own relative independ- 
ence. The important representative of Sweden at the 
Council of Basel, Nicolaus Ragvaldi, Bishop of Vexio, 
had, indeed, defended Engelbrekt at the council, and he 
had won the affection and admiration of Bishop Thomas of 
Strengnas, whose verses in his praise I have already cited. 

7 S. J. Boethius, I.e., pp. 26-7. 


The following rough but spirited lines at the end of his 
poem deserve to be remembered : — 

Scapes a bird from the fowler's snare 
It will again of such craft beware ; 

Sweden, now hast thou scapen. 8 
Wilt thou fall into the snare again, 
Which did so closely thy limbs constrain, 

And now, maybe, still lies open? 

Stand thou firm then, O noble Swede, 
Better that which thy land did need, 

And turn thee backward never. 
Venture thy neck and venture thy hand 
To ransom thy home, thy fatherland ; 

God cheer thee in thine endeavour ! 

Every bird will fight for its nest, 
So too will every savage beast ; 

Mark then what now doth behove thee. 
God hath given thee sense and soul ; 
Keep freedom ; be not another's thrall — 

So long as thy limbs can move thee. 

Thomas was the first poet in the modern Swedish tongue 
whose name has come down to us, and he is a man who did 
honour to the Church both by his character and his talents. 
His other two poems on Freedom and Faithfulness 
(Troheten) are also well known. 

§ 3. — Retirement of King Eric. Nicolaus Ragvaldi. 
King Christopher and his land's-law. 

The bishops, however, as a body, were not in favour of 
attempting to set up a national kingship, and it was mainly 
through the influence of Nicolaus, who became archbishop 
in 1438, that they secured the election of the King of Den- 
mark, Christopher of Bavaria, on the retirement of Eric, 

8 See for this form Shakespeare's Pericles, Act 2 (Gower). 
The original of these lines may be found in Medeltids Dikter 
och Rim, p. 390, and in Boethius, I.e., p. 28 ; cp. S. H. 2 , II., 
pp. 392-3 and 409. Friheten and Troheten are in Medeltids 
D. o. R., pp. 391 foil., and 393 foil. 

i 5 6 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389—1520). 

who was rejected everywhere, except in Gotland. It is 
characteristic of the times and of the man that for a number 
of years Eric lived there on the proceeds of piracy, exer- 
cised at the expense of his former subjects. He was, how- 
ever, at last rejected even there, and died in Pomerania in 
1459. King Christopher's coronation took place in 1440. 
Though his administration was weak, he was not un- 
popular, and his reign was memorable for improvements at 
least in the form of legislation both in Church and State. 

The bishops now gave their consent (in 1442) to the pro- 
mulgation of the land's-law for the whole of Sweden, which 
their predecessors had successfully resisted in 1337 in the 
days of Magnus Ericsson. The law of Christopher was 
very much the same as that of Magnus, and, in fact, so like 
it as to mislead many copyists. But, strange to say, it did 
not even now include the Kyrko-balk or Church code, 
although the bishops seem to have intended that it should 
do so ; and such a section is generally found in the earlier 
provincial laws on which the land's-law was founded. 9 
The land's-law, I may remark, was sufficiently complete to 
remain in use with more or less revision up to 1734, although 
for more than half that period it remained unprinted. The 
first edition of it was published by the authority of Charles 
IX. in 1608, who introduced a few modifications into it, 
besides the obvious one in the interest of his family declar- 
ing that the crown devolved " iure successions, " and not 
" iure electionis." 10 

9 There is an interesting introduction to the early history of 
Swedish law by a French professor, Ludovic Beauchet : Loi de 
Vestrogothie, Paris, 1894. See pp. 97 foil, for various opinions 
as to what took place in 1347. For information as to the 
Kyrko-balk see p. 102, and for Christopher's land's-law see 
pp. 108 foil. 

10 1 quote from the convenient, if not wholly accurate, version 
of Loccenius : Leges provinciales regni Suecice, Lund, 1675. 
The student who wishes to go deeper must consult the great 
collection of Schlyter : Corpus iuris Sveo-gothorum antiqui 
(Lund, 1838-1877). Instead of the old tit. I., de Rege, ch. 3 : 
"Ad Regnum Sueciae Rex eligendus est, et non jure suc- 
cessionis assumendus." Charles wrote: "Ad regnum Svecise 


The land's-law of Christopher states that the king has 
decided, in consequence of the variety and uncertainty of 
the laws, at the request of the Archbishop of Upsala and 
his suffragans, and of that the Royal Council and the 
nobles, to collect the laws of Sweden into one volume with 
certain additions. These additions, as far as they differ 
from the earlier land's-law, are in favour of the king's pre- 
rogative. The law also reserved all the privileges of 
churches and ecclesiastical persons. It contained the pro- 
vision that no new law was to be introduced into Sweden 
except with the consent and goodwill of the people 
(De rege, iv., §7). It was not, however, apparently passed 
by any public assembly or series of assemblies (except the 
Royal Council). This is remarkable since Eric's land's- 
law had at least been ratified in various provincial 
assemblies (Beauchet : p. 109). 

A few words about the relation of the civil law of Sweden 
to the Church may be in place here. There was never that 
rivalry in Sweden which existed in those other parts of 
Europe, which had been subject to the Roman Empire, 
between the canon law and the civil law. The influence of 
the canon law dates naturally from the Council of 
Skeninge, under William of Sabina, in 1248, to which re- 
ference has already been made. It is specially visible in 
the sections that refer to civil rights, and particularly to 
personal liberty. It favoured the enfranchisement of 
slaves, and exhorted Christians to give it. Instead of the 
Roman civil maxim " partus ventrem sequitur," it sub- 
stituted the rule " a child follows the better half," i.e., if 

Rex jure successionis assumendus, non eligendus est." He 
also refused to confirm the Kyrko-balk as containing papal 
errors. He prescribed the application of the divine law 
(Gudzlagh) to certain capital crimes. He ordered that if no 
rule is to be found applicable to a particular case in the law of 
Christopher or later ordinances, as regards difficult matters 
(outside those in the Kyrko-balk) recourse may be had to the 
laws of Upland and East Gothland, which he had published. 
See Beauchet, I.e., p. 113, and Loccenius, I.e., " Confirmation 
regia," 20th December, 1608. 

, S 8 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389— 1520). 

one party is free, whether father or mother, the child is 
free. When Magnus Ericsson abolished slavery in West 
Gothland and Vermland in 1335 he declared that he did it 
11 for the glory of God and of the Virgin Mary " (Dipl. S., 
No. 3,106). 

The same influence appeared in the sections touching 
marriage, the rights of the wife, and the dissolution of the 

Archbishop Nicolaus, owing to his influence with the 
king, obtained for his see in perpetuity the important castle 
of Almare-Staket, on the road between Stockholm and 
Upsala, which he had built and fortified; and he thus pre- 
pared the way for the excessive power and political intri- 
gues of his successors, which had so great influence 
afterwards upon their fortunes and the fortunes of the 

Although Nicolaus seems to have been in himself a good 
and able man, it can hardly be doubted that his policy 
was, on the whole, injurious to the Church. 

§ 4. — Karl Knutsson elected king in 1448. His 
enemy, Johannes Benedicti (Oxenstierna), arch- 
bishop (1448 — 1468). Karl's feebleness. The 
archbishop's ambition and presumption. 
Drives Karl from the country. Struggle 
between Karl and Christian I. of Denmark. 

Karl Knutsson, in the meanwhile, received Finland as a 
fief, and held Oland in pledge. Some months after 
Christopher's death he was elected king, notwithstanding 
the opposition of the powerful family of the Oxenstierna. 
They had, however, succeeded in getting the archbishopric 
for a member of their house, Johannes Benedicti (grand- 
son of Karl's rival, Christer Nilsson), who was the enemy 
and rival of Karl for the next twenty years. Like Nicolaus, 
he was confirmed by the Council of Basel, but he seems 
also to have received confirmation from Pope Nicolas V., 
after his consecration, and probably on easy terms as to 


fees. 11 These instances are important as precedents which 
were, no doubt, remembered in the dispute with Rome as 
to the confirmation of bishops-elect at the time of the 

The new archbishop was very ambitious, and took upon 
him something of kingly state. He had himself crowned 
by four bishops. 12 In 1455 he obtained from the pope the 
right to be called Primate of Sweden. In 1457 he was 
elected administrator of the kingdom, and took an almost 
royal title. It has sometimes been asserted that he put 
his own figure on his seal, wearing a crown, and holding a 
sceptre in its right hand, and an orb in its left. 13 Such a 
figure, not unlike that on the great seals of Sweden, 
certainly appears on his seal. 14 

11 See Celsius: Bullarium, 1st October, 1438, p. 186, and 
Reuterdahl, III., 2, p. 22, for Nicolaus, and Bull., 27th April, 
1448, p. 190, and Reuterdahl, I.e., p. 29, for John. The latter 
page of Celsius gives information as to a reduction of fees in 
another case. 

12 Rhyzelius : Episcopo-Scopia, p. 48. 

13 Rhyzelius : p. 48. This very interesting seal is figured in 
S. H. 1 , 2, p. 300, fig. 229 (but not in S. H. 2 ). The figure is 
seated, and it is dressed in a cope or robe fastened under the 
chin, with a cross where the morse would be. Two angels 
hold shields, one on each side : the dexter bears a cross for 
Upsala, the sinister shield has the bearing of Oxenstierna, the 
ox-yoke. The legend is : Secretum ■ Johannis • Dei ■ gra 
archiepiscopi • IJpsalensis." 

14 The great seal of Magnus Ericsson (a king seated with 
crown, sceptre and orb) is given in S. H. 1 , I., fig. 507. That 
of the kingdom of Sweden in 1436 has a standing figure of St. 
Eric in armour, with the legend " Sigillum regni Suecie. 
Sanctus Ericus Suevonum Gothorum[q]ue [rex]," S. H. 1 , II., 
fig. 176 = 5. H 2 , 2, fig. 337. That of King John of Denmark is 
like that of Magnus Ericsson (S. H. 1 , I., fig. 335), but more 

The archbishops' seals figured in S. H. 1 are : — (1) Stephen, 
1 164, I., fig. 447, an archbishop standing with two-horned 
mitre, a pastoral staff in right hand and book in left ; (2) Hem- 
ming, 1341, II., fig. 8, an archbishop seated, pastoral staff in 
left hand, blessing with right hand ; (3) Birgerus Gregorii, 
1366, fig. 161 — using his predecessor, Peter's, die, but sub- 
stituting his own name — very like No. 2 ; (4) Jerechini, 1408, 

i6o IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389—1520). 

But, to judge by the similar design on the seal of Jacobus 
Ulphonis, later in the century, the figure is intended to 
represent our Lord, possibly with some suggestion that the 
archbishop was, like the pope, the vicar of Christ. 

Karl himself was not strong enough for the position. 
He had been a brilliant party leader, but became (as Geijer 
says, p. 68) a feeble king. He was without heart for his 
office, and looked too narrowly at his own immediate 
advantage. His governors were as rapacious as the 
Danish and German bailiffs had been, and it mattered little 
that they robbed in the name of a Swedish king and plun- 
dered under the cloak of law. Amongst other things, his 
attack upon the freedom of testamentary bequests to the 
Church provoked bitter resentment. The archbishop, in 
fact, went to war with him, and drove him out of the king- 
dom. The result was that Christian of Oldenburg, who 
had been king of Denmark since 1448, and had ousted Karl 
from Norway in 1450, was now chosen king of Sweden 
also, and crowned in 1457. The peasants in Norway, who 
had no Engelbrekt to lead them, were utterly broken down 
in spirit, and were more or less content (notwithstanding 
their ancient traditions of independence) to be ruled from 

This union of Norway with Denmark lasted until the 
Treaty of Kiel on 14th January, 18 14, which was followed 
by the union of Norway with Sweden in the next year. But 
Danish rule in Sweden was never long established without 
resistance. The struggles that followed are of little in- 

fig. 149, three niches, in centre Blessed Virgin Mary and child, 
figures right and left; (5) Johannes Benedicti (1455?), already 
described, fig. 229 ; (6) Jacobus Ulphonis, 1470, fig. 278, much 
like No. 5, but with a cross on the crown and no morse. It has a 
three-quarter face looking to right of spectator — a rare attitude, 
found occasionally in Scotland, but only found, I think, in Eng- 
land on theseal of Richard de Bury of Durham, 1333 ; (7) Gustavus 
Trolle, is x 4> fig- 353, an angel with a cross on his cap, holding 
a shield, Upsala and Trolle, quarterly, the latter being a headless 
Troll. No archiepiscopal cross staff is found on any of these 


terest to the Church historian, except as showing the decay 
of spiritual ideals and motives in the hierarchy. 

The next ten years saw various changes of fortune on the 
part of the rival kings, with both of whom the archbishop 
was at bitter enmity. His first cousin, Ketillus Caroli 
Vasa, Bishop of Linkoping, also took a prominent part in 
the warfare and intrigues of the times, sometimes acting as 
administrator of the whole or part of the kingdom. 

After Archbishop Johannes Benedicti's death in 1467, in 
Gland, Karl summoned a council of nobles at Orebro, 
who recommended Thord, Dean of Linkoping. He was 
accepted by the Chapter of Upsala, who sent his name to 
Pope Paul II. for confirmation. The latter refused to give 
it, and declared that the provision of an archbishop fell 
to himself. He, therefore, confirmed and consecrated 
Jacobus Ulphonis Archdeacon of Vexio and Canon of 
Upsala, a young man of about thirty years of age, who 
was then residing at Rome, and was chosen by the cardi- 
nals. This arbitrary interference with the rights of the 
chapter took place in 1470, the year in which Karl died, or 
the claims of Thord might have been more seriously 
defended. 15 

Jacobus Ulphonis held office for forty-four years. He 
was the foremost man of the union party, but was for some 
time on good terms with the leader of the national party, 
Sten Sture, the elder, as well as with his successors, though 
sometimes at war with them. It had been supposed that 
Sture had supported Jacobus' promotion at Rome, having 
had some close relation to him in early life, perhaps as 
pupil to tutor, or the like. 

§ 5- — The Stures. Christian II. and Gustavus 

Karl left the government of the kingdom to his nephew, 
Sten Sture, whom he advised never to take the name or 

15 Reuterdahl : III., 2, p. 38. Anjou, p. 6, speaks of Thord 
as dead. There is a sketch by Archbishop A. N. Sundberg of 
Jacobus Ulphonis : Svea Rikes Arkebiskop, 1470 — 1515, Upsala, 

I02 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH ( 13S9— 1520). 

insignia of royalty. Sten was chosen next year as 
administrator of the kingdom at the diet of Arboga (1471), 
and shortly afterwards defeated King Christian at the 
famous national battle of Brunkeberg, which took place in 
that part of Stockholm now called Norrmalm. In the 
thirty years that followed this victory Sweden had greater 
rest and prosperity than in any other period of the fifteenth 
century. Sten Sture's administration was fitly marked by 
the foundation and opening of the University of Upsala in 
1477, which owed most to Archbishop Jacobus. Such an 
institution had long been in contemplation, and certainly 
from the time of the Councils of Constance and Basel. 
Among the first professors was the historian, Ericus Olai. 
It did not, however, flourish long and continuously at first, 
but was suspended after about 15 15. 

Sture's nationalist policy was generally opposed, both by 
the higher clergy and the nobles, although he was able 
from time to time to co-operate with Archbishop Ulfsson. 
He had, however, one strong supporter in Hemming Gad, 
the humanist, a warm-hearted, impulsive man, and all his 
early life a great hater of the Danes, who was chosen 
Bishop of Linkoping in 1501, but was never consecrated. 
Sture was specially obnoxious to the nobles, because of the 
encouragement and support which he gave to the peasants, 
in accordance with the old traditions of Swedish freedom. 
Through the combined influence of the clergy and the 
nobles, King John of Denmark was accepted as king of 
Sweden in 1483. He was a man of popular character, 
though occasionally violent. 

In the same year the act of union was again ratified by 
the Treaty of Kalmar, but upon conditions which embodied 
the demands of the nobility, and much restricted the power 
of the crown. The tendency of this treaty may be gathered 
from its last article, which enacted that " Every good man, 
whether of the clergy or laity, should be king over his own 
peasants, excepting in such cases as concerned the rights 
of the sovereign." This treaty in fact established the 
oligarchy which the nobles and higher clergy desired. 


But King John was not crowned until the 25th November, 
1497. After a short period, during which the king at- 
tempted to reign in person and Sten Sture was driven from 
power by Jacobus Ulphonis, the archbishop and the admin- 
istrator were again reconciled. The latter died suddenly 
13th December, 1503. Early in the next year his friend 
and kinsman, Svante Sture, managed to get himself elected 

Svante's father, Nils Bosson, was, by his father's side, 
a member of the family of Natt och Dag, so called from its 
shield, half black and half white — the family to which the 
murderer of Engelbrekt belonged. But Nils took the 
name of Sture from his mother, and Svante continued to 
use it, as did his son, Sten Sture the younger — the noblest 
and most chivalrous of those who bore this name. 

Svante died in 15 12, and his young son, Sten, was chosen 
to fill his place, instead of Eric Trolle, head of the strongest 
rival family. In the next year Christian II. succeeded his 
father John in Denmark — a man of secret, resolute, crafty, 
unforgiving, unscrupulous and violent temper, but not 
without good qualities and a desire to improve the condi- 
tions of life among his poorer subjects, especially the 
townsmen of Copenhagen, amongst whom he had been 
familiarly brought up. Two years later Jacobus Ulphonis, 
now an old man, retired from his office, and was succeeded 
by Eric's son, Gustavus Trolle, another Johannes Bene- 
dicts Thus the stage was cleared for a new company of 
actors, and those young and sanguine ones, new to life 
and inclined to violent expedients ; and thus the forces 
which had been gradually developing their strength in 
Sweden and Denmark came into vehement and more than 
usually tragic conflict. The destruction of the union and 
the breach with Rome were occasioned by the conduct of 
the new archbishop and his allies and the hatred which 
they inspired. 

Gustavus Trolle was sprung from a family which was 
closely linked with the interests of the union by its large 
possessions in Denmark. Its chief members had for two 

i6 4 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389—1520). 

generations been unsuccessful rivals and determined 
enemies of the Stures. Gustavus himself was of a stubborn 
and obstinate temper. It is said that as a wilful child he 
refused to follow his step-mother and the other children in 
a boat journey from Strengnas, and in consequence escaped 
accidental death by drowning, which the other three suf- 
fered. He was persevering also in his studies at Cologne, 
and was one of the first of his countrymen to learn Greek. 
Like many others of them, he spent several years at Rome, 
from whence he only returned in 15 12 to become Provost 
of Linkoping. In less than two years he was elected arch- 
bishop (December, 15 14), on the retirement of Johannes 
Ulphonis. His confirmation and consecration at Rome 
were procured from Leo X. by a letter from the young 
administrator and considerable sums of money forwarded 
by Eric Trolle, to which King Christian II. added four 
hundred marks of silver. But the new archbishop was not 
persuaded by the support of Sture to give up the family 
quarrel and the Danish alliance. He was of an ambitious 
character, and never forgot or forgave an injury real or 
fancied. His object doubtless was to displace Sture by the 
help of the Danes, and to get himself or his father elected 
administrator. When Sten came to Upsala and held out 
the hand of friendship and reconciliation to him in the 
cathedral he refused his overtures with scorn. Hostilities 
broke out between them, and it was decided at the Riksdag 
of Arboga, 15 16, that Christian should not be received as 
king in Sweden. Again Sten offered Trolle peace, on the 
condition of his giving up his castle, which he refused. 
Then a Danish fleet appeared to support the archbishop, 
which was beaten off. A second Riksdag was held at 
Stockholm in 1 5 1 7, at which the archbishop appeared and 
defied the assembled estates. This was too much for the 
nobles and people, who resolved unanimously that Staket 
should be levelled to the ground, and the archbishop de- 
graded from his office as a traitor to his country. He was 
kept in confinement therefore, and thus a formal breach 
was made with Rome by the civil power of Sweden, a year 


before Luther burnt the papal bulls of indulgence at 

A second invasion by Christian in the next year was re- 
pelled at the Battle of Brannkyrka, in which the adminis- 
trator's banner was carried by the young Gustaf Ericsson 
Vasa, the future liberator of Sweden. Christian, however, 
still negotiated, and, on pretence of coming himself to 
Stockholm, required six hostages for his safety. Among 
them were sent Gustaf Ericsson, and the old Hemming 
Gad. But, when the king had received these hostages, he 
declared them his prisoners, and sailed away to Denmark. 
This was the political condition of things before the final 
and tragic end which took place in 1520. 

We must now explain the ecclesiastical situation. 

The case of Gustavus Trolle had, of course, been re- 
ported at Rome, and Leo X. at once prepared measures to 
vindicate his ecclesiastical rights. A spiritual court was 
appointed to sit in Denmark, and, in the spring of 15 17, 
Birgerus, Archbishop of Lund, threatened to excommuni- 
cate Sten and his adherents, and to place Sweden under an 
interdict, unless Trolle was restored to his office. 

These threats were lightly regarded, and the appearance 
of a papal legate in person was dexterously turned by the 
national party to its own advantage. This man was 
Giovanni Angelo Arcimboldi, son of a Milanese senator, 
who had been employed since 15 14 by the cultivated but 
unspiritual Pope Leo X. as his agent for the sale of in- 
dulgences in Germany and Northern Europe. This sale 
had been begun by Pope Julius II. on the pretext of obtain- 
ing money for the building of St. Peter's Church, and was 
continued by Leo on the same ground. It was permitted 
by secular princes because of the large sums which thev 
received from the pope's agents for allowing it in their 
dominions. Needless to say, it corrupted those agents as 
well as their dupes, who purchased the worthless pieces of 
paper, which assured them all that the Church could give 
in the way of pardon for almost all imaginable sins. It is 
not necessary to inquire what exact limits Roman theolo- 

i66 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (A.D. 1389— 1520). 

gians put upon the value of these indulgences. Those who 
sold them magnified their value, and many of those who 
bought no doubt believed that they were receiving some 
great advantage. 

Arcimboldi received a fresh appointment in 1516, after 
the dispute had broken out between Sten and the arch- 
bishop, and he was empowered as legate, a latere, to heal 
the breach and do other business in the pope's name, being 
furnished with a letter to the administrator, dated 6th 
September, 15 16. In January, 1517, he sent as his emis- 
sary Didrik Slagheck, a Dutchman, of whom we shall hear 
more later on, to negotiate for peace in the interests of King 
Christian. In March, 15 18, the legate himself came into 
Sweden, where he was allowed to set up his cross, and to 
sell his wares, and to dispense titles and judgments in the 
pope's name, without hindrance — thus showing that the 
events of 15 17 were not intended to be a final breach with 

By the end of the year Arcimboldi was completely won 
by the costly presents and personal attentions of the regent 
and his friends, and by the hopes of succeeding Trolle. 
He attended another Riksdag at Arboga in December, 
1518, at which he confirmed the sentence upon the arch- 
bishop, and advised him to submit, whereupon Trolle 
solemnly resigned his office. The estates of Sweden might 
now well think that they had received pardon for the in- 
formality of their earlier proceedings, but the legate's act 
had still to be ratified by the pope. Arcimboldi's own plan 
seems to have been to get his appointment to Upsala con- 
firmed at Rome, to continue himself to reside in Italy, and 
to receive the revenues of the see, while he appointed old 
Jacobus Ulphonis to act as his deputy in Sweden. 

But this plan met with strenuous opposition from both 
the parties interested. Christian and Trolle were furious 
at Arcimboldi's treachery to their cause, and the king used 
the opportunity of the legate's return to the south to 
deprive him of most of his ill-gotten gains, including a 
great deal of two specially Swedish products, iron and 


butter, in which he hoped to do a large trade. The legate, 
however, escaped in person to Rome, where he made his 
peace with the pope, though his plan was not confirmed. 
In 1525 he became Bishop of Novara, and in 1550 arch- 
bishop of his own city, Milan, where he died in 1555. Such 
were some of the men who disgraced the high places of the 
Church in the first half of the sixteenth century. 

Christian then prepared a new campaign, using the gold 
of Sweden, as Gustaf Vasa afterwards wrote, for its own 
conquest. 16 He also got himself made the pope's agent for 
the re-instatement of Trolle, and thus, armed at all points, 
awaited a favourable moment for revenge. 

§ 6. — Religious life of the Church. Elementary 
teaching. Character of the bishops. The 
chapters and their officers. Dioceses, 
Monasteries and religious orders. Wealth 
of the Church. 

After this review of the external history we naturally 
turn to consider the inner life of the Church. In the 
absence of any authoritative description of it in detail, and, 
in view of the tumult and confusion of secular life, and, 
considering the reformation that followed, it would be per- 
haps natural to paint a very dark picture, to which the 
history of the sixteenth century might stand out as in 
bright relief. I doubt, however, whether we have a right 
to do so. That learning, as represented by book know- 
ledge, was at a low ebb is indeed clear. The first book 
printed in Sweden is generally considered to be the 
Vita sive legenda cum miraculis Katherine, the daughter of 
St. Birgitta, in or about 1483. The first book in the 
Swedish language was issued in 1495 (Gerson's Aff 
dyafwlsens jr'dstilse), and the next in 15 14. There were 
only ten printed books in the language when Olaus Petri 
began his publications about 1526. It may, indeed, be 
said of him that he taught the Swedes to read (H. Schiick : 

16 See P.R.E. 2 , s.v. Arcimboldi, Vol. 1, p. 618, 

i68 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389— 1520). 

Olavus Petri, p. 49, 1906). The University of Upsala, 
though contemplated at the Council of Basel, was not 
founded until 1477 — a year before that of Copenhagen — 
but its efficiency was small, and at first it did not long 
endure. After 15 15 it was for a considerable time in 

Popular teaching was of the most elementary character. 
It is mentioned as rather a great step of progress that the 
sainted Bishop Nicolaus Hermanni of Linkoping, of whom 
I have spoken (1374 — 1391), ordered the clergy to teach the 
people about the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, the 
Ave Maria, the Ten Commandments and the seven works 
of mercy. 17 At the provincial synod in Soderkoping (1441) 
it was ordered that the Lord's Prayer, Ave Maria, and the 
Apostles' Creed should be translated into Swedish, and 
read before the people every Sunday and festival. This 
latter council was held in the time of the able Bishop 
Nicolaus Ragvaldi (c. 13, Reuterdahl : Stat. Syn., p. 127). 
The object, of course, was that they might be learnt by 
heart. The "Ave Maria" was, no doubt, still in the 
Biblical form, without the later accretion, in which the 
Blessed Virgin is invoked as " Mother of God." This same 
archbishop compiled a code of the statutes of his diocese, 
from which we may learn much as to the administra- 
tion of the sacraments customary in Sweden. The three 
forms just named were to be taught to children by their 
parents and god-parents. Children of seven years old and 
upwards were to be confirmed by the bishop fasting — the 
implication being that if they were confirmed at an earlier 
age they need not fast. No one was to be confirmed more 
than once, and parents were frequently to remind their 
children by whom and where they were confirmed. 
Bishops might change names in confirmation, and no one 
is to be admitted to minor orders without confirmation. 
There are reasonable and prudent directions as to hearing 
confession, etc. In the communion the wine is to be red 

17 Reuterdahl : Statuta Synodalia, pp. 57-8, in a document of 
uncertain date. 


rather than white, and more wine than water is to be in the 
chalice (Stat. Syn., pp. 145-399). I learn from Dr. Holm- 
quist that in distant and scantily populated districts it is 
probable that a bishop sometimes administered confirma- 
tion by deputy. 

The learning of the priesthood also was small, and it 
would be easy to quote evidence of canons warning them 
against crimes and vices, and to relate instances of their 
misdoings. But we have not that wealth of information 
for Sweden which Chaucer, Langland, Wycliffe, Pecock, 
etc., give us for England. The case of the Dane, Johannes 
Jerechini, whom Eric of Pomerania foisted into the 
Archbishopric of Upsala in 1409, with the consent 
apparently of Gregory XII. 18 , stands almost alone in 
Swedish annals. 

The bishops of the mediaeval Church, even in its last and 
most secular period, were generally men of good Swedish 
families, and of good education, according to the standard 
of the day, having mostly studied abroad and taken some 
degree in arts, or theology and canon law. Even when 
they were immersed in political intrigues and engaged 
sometimes in actual warfare, they were patrons of art and 
literature, and anxious to promote good men. We have 
already seen such inconsistent characters in the persons of 
Adalbert of Bremen and Eskil of Lund, while the fifteenth 
century popes exhibited even more striking instances of the 
same combination. As to the clerical antecedents of the 
Swedish bishops, we find them, as was natural, taken 
mostly from the dignitaries of the cathedral chapters, 
particularly that of Upsala. Comparatively few were 
members of religious orders. 

The first archbishop (Stephen, 1164) was a Cistercian, 
but no other member of that order — so widely spread in 
Sweden — is known to have attained episcopal rank. Of 
the twenty-eight archbishops who followed him up to 
and including Johannes Magni, three were Dominicans — 

18 See Celsii : Bullarium, p. 162, and Johannes Magni; Hist. 
Metropol. E. U., s.n. 

I7 o IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389— 1520). 

Jarler (1232), in whose time the Council of Skeninge was 
held, John III., Bishop of Abo, a Pole (1289), and Petrus 
Philippi (1332). One was a Franciscan, Laurentius, who 
succeeded Jarler in 1285. One was a Birgittine of Vad- 
stena, Johannes Haquini, in the time of Eric of Pomerania 
(1412). Two other Dominicans were bishops of Vesteras 
(1329, 1332), and two Birgittines bishops of the same see 
in 1441 and 1454. 

In most cases the choice of the chapter fell upon 
dignitaries or canons of their own body, or at least secular 
clergy of their own diocese. Even when the popes " pro- 
vided " clergy to high office, they mostly chose Swedes, 
who, of course, were obliged to pay heavily for their pro- 
motion. It seems to have been usual for the popes to choose 
Swedes even in the case of dignities less than episcopal. 
Hans Hildebrand, to whom I am indebted for much of my 
information on the subject, only names one Italian " pro- 
vided " in 1353 to the Provostship of Upsala, being a man 
not in priest's orders, one German and one Dane (Sv. M., 
book v., 148-9). Thus the Swedish Church was very 
national, even when it was most fully under Roman 

As regards birth, the bishops were mostly from families 
who had a right to bear arms. Few were townsmen or 
burghers, though some of the most important men in the 
last period were of this class. Such seem to have been the 
notorious Johannes Jerechini, and the two brothers, 
Johannes and Olaus Magni, Conrad Rogge, Bishop of 
Strengnas, Hemming Gad, elect of Linkoping, and Hans 
Brask, bishop of the same see. 

These facts do much to explain the political attitude of 
the bishops and dignified clergy who sided on the whole 
rather with the nobility and the union party than with the 

On the other hand, the failure of the papal curia to press 
the Roman international system to its full development, 
and the comparative absence of the scandals of indulgence- 
mongering (except in the last years of the period) account 


for that absence of bitterness in the Reformation movement 
which seems, to a foreigner, very remarkable. 

As regards the personnel of the cathedral chapters 19 in 
the later middle age, they were, as I have said, bodies of 
secular canons, as in the English cathedrals of the old 
foundation. The Benedictines never got hold of the 
Swedish cathedrals as they did amongst ourselves of the 
chapters of the great sees of Canterbury, Durham, Win- 
chester, Ely, Norwich and others. But the Swedish secular 
chapters had a shorter history than ours, and were not as 
fully developed as those of York, London, Lincoln, Salis- 
bury, Wells, Exeter, Hereford, Lichfield, and Chichester, 
etc. Lund, then in Danish territory, shows by its beauti- 
fully furnished retro-choir what might have been. The 
development of the dignities in the cathedrals also differs 
considerably from our own. In the first period of the 
secular foundations the only officers were a provost and a 
certain number of canons. The provost continued to be 
the chief man in the chapter. Next to him, both in order 
of time and dignity, came the archdeacon, of whom there 
seems to have been only one in each diocese, instead of 
several, as among ourselves. Then came the dean, and 
while the provost was largely an officer with outside busi- 
ness, the dean was occupied with the interior concerns of 

19 I have not seen K. V. Lundquist : Bidrag till kannedom om 
de Svenska Domkapitlet under medeltiden, Stockholm, 1897, 
nor the German work of Ph. Schneider : Die bischoflichen 
Domkapitel, 2 ausg. , 1892. There is a summary of the 
capitular system (without any particular reference to England 
or Sweden) in P. R. E. 3 , by P. Hinschius (Hauck). I have 
found most information in H. Hildebrand's Sv. Medeltid, Book 
v., pp. 136-159, which seems to be chiefly based on Lundquist. 

The reader who is interested in the subject of English 
cathedrals will find much information in E. A. Freeman : History 
of the Cathedral Church of Wells, illustrating the history of 
the cathedral churches of the old foundation, Lond., 1870, and 
E. W. Benson (Bishop of Truro, afterwards archbishop) : The 
Cathedral, its necessary place in the life and work of the Church, 
Lond., 1878). There are some notices of a " Provost " at Wells 
in Freeman : pp. 33, 39, 150, 166, 

172 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389— 1520). 

the cathedral and the cathedral body. Further, the office of 
cantor or precentor, which comes second among the 
English dignities in the old foundations, was not a high 
one in Sweden, and it is comparatively rarely mentioned. 
We are, perhaps, entitled to conjecture that the musical 
side of public worship was not nearly so widely developed 
as among ourselves. We hear, indeed, of two fourteenth 
century organs in Gothland churches which have been pre- 
served to our own day (Sv. M., book v., 693), but there 
seems to be little reference to instrumental music in 
churches in Swedish literature. The other officers who are 
more often mentioned are the scholasticus, or theological 
lecturer, who may answer in some measure to the chancellor 
in our cathedrals and the sacristan or treasurer. There 
was also very frequently in later days a man of business, 
an ceconomus, syssloman, or steward, answering, I sup- 
pose, to the seneschal at Canterbury, and to the chapter 
clerk or registrar of our other cathedrals. But these officers 
were not at all necessary to every chapter, or at all times. 

The canons who formed the general body of the chapter 
were naturally most numerous in Upsala. About the year 
1400 there were thus a provost, an archdeacon and eighteen 
canons. Linkoping had rather fewer than Upsala. 20 
Vesteras seems to have been a much smaller body, with 
about four canons. Strengnas and Skara appear to have 
had about the same number, viz., twelve or thirteen canons. 
Vexio had a provost and seven canons in 1382, and other 
officers are mentioned at different times. Abo, in Finland, 
had ten canons and an archipresbyter, besides the other 
usual officers (Sv. M. } book v., 141-3). 

The appointment to the cathedral offices lay generally 
with the bishop, who was, however, to consult the chapter 
as regards his choice. This system of co-optation was 

20 In 1470 we find a provost, archdeacon, dean, scholasticus, 
cantor and fifteen canons mentioned in the letter of Paul II. 
threatening all who opposed Jacobus Ulphonis with excom- 
munication (Celsii ; Bull., p. 202) — that is exactly the same 
number as in 1400, since Jacobus himself was a canon. 


sometimes interfered with by papal reservation or provision 
(Sv. M., v. 148-9). At times also the kings petitioned the 
popes to delegate to them rights of nomination. These 
rights were specially granted to King Magnus Ericsson in 
1347 and 1352. King Christian I. also made an agreement 
with Pope Sixtus IV. that he should present suitable per- 
sons to the provostship, archidiaconate and decanate in 
some of the principal cathedrals (ibid. 150). But these 
were exceptional cases, and the general independence of 
the chapters were recognized as the rule. 

The bishop presided in the chapter, and the provost was 
vice-president. The provost accompanied the bishop on 
his visitations, and also visited, under the bishop's direc- 
tion, in his own person. He was also generally pastor of 
the city church. His relation to the archdeacon and dean 
do not seem to have been very clearly defined. Cathedral 
statutes, such as those that are common in England, do not 
seem to have been preserved, or, at any rate, are 
not accessible in print. But the general principle of the 
chapter's work was here as elsewhere " to assist the bishop 
when the see was full, to supply his place when it was 
vacant." 21 In Sweden the chapters seem to have been able 
to maintain their independence in elections more than in 
England, though when a bishop was a strong man we do 
not find evidence of independent capitular action. 

As regards the districts assigned to each bishop, the 
great difference between mediaeval and modern Sweden is 
that the former contained the whole of Finland from 
Viborg in the East to Tornea in the North, and did not 
contain the Danish provinces which were in the diocese of 
Lund, nor Bohuslan, which was Norwegian. Gotland 
also was for a long time independent, then Swedish, then 
Danish. The Archbishop of Upsala had an enormous 
diocese, extending up to Tornea in the North, and includ- 
ing Jemtland and Herjedalen, which were under the Nor- 
wegian crown. Some attempt was made in the union 

21 " Auxiliari episcopo, sede plena: supplere, sede vacante," 
Benson : I.e., p. 52. 

174 IV— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389—1520). 

period towards the conversion of the Lapps. Linkoping 
diocese included East Gothland, and the two islands of 
Gotland and Oland, as well as considerable parts of 
Smaland. Skara, the West Gothland see, also included 
Vermland and Dal. Vexio was much the smallest in 

The dioceses were divided into " contrakter," or rural 
deaneries of ten to twelve parishes, each with its provost. 
The provosts and certain representative clergy were sum- 
moned to the prest-mote, or diocesan synod, which it was 
a bishop's duty to hold every year. Ruridecanal meetings 
also sometimes took place. 

The parish priests (socken-presterna) were chosen in 
many cases by the peasants whose fathers had joined to 
found the parish. In case of dispute various methods 
were provided by different provincial laws for securing an 
election. Where the parish did not elect, the king or some 
other founder had the right of patronage, as with Hjs. 
Institution was given by the bishops. 

The chief income of the parish priests was derived from 
tithes which were laid on the produce of the chase and 
fishing, as well as on domestic animals and the fields. 
Only one-third of the tithes of corn came to the parish 
priest, the other part was divided among the bishop, the 
Church and the poor. The " poor " tithe was admin- 
istered by the bishop, and given to hospitals, education, 
building of cathedrals and support of canonries, etc. 

The parish priests were not, however, rich, while the 
bishops and monasteries were. Of the latter there were a 
large number in the peninsula, especially in the diocese of 
Lund, where there were thirty-eight. In Sweden proper 
there were forty-five, with six in Finland, and four in 
Bohuslan, which then belonged to Norway, making a total 
of eighty-three. 

It would be of little interest to give a list of these eighty- 
three religious houses. The numbers belonging to the 
principal orders in what is now Sweden and Finland may, 
however, be mentioned. The Franciscans were the most 


popular, having - twenty-five houses, the Dominicans 
eighteen, and the Cistercians sixteen. The rest had 
between them twenty-four, which includes the old-fashioned 
Benedictines (7), Praemonstratensians (5), Carmelites (3), 
Birgittines (2), Johannites (2), Antony Brothers (2), 
Cluniacs (1), Carthusians (1), Augustinians (1). The 
latest foundation was one promoted by Jacobus Ulphonis 
and Conrad Rogge of Strengnas, the Carthusian monas- 
tery of Mariefred, to which Sten Sture gave the castle and 
estate of Gripsholm in 1493. It was the first to be con- 
fiscated after the Reformation. 22 The Carmelite monastery 
at Orebro is memorable as having been the place of the 
early education of Olaus and Laurentius Petri. 

It is not easy to estimate what the wealth of these various 
sees and chapters and religious houses was in the aggre- 
gate. It was certainly very large. Thus we are told that 
every nobleman was required to provide six able-bodied 
men for every four hundred marks rent. A report made to 
the diet at Stockholm in 1526 returns the quota of the arch- 
bishop at fifty men, of the Bishop of Linkoping at thirty- 
six, and others less. The highest quota of a lay-lord was 
twenty-four, and of the 441 men, which had to be raised on 
that occasion, 156 were to be supplied by the bishops. 23 

It was not, perhaps, much of an exaggeration on the part 
of Gustaf Vasa in 1527 to say " that the crown and the 
nobility together hardly had here in the kingdom a third 
part of what the priests, monks, churches and monasteries 
had " (Anjou : p. 29). 

§ 7. — Conclusion. Dissatisfaction with Rome and 


triumph. Effect of the blood-bath at Stock- 
holm on Church and State. 

Thus, from the little congregation founded at Birka in 
the time of Anskar, had grown up a great semi-indepen- 
dent society — an " imperium in imperio " — which con- 

22 See Cornelius : Handbok, pp. 149-50, and Lecture V., § 4. 

23 L. A. Anjou : Reformation, p. 28, E. T., 1859. 

176 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 13S9— 1520). 

fronted, and, at times, overshadowed the State, and 
threatened the solidity and efficiency of the kingdom. 
When once it was perceived that the first duty of a State 
was to have a settled government, guaranteeing liberty and 
law to all men, it was impossible for those who guided the 
State to be content to let this " imperium in imperio " con- 
tinue unregulated. There was dissatisfaction with the 
papacy, but much more discontent with the home adminis- 
tration of the Church. The papacy aroused dissatisfaction 
and a certain amount of contempt by the uncertain char- 
acter of its interference, and the atmosphere of intrigue and 
corruption in which all business done with it was involved. 
It was felt that very many matters were decided by it from 
motives other than those of religion, and often on grounds 
of policy which made it the instrument of foreign and hos- 
tile powers. But, on the whole, the papacy had not done 
nearly as much harm to Sweden as to other nations, and it 
had done much good, especially by widening the outlook of 
the men who came in contact with it. The main causes of 
discontent were the excessive wealth, power and secularity 
of the higher clergy, and their disintegrating influence on 
the national life. The Archbishop of Upsala was a great 
secular potentate, able to make successful war upon kings 
and administrators. But he was not the ruler of the 
Church in Sweden, even when he was administrator of the 
kingdom. The Church in one sense was too strong, but in 
another it was too weak, because it failed in cohesion. 
Each bishop had his castle and his retainers, and was a sort 
of petty king in his diocese and upon his own estates, and a 
menace to the unity of the State. Such simple facts as 
these, brought home to the minds of everyone, were much 
more powerful than dissatisfaction with Rome. Members 
of the national party could not fail to see their relevance to 
the two problems, which the rising under Engelbrekt had 
first brought into prominence, and which had ever since 
been before their minds : First, how to free Sweden from a 
foreign dynasty, which burdened it with heavy taxes for 
the benefit of strangers, and involved it in affairs and 


wars not its own ; secondly, how to give unity to the 
nation within. The state of constant insecurity and 
of frequent civil war had become intolerable by the 
end of the fifteenth century. What was needed was 
a strong native king, who would drive out the foreigner 
and consolidate the government. Then came the deposi- 
tion of Gustavus Trolle by the Riksdag at Stockholm in 
November, 15 17, and the destruction of the Castle of 
Staket. This, as we have seen, was not intended to be an 
absolute breach with Rome. The hope was that the pope 
would, in the end, confirm it and appoint a new archbishop 
of a more peaceable and patriotic temper, or at least assent 
to his legate Arcimboldi's plan. 

But when Christian, in 1520 — smarting from his own 
previous defeats, and mindful of his grandfather's defeat 
at Brunkeberg — was successful in his second invasion, in 
which Sten Sture fell, and left Sweden without a leader, he 
determined to have his revenge and to make future re- 
bellion impossible. He had succeeded in such a policy in 
Norway, why should he not succeed in Sweden ? He had 
with him, not only military, but spiritual power. He 
brought papers from the pope pronouncing an excommuni- 
cation on the administrator and his adherents, on account 
of their treatment of Trolle, and including an interdict of 
divine services and sacraments covering the whole of 
Sweden to be used if it were necessary. He was brother- 
in-law of the Emperor Charles V., and had all the prestige 
of the Roman Empire, as far as it remained, to back him. 
Why should he not then succeed? 

By his own fair speeches and lavish promises, and by 
the help of those whom he had persuaded to serve him, he 
won entrance into Stockholm, and that mainly by the good 
offices of Hemming Gad. He was there crowned with 
great pomp by Gustavus Trolle and the other bishops on 
Sunday, the 4th November. For three days he entertained 
his guests, Swedish, German and Danish, with equal 
courtesy and pleasantness. Everything was to be forgiven 
and forgotten, especially all the proceedings against the 

178 IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389— 1520). 

archbishop, who was now restored to office ; the king had 
taken oath upon the sacrament that it should be so. But 
he was, under this mask, maturing a plan of revenge, to 
which he was instigated by Didrik Slagheck, once a 
barber, but now a bishop, and the bearer of Leo X.'s letters 
of excommunication against the Swedes. This plan is not 
attributed to Archbishop Gustavus by those who lived 
nearest the time, although he was used as an instrument by 
the king to work it out. 

On Wednesday, the 7th, Christian held a council of the 
realm, to which the bishops, the chief lords and ladies, 
clerks and citizens were summoned. Gustavus Trolle 
came forward to demand satisfaction for the injuries he 
had received at the hands of the late administrator. He 
was supported by Otto, Bishop of Vesteras. The 
administrator's widow, Christina, stood up in her hus- 
band's defence, and declared that all the estates were 
equally responsible for the archbishop's deposition and 
the destruction of his castle in 15 17. The king asked who 
of those present had signed the act of deposition. Hans 
Brask allowed that he had done so, but appealed to a secret 
writing under his seal, in which he asserted that he did 
it under compulsion. The others, including the two 
bishops, Mathias of Strengnas and Vincentius of Skara, 
were imprisoned. Gustavus, it seems, wished the cause to 
be referred to Rome for judgment, but the king decided 
that it should be settled out of hand. Next day, the 8th, 
the prisoners were brought before a spiritual tribunal, 
of which the president was the Danish bishop, Jens 
Andersson Beldenacke. They were asked whether it was 
not heresy to confederate and conspire against the holy see 
of Rome, and they were constrained to answer " Yes." 
This was regarded by the court as a condemnation of them- 
selves, by their own mouth, on a capital charge, and their 
immediate execution was decreed — even the consolation 
of the sacrament being denied them. All things had 
been prepared beforehand in the market place, scaffold, 
guards, cannon and executioners. First the two bishops 


lost their heads, then twelve temporal lords, including Eric 
Abrahamsson, Eric Johansson Vasa and Joakim Brahe; 
then the burgomasters of Stockholm and the principal 
citizens. A Danish knight who was present informed the 
people that the archbishop had thrice adjured the king 
upon his knees so to punish the guilty, but Vincentius 
declared that this was untrue, and that it was the king who 
was the traitor. As this is asserted by Olaus Petri, the 
reformer, who was present as one of the company of his 
bishop, it must be assumed to be true; and so far it clears 
Trolle of the worst suspicion. Olaus also notes the in- 
gratitude of the king towards Bishop Mathias, who, since 
the treaty was drawn up, had done more than any man in 
vSweden to promote his cause, and without whom the king 
would not have succeeded in his enterprise. The 
next day other victims were executed. "The dead 
bodies " (says Olaus Petri) " were left to lie in the market 
place from Thursday till Saturday. It was a pitiful and 
terrible sight to see how, in that rainy season, blood, mixed 
with water and filth, ran down in the gutters off the market 
place." Many of the citizens were taken from their busi- 
ness without a moment for thought, or for making their 
peace with God. Others were drawn from the crowd if 
they showed any sympathy as spectators. Men at arms, 
who had come in the retinue of the lords who were executed, 
were torn off their horses in their boots and spurs, and borne 
straight to the gallows, which were often full and rarely 
empty. Another spectator, Olaus Magni, the historian, 
afterwards titular archbishop of Upsala, saw ninety-four 
persons beheaded ; and others were hanged or butchered in 
other ways. Before the massacre terminated the king sent 
letters to all the provinces, saying that he had caused Sten 
Sture's chief abettors to be punished as notorious heretics, 
according to the sentence of the bishops, prelates and the 
wisest men in Sweden, and that he would henceforth govern 
the kingdom in peace by the laws of St. Eric. On the 
Saturday the king ordered a great fire to be kindled in the 
suburb of Sodermalm, where the Church of St. Catharine 

i8o IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389—1520). 

now stands, on which the bodies of the dead were con- 
sumed. To make his revenge complete, he caused the 
dead body of the administrator, which had been buried for 
half a year, to be dug up, and thrown upon the pile. The 
massacre was also extended to Finland, and Hemming 
Gad, who had escaped thither, was not saved by his recent 
services, and lost his head at the age of 80. The king's 
whole progress on his return from Stockholm was marked 
by similar cruelties, in which harmless monks and innocent 
children were slaughtered. More than six hundred heads 
had fallen before he quitted Swedish territory at the 
beginning of the next year. 

This tragedy bears the name in history of the " Blood- 
bath of Stockholm," and by it Christian earned the name 
of " the Tyrant." He left the kingdom in the hands of 
Didrik Slagheck, Gustavus Trolle, Jens Andersson and 
others. Slagheck was made Bishop of Skara in the place 
of one victim, and Jens Andersson was nominated to 
Strengnas in the place of the other. Slagheck retired to 
Denmark when Gustaf Vasa began to succeed in his revolt, 
and was made Archbishop of Lund ; but was shortly after- 
wards burnt to death at Copenhagen by King Christian 
(1522). Trolle also retired to Denmark, where, on 
Christian's deposition and imprisonment, he crowned 
King Frederick in 1524. He was wounded in battle in 
1535, and died in prison. Jens was neither elected, nor 
confirmed nor consecrated to Strengnas, and he, too, 
shortly retired. But what became of him does not seem to 
be recorded. The miserable captivity and wretched fate of 
Christian is well known. 

As regards its effect on Sweden, this tragedy had great 
influence on the history of the Church, as well as of the 
State. It settled any question of accepting a Danish ruler 
perhaps for all time. It was also a signal step in the in- 
terruption of relations with the Roman see in the interest of 
which Slagheck had planned it. However much it might 
have been dictated by policy and personal hatred on the 
part of Christian, it was carried out and defended by him as 


a punishment of heresy, that heresy being opposition to 
Rome. It made the Swedes determined never to have 
again such a powerful archbishop as Trolle, and, as two of 
the bishops had been his supporters, the whole order were 
objects of suspicion. The breach was now made, and it 
was seen that the power of the bishops must be checked, 
and their wealth and independence diminished. 

It made it easily possible for Gustaf Vasa to attack this 
point in the Swedish constitution under the financial 
necessities, which, from the first, pressed upon him. 

When also the pope stiffly refused to confirm canonically 
elected bishops because their fees were not forthcoming the 
breach became still wider. It was then that the new doc- 
trines began to take hold of men's hearts, and the national 
sentiment was strengthened and ennobled by the teaching 
as to the value of individual faith in God which the 
Lutheran preachers gave. The new spirit of personal 
piety which was engendered, the new force of character 
which was created, were precious alike to the religion and 
to the policy of Sweden. The Church had brought Sweden 
into the comity of nations, but had failed to make the best 
of the national character. The State was now to take the 
moulding of this character in hand, in alliance with the 
Church, but in an alliance which (as we shall see) did not 
give the Church sufficient freedom of development. On 
the whole, however, the tangled web of destiny can be 
seen by those who look back upon its progress to be surely 
woven by the fingers of God, and not to be the working of 
a blind and meaningless fate. Good lives were woven into 
it, and their influence is not yet exhausted. 

i8a IV.— THE ROMANIZED CHURCH (a.d. 1389— 1520). 

Detached Note. — On the Monastery of Syon in England. 

The following is an extract from the introduction to the 
Catalogue of the [Men's] Library of Syon 
Monastery, Isleworth, by Mary Bateson, Cam- 
bridge, 1898, pp. xi. and xii.: — 

The English interest in the Brigettine order dates from 1406, 
when Henry IV. 's daughter, Philippa, went to Sweden to be- 
come the wife of Eric, king of Norway, Sweden and Denmark. 
Immediately after the marriage the bridal party visited Wad- 
stena, the parent house of the Brigettine order, already the 
richest monastery in Sweden ; and the result of the visit was 
that an Englishman, Henry Lord Fitzhugh, who was in Queen 
Philippa 's suite, promised to endow the order in England with 
his manor of Hinton, near Cambridge. In 1408 John Peters, 
priest, and one deacon were sent to England. Peters stayed 
eight years 24 [he died in 1418, leaving many books to Wad- 
stena], but it was not directly from his exertions that Syon 
sprang. Philippa visited Wadstena again January, 1415, and 
enrolled her name among the nuns, promising to live there if 
she should become a widow, and it is probable that at that time 
she began to use her influence to promote the interests of the 
order in England. In May of that year four Swedish nuns, 
three novices and two priests were sent to England. It appears 
that Henry V. had agreed to found a House for them, which 
was to be endowed from the spoils of the alien monasteries 
dissolved in 1414. 

On the 22nd February, 1416, he laid the foundation of the 
Church of Syon, and of the monastery of St. Saviour and St. 
Briget of Syon, of the order of St. Augustine. 

The Carthusian House at Sheen, called Jesus of Bethlehem, 
was founded about the same time, and the two Houses fre- 
quently acted together. The original Syon was near Twicken- 
ham, but after the manor of Isleworth was given to the nuns, 
1422, and rich property fell into their hands, a new house was 
begun in Isleworth, 1426, on the present site of Syon House. 
In 143 1 the convent moved and soon became enormously 
wealthy. At the dissolution of greater monasteries it ranked 
eighth in riches. It is possible that a search for Syon accounts 
might give some information on the purchase of books. 25 

24 Fant's Scviptorcs rerum Suecicarum I., 125. 

25 The agricultural accounts of the Abbey's Home-farm yielded many of 
the statistics for Prof. Thorold Rogers' History of Prices. 

iS 3 


The Swedish Reformation under Gustaf Vasa and 
his sons, Eric and John (1520 a.d. — 1592 a.d.). 


§ 1.— Gustaf Ericsson Vasa (1496— 1560)— His family 
and early history — His adventures in 1520 — His 
rapid successes — Elected king, 1523, at Strengnas, 
the centre of the reforming movement 186 

§ 2. — Introduction of Lutheran teaching — The 
brothers, Olaus and Laurentius Petri — Laurentius 
Andreas chancellor — The Anabaptists in Stock- 
holm 188 

§ 3. — The chancellor's letter for the king to Vadstena 
— New idea of the Church — The new teaching pro- 
tected, not enforced — The king and his ministers 190 

§ 4. — Pressure of the financial situation — The king's 

appeal to Brask — Resumes Gripsholm 192 

§ 5. — The sack of Rome, May, 1527 — Riksdag of 
Vesteras midsummer of the same year — The 
Swedish bishops of this period — Johannes Magni, 
archbishop-elect, had left in 1526 — The con- 
secrated bishops : Brask and Peter of Vesteras — 
The two bishops-elect : Difficulty as to their con- 
firmation — Anticipatory protest — The king's able 
address — Brask's reply — The king's passion — 
Result : " Recess " and " Ordinance " of Vesteras 194 

§ 6. — The king uses his powers — Gradual suppression 
of monasteries — Brask departs — Character of 
Brask and Johannes Magni — Three bishops con- 
secrated (without papal confirmation), Epiphany, 
1528, in order for the coronation — Olaus Petri's 
free-spoken coronation sermon — Council of 
Orebro, 1529: Its cautious action — Election of 
Laurentius Petri as archbishop by an assembly of 

184 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592) 


clergy — Consecration of fresh bishops, 1st 
August, and of archbishop, 22nd September, 
1 53 1 — Protest of Petrus Magni of Vesteras and 
Magnus Sommar of Strengnas. — Its intention — 
Further changes — Ultra-reforming influence of 

Peutinger and Norman, 1539 200 

§ 7. — Sketch of the work of Olaus Petri — His literary 
activity — New Testament and Hymn-book (1526) 
Catechism, Postils, Hand-book and Swedish 
mass (1527) — Importance of the two latter — The 
mass more Protestant than the hand-book — Char- 
acter of Olaus — His marriage (1525) — His prin- 
ciples as a reformer — Quotation from Provost 
Berggren — Debt of Sweden to Laurentius — Olaus 
and Laurentius Andreas suspected by the king, 
and condemned to death — Death sentence remitted, 

but heavy fines imposed 208 

5 8. — Presbyterian tendency of the king's later policy 
— George Norman's visitations and his Church- 
order — Division of dioceses 220 

5 9. — The latter half of Gustaf's reign — The Riksdag 
of Vesteras (1544) — The Bible in Swedish — The 
archbishop disapproves the king's third marriage 
— The king's death (1560) and character — His 

great services to Sweden 224 

i 10. — Two-fold change on Gustaf's death — The 
reign and character of Eric (1560 — 1568) — Eric not 
so able to control the Church as his father — Cal- 
vinist aggression forces the Church to define itself 

as Lutheran — The liquorist controversy 228 

n. — The reign of John III. (1569 — 1592) — His 
scheme of reform on a primitive model — 
Laurentius' Kyrko-ordning of 1 57 1 accepted 1572 
— His teaching about bishops compared with that 
of the English Church — Their duties, etc. — Germ 
of an evangelical rite of confirmation — The rite of 
the Nova Ordinantia of 1575 — Death of Laurentius 
Petri (1573) 231 



12. — Changes in other lands — Lutheranism and 
Calvinism — The counter-reformation — Compari- 
son of the sovereigns of England and Sweden — 
Position of King John — The Nova Ordinantia of 
1575 : Its character and provisions — Unction of the 
new archbishop and other bishops — The Liturgy 
of 1576: Disputes about it — Failure of negotia- 
tions with the pope — Death of John (1592) 237 

1 86 


The Swedish Reformation. 
§ i. — Gustaf Vasa (1496 — 1560). His early history 


In order to understand the course of the Church history 
of the Reformation period we must first remind ourselves 
of the chief events in the romantic history of Gustaf 
Ericsson Vasa, the liberator of Sweden, and the founder of 
the most important dynasty of Swedish kings. We have 
all of us at some time or another in our lives delighted to 
read of his adventures, and, therefore, a detailed account 
of them would be out of place here. 

The family to which he belonged was an honourable one 
in Upland. It first appears in history at Frotuna, in the 
province of Upsala, in the middle of the fourteenth cen- 
tury. The most prominent member of it was the old 
drots, or steward, Christian Nilsson, the rival of Karl 
Knutsson, and great grandfather of Gustaf. His father's 
first cousin, Kettil, was Bishop of Linkoping (11465). 
He was born himself on the 12th May, probably in 1496, 
and was brought up at the University of Upsala, and 
in the court of Sten Sture the younger, where he attracted 
the notice of King John of Denmark. He was only 
twenty-two years old when he was treacherously carried off 
as a hostage by Christian II., and kept in prison for about 
two years. He escaped first to Liibeck and then to 
Kalmar, and, on his return to Sweden, remained in retire- 
ment at his father's house of Rafsnas, not far from the 
bishop's see of Strengnas, and close to the newly-founded 
monastery of Mariefred on Lake Malar. Here he heard of 
the massacre of Stockholm on 8th November, 1520, in 
which his father was one of the victims. Here, too, he 


formed the plan of escaping to Dalarne, and rousing the 
Dalemen to revolt, as they had done under Engelbrekt 
some ninety years before. Towards the end of the month, 
in the darkness of winter, began that course of changeful 
adventures, in which, first on the Dalelf and in the Koppar- 
berg, and then in the neighbourhood of Lake Siljan, he 
moved from place to place disguised as a peasant, hospit- 
ably received, and sheltered by some, betrayed by others, 
and always pursued by Danish spies and soldiers. These 
adventures are full of picturesque episodes, which are even 
more interesting to the Swedes than the wanderings of 
King Alfred are to ourselves. When, in despair of rousing 
the people he was flying into Norway, and had almost 
passed the boundary, he was recalled by swift snow-shoe 
runners, who brought him back to Mora. Here the assem- 
bled peasants (who were at last thoroughly shaken from 
their torpor by reports of the cruelties and further designs 
of Christian) chose him to be their leader, and made him, 
as far as they could make him, the administrator of the 
kingdom (January, 1521). 

The revolution which followed was in an extraordinary 
degree the work of this single young man, not yet twenty- 
five years old. It is marvellous with what perseverance, 
cheerfulness and courage, with what skill, prudence and 
self-restraint, he kept the war going, with the aid of foreign 
mercenaries and undisciplined peasant levies, and with an 
empty treasury. At the end of April he was master of the 
central Swedish provinces of Dalarne, Gestrikland, Vest- 
manland and Nerike, except the castles. At midsummer 
he was able to besiege, though not to take, Stockholm. In 
the second half of August he was accepted as adminis- 
trator of the kingdom (Rikets hofvitsman) at a council of 
nobles held at Vadstena in East Gothland. Two years 
more were required to take the castles and the towns. On 
the 6th June, 1523, he was elected king at the Riksdag in 
Strengnas, which was, as you will remember, near his own 
home. Here also was the focus at that time of the 
reforming movement, which was quite in its infancy. 

188 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

Here the new king came into close contact with two of the 
three men whose spiritual force was to turn the mind of 
Sweden into a new direction, Olaus Petri, who was a little 
older than the king, and his friend, the Archdeacon 
Laurentius Andreae, who was some ten years older than 
Olaus. It needs but little imagination to picture with what 
eagerness the young preacher and the older thinker and 
organizer, who were already bound together, met and wel- 
comed the representative of practical energy and trium- 
phant hopefulness. Here (they must have felt) is one who 
will give us the political leadership which we need. Gus- 
taf, for his part, must have recognized at once in them a 
moral power which he himself did not possess, and one 
which would give dignity to his cause. What dreams were 
dreamed in those early days, what ideals of new life for the 
Church and the community took shape from the contact of 
these remarkable men who met at Strengnas in 1523! 

§ 2. — Introduction of Protestant teaching. The 
brothers olaus and laurentius petri and 
Archdeacon Laurentius Andreae. 

The introduction of Protestant teaching of the school of 
Luther into Sweden was the work, as I have implied, 
mainly of three men, the two whom I have mentioned, and 
Laurentius, the younger brother of Olaus Petri. 

The two brothers were, like Melanchthon, sons of a 
smith. Their birthplace was Orebro, chief town of Nerike, 
whence Laurentius is often called Nericius, to distinguish 
him from his namesake and successor, Laurentius Petri 
Gothus. Their first teaching was probably at the Car- 
melite monastery in that place. Olaus seems to have been 
born in 1493, and Laurentius in 1499. Olaus took his 
degree as Master of Arts at the newly-founded University 
of Wittenberg in 15 18, where he came into close relation 
as a student with both Luther and Melanchthon. It 
appears that Laurentius was also a student there, but his 
early life is but little known to us. He did not return from 
Wittenberg until 1527, and, when he did so, he seems to 


have worked quietly as schoolmaster (ludi magister) at 
Upsala. Olaus returned to his cathedral city in 1519, and 
was ordained deacon in 1520. He accompanied his 
bishop, Mathias Gregorii, to Stockholm for the corona- 
tion of King Christian II. He was a witness of the 
massacre in which the two bishops suffered, and describes 
it in some well-known pages in his chronicle. 1 

Mathias was the first executed, and Olaus remarked that 
no man had done so much for King Christian as Bishop 
Mats, and that without him he would never have suc- 
ceeded in forcing his will upon Sweden, and that this was 
his reward. It is said that Olaus was in some danger him- 
self, but was supposed by some of the by-standers to be a 
German. He was, however, soon to be the best known 
man in Stockholm, for Gustaf took both the friends with 
him to that city, where the experienced Laurentius Andreas 
became his chancellor. Olaus, in 1524, became secretary 
to the city council of Stockholm, where his knowledge of 
Germany was at once valuable. He left memoirs of city 
affairs, besides his larger chronicle, which are very valu- 
able as records of the inner life of the community. At the 
same time the king appointed Michael Langerben, another 
Wittenberg student, to the pastorate of Stockholm. Thus 
the promoters of reform leapt at once to a prominent 
position in the capital, and were known to be under royal 

A certain check to their influence was, indeed, for a 
time given by the excesses of two Anabaptist preachers from 
Holland, Rink and Knipperdolling, to which Olaus and 
Langerben seemed to have given too much countenance. 
The king was absent; but, on his return, he showed his 
anger at the riot and iconoclasm which had taken place, 
and exiled the Dutch preachers. From this incident 
(coupled with the even worse experience of Germany) we 
may trace the abhorrence of Swedish Lutheran orthodoxy 
against the rougher and wilder forms of Protestant 

1 Svenska Chronica in Scr. rer. Suec, I., pp. 346-7. The 
passage is one of those printed by Ad. Noreen and E. Meyer in 
Valda stycken aj Svenska Forfattare, pp. 19-23, Stockholm, 
1907. See above p. 179. 

190 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

§ 3. — The chancellor's letter to Vadstena. New 
idea of the church. the king and his 

The opportunity was taken by Laurentius Andreae to 
publish in the king's name a long Latin letter, addressed 
to the Convent of Vadstena, from whom he desired a loan, 
describing the king's attitude towards the Church. It 
rested upon a theory of the meaning of the word. " By 
the name Church Holy Scripture did not meant the priests 
or prelates, or the church buildings, but the whole com- 
pany of faithful men. Therefore, if we say ' the Church's 
money,' do we say anything else except the people's 
money? In the oldest times of Christendom the posses- 
sions of the Church were used for the good of the congrega- 
tion. So ought it to be now. The superfluity of Church 
revenues ought not to go to stately buildings or fine orna- 
ments, but to supply the needs of the people. Surely God 
has not more care for stocks and stones than for men for 
whom Christ suffered and died?" 2 

As regards the attitude of the king towards the new 
teaching, he writes as follows : — " The king hears with dis- 
pleasure the report that he allows some new and uncatholic 
teaching to be disseminated throughout his kingdom. He 
wills and requires that you should abstain from such 
thoughtlessness yourselves, and not mislead the common 
people, remembering what is written, ' Prove all things: 
hold fast that which is good.' If a strange doctrine is 
found by you in some new books, whether by Luther or 
others, they must not be rejected before they are carefully 
examined. If something is found which varies from the 
truth, you may write books to refute such teaching through 
Holy Scripture. Though I am afraid that there is no one 
among you who is able or suitable for such a task. For, 
although I have little acquaintance with the new teaching, 
which some men call Martin's, yet from the little I have 
ascertained about it, Martin is too great to be refuted by us 

2 This is a summary, not an exact quotation. See Cornelius : 
Hist., § 5. So also the next paragraph. 


simple men, for he is armed with the weapons of Scripture, 
not with the writings of St. Birgitta or anyone else, but 
with those of divine Scripture " (Cornelius: ibid.). 

But, though the king thus showed his intention of pro- 
tecting the new teaching, he did not put forward any of its 
tenets. Neither inclination nor policy led him to enter the 
theological arena. He was not a learned man like Henry 
VIII., nor, even if he had had the desire to pose as a 
theologian, had he leisure for it. A great political and 
financial burden rested upon him, especially in the absence 
from Sweden of any class of trained statesmen, or even 
officials capable of keeping accounts on a large scale. He 
sent young men to be trained in Germany, as Upsala did 
not furnish them, and he tried in succession various 
ministers, to whom, in his impatience, irritability, sus- 
piciousness and reluctance to give praise, he was a very hard 
master. 3 

The most successful perhaps was the first Laurentius 
Andreae, who remained with him for about nine years till 
1532. When he retired he seems to have recommended 
his friend, Olaus Petri, who was, however, too much of 
an idealist for the practical needs of Gustaf, and too in- 
dependent, straightforward and impetuous to be personally 
acceptable to him. After two years of unequal partnership 
Gustaf dismissed him with the trying remark that he was 
as fit to be chancellor as an ass to play the lute, or a 
frisky cow to spin silk (Schiick : Olavus, 56). He was suc- 
ceeded in the chancellorship by another learned man, 
Christopher Andersson, one of the students sent to Ger- 
many, with whom the king quarrelled badly. Then came a 
German jurist, Konrad von Pyhy, or Peutinger, in 1538, 
who, in company with the Pomeranian nobleman, George 
Norman, introduced many novelties of administration from 
the Continent, including a good many borrowings from 
Roman civil law. We shall have to speak later of the in- 
fluence of Norman in the Church. Von Pyhy was dis- 

3 See Lektor (now Riksarkivarien) E. Hildebrand : Gustaf 
Vasa, etc., pp. 17-25. 

192 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

graced in 1543, after which the king returned to Swedish 
ministers. In the early period, with which we are at pre- 
sent concerned, the king had to work hard himself with 
accounts and State papers; and, although it is easy to 
criticise the exuberance of his style, and the indirectness 
of his language (which somewhat remind one of Oliver 
Cromwell's), we cannot but be astonished at his immense 
diligence. Indeed, he continued to exhibit this minute 
diligence in affairs, small and great, until the end of his 

§ 4. — Pressure of the financial situation. The 
king's appeal to Brask. He resumes Grip- 

At the beginning of his reign the financial problem was 
almost overwhelming, and it was this which, to a great 
extent, governed the religious issue. As an American 
writer on this period has said 4 : " In Sweden more than in 
almost any other land the Reformation was a political re- 
volt. Indeed, it may well be called a political necessity. 
At the moment when Gustaf Vasa was elected king, 
Sweden was on the verge of bankruptcy." Then, after 
speaking of the unsatisfactory device of debasing the cur- 
rency which was tried, and found unworkable, he proceeds, 
" When the new monarch ascended the throne it was evi- 
dent that the treasury must be replenished in other ways. 
The natural direction was that in which the greatest wealth 
of Sweden lay — in other words, the Church." 

The king's first inroads upon the revenues of the Church 
were naturally rather tentative. He obtained a good deal 

4 Paul Barron Watson : The Swedish Revolution under 
Gustaf Vasa, pp. 12 1-3, London, 1889. This is a laborious 
book, ending with the year 1528. It is rather vitiated by the 
final suggestion that Gustaf ought to have been a precursor 
of George Washington, and have founded a republic instead of 
a monarchy — a suggestion which seems to show a misconcep- 
tion of the practical possibilities of the period. But the facts 
are recorded (I believe) with accuracy and diligence, and in a 
fairly attractive manner. 


of voluntary help in the next years from the frequent assem- 
blies which he summoned in order to deal with the pressing 
matter of his debts to the City of Lubeck, which had 
assisted him with mercenary soldiers and supplies. He 
also appealed for such help in person. Thus he made, as 
we have seen, an appeal to Vadstena. He also made a 
personal appeal to Hans Brask, Bishop of Linkoping. 
Brask was a very able, and, up to a certain point, a resolute 
man, who, like our own Tunstall, knew the need of reform, 
and was a friend of the reforming pope, Adrian VI., who 
was for too short a time on the Roman throne (2nd January, 
1522 — 24th September, 1523). 5 But he was a convinced 
supporter of the old Church. In this appeal the king asked 
Brask for a definite sum, and Brask seems to have done his 
best to meet the demands made upon him. Each, I think, 
tried at first to make the best of the other, but in time sus- 
picion of Brask's loyalty on the part of the king, and fear 
on Brask's part that the king was bent on introducing a 
new religion, separated two men who might between them 
have done much to shape a policy of moderate reform for 
Sweden. Their letters to one another still remain, and 
present a vivid picture of the state of changing opinion at 
this period. 

Another source of wealth was to be found in the resump- 
tion of estates recently granted to monasteries. Gustaf 
obtained the approval of the council of nobles for such a 
resumption on his part of the estate of Gripsholm, the 
Carthusian monastery of Afariefred, which had been 
founded quite recently (in the year 1493) by Sten Sture 
the elder. Gustaf, who was heir to the Sture property, 
through his maternal grandmother, Birgitta, Sture's sister, 
declared that his father had been forced into giving his con- 
sent to the foundation, and that he was, therefore, entitled 
to resume the estate. The Vasas had inherited the neigh- 
bouring lands of Rafsnas, and, therefore, were naturally 
desirous of recovering Gripsholm. The Carthusians were 

5 Tunstall was provided to the Bishopric of London in 1522, 
apparently by Adrian VI. 


194 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

persuaded to resign it, but this high-handed act aroused 
much criticism and suspicion. As Anjou says: "His 
enemies saw a judgment from on high in the events which 
made this place of Gripsholm a mournful witness of the 
fraternal hatred of his sons" (Ref. in Six?., 147). The 
castle which the king built in 1537 is still preserved in the 
present palace, and is a place of pilgrimage for all who are 
interested in Swedish history. 

§ 5.— The sack of Rome (1527). The Riksdag, Recess 
and ordinantia of vesteras. 

It was not, however, until four years after the election at 
Strengnas that large measures of change were introduced 
in Sweden. During these years the war between Charles 
V. and Pope Clement VII. set at liberty the forces of the 
Reformation in Germany, and at the diet of Spires it was 
resolved, with imperial approval, that all the states of that 
country were free to choose their own religion. A similar 
freedom was felt in other neighbouring countries, and, 
after the sack of Rome by imperial troops in May, 1527, 
the power of the papacy was, for the time, brought very 
low. I may remark that Tyndale's English version of the 
New Testament was published in 1526, and that about the 
same time the validity of Henry's marriage with Katharine 
began to be publicly discussed. It was at midsummer in 
the year 1527 that the Church of Sweden was forced by 
a vote of the estates to take a new position towards the 
State. This was at the Riksdag of Vesteras, the most im- 
portant moment of the Reformation of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, with the exception of the Upsala-mote of 1593. These 
two dates then, 1527 and 1593, are the most necessary for 
the student to bear in memory, and to group his recollec- 
tions round them. At Vesteras a large measure of dis- 
establishment and disendowment was carried after a 
struggle, and a general though indefinite liberty of preach- 
ing was conceded to the reformers, but no mention was 
made of Luther or Lutheranism. In this point the course 
of events was very different from what it was in Denmark, 

§ 5— THE RIKSDAG OF VESTERAS (1527). 195 

where, in August of the same year, the name Lutheran was 
distinctly adopted at Odense. It was not until the Upsala- 
mote of 1593 that any Lutheran formula was accepted by 
the whole Church of Sweden, and the name " Lutheran," 
though in common use, is not official. 

The Riksdag of Vesteras was attended by a large number 
of representatives, of whom the bishops especially concern 
us. There was then in Sweden no archbishop. Johannes 
Magni, a learned man, and a real lover of his country, but 
ambitious, fond of display, and weak in character, had 
come out in 1522 as legate of Pope Adrian VI., in order 
to settle the matter of the deposition of Gustavus Trolle. 

Johannes was on good terms with the king, and was 
ready to ratify the deposition of Trolle, and, like Arcim- 
boldi in 15 18, desired himself to become archbishop in his 
place on election by the chapter. Adrian VI. was not 
ready for this, though, if he had lived, he would probably 
have come round to it in time. But his successor, 
Clement VII., was opposed to all reforms, and for some 
years paid little attention to Swedish affairs. 

Johannes, for a considerable time, administered the 
diocese of Upsala, as archbishop-elect, and took upon him 
great state, going about with a large and burdensome re- 
tinue. This offended the king, who knew the value of 
money, and the ill-feeling which such proceedings on the 
part of an archbishop occasioned. The title of majesty 
was not yet known in Sweden, and, at a sumptuous ban- 
quet, the archbishop, who was host, called out to the king : 
" Our grace drinks to your grace." The king rejoined: 
" Our grace and your grace have not room under the same 
roof," and, with these words, he left the table. A breach 
arose, and, in the autumn before the Riksdag, Johannes 
was glad to leave the kingdom, and the king was happy to 
be quit of him. Johannes left the administration of his 
diocese in the hands of Brask, who was thus the one strong 
hope of the old religion left in the country. 

Four bishops only were present at Vesteras, Hans Brask 
of Linkoping and Petrus Magni of Vesteras, who had both 

io6 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

been consecrated after papal confirmation, and two 
others, who were as yet only bishops-elect. Petrus was a 
learned man like Johannes, but was somewhat weaker in 
character, though less fond of display, and, in fact, was a 
man of unpretentious temper. He had long resided at 
Rome as representative of Vadstena and as prior of the 
Birgittines there. His encyclopaedic writings were of the 
most varied and technical character, and must have been 
valuable to his countrymen, but they were mostly transla- 
tions or adaptations of foreign works. His best known 
book, the Barnabok, was an adaptation of Erasmus' 
Institutio principis Christiani. 6 In 1523 Petrus, called 
Sunnanveder, had been deposed for treason by the 
Chapter of Vesteras, and Petrus Magni was elected in his 
place — although he had voted against the deposition. He 
was confirmed and consecrated at Rome the 1st May, 1524, 
by authority of Clement VII. — a fact very important for 
Sweden since through him the " Apostolical succession " 
was maintained and transmitted at this critical epoch in its 

The other two, who were at present only bishops-elect, 
were Magnus Haraldi of Skara, and Magnus Sommar of 
Strengnas, who had been respectively chosen to take 
the place of the two Danish nominees, Slagheck and 
Beldenacke, who had been thrust into these sees by 
Christian II. in place of Vincentius and Mathias, whom he 
had so cruelly executed. There was no difficulty about 
their confirmation by the pope, except that he refused to 
give it until they had paid their fees, and in particular the 
usual contribution of annates, or first fruits. Probably 
they would have been willing to pay, but the king objected 
to so much money going out of Sweden, and he was also 
not sorry to represent the pope as acting meanly in selling 
the approval of the Church for money. 7 There was a pre- 
cedent (as we have seen) for the remission of such fees in 

6 Schuck: III. lit. H.,l., 159. 

7 See for the history of these negotiations Anjou : I.e., pp. 93- 

§ 5— THE RIKSDAG OF VESTERAS (1527). 197 

difficult times, and if Clement VII. had been a more politic 
man he might well have waived his claim now (p. 159 n. 1 1). 
Besides the four bishops, there were present four pre- 
bendaries, fifteen lords of the council, 129 nobles, thirty- 
two burgesses, fourteen miners and 125 peasants from 
nearly all parts of the kingdom. Only two or three came 
from the southern part of Dalarne, which was generally in 
a state of sullen revolt (S. H. 2 , ii. 91). Deputies do not 
appear to have been summoned from Finland. The king 
gave a sort of warning to the bishops of the change which 
was imminent by seating them, at the opening banquet, 
below the councillors and the principal temporal nobles, 
instead of next to himself, as had previously been the cus- 
tom, even when administrators ruled the kingdom (Anjou : 
195). Before the public meeting of the Riksdag the 
bishops held a private conclave in the Church of St. Giles, 
at which, on Brask's proposal, they passed an anticipatory 
protest against any invasion of the rights of the Church, 
which they concealed under the floor, where it was found 
fifteen years later. 

No detailed contemporary account of the Riksdag exists ; 
and, although the description of it by Peter Svart, the 
king's historiographer, is peculiarly vivid and interesting, 
it was not composed till some thirty years after the event. 
The king's opening address was read by his chancellor, 
Laurentius Andreas, 8 who was, of course, known to be a 
strong ally of the reformers. It is an able and striking 
document, which you will do well to study in the pages of 
Geijer or Anjou, if not in the original Swedish. I wish 
that I had time in this lecture to summarize it for you. It 
was particularly strong in denouncing the oppression of 
the papacy in money matters, the insolence of the bishops, 
and the excessive wealth of the priests and monks, convents 
and churches. The king requested the advice of the 
estates as to those who did not use their revenues for the 
good of the commonalty, and laid stress upon the needs of 

8 There is a fair account of this man s.v. Anderson, by 
Michelsen, in P. R. E. 2 , which is not reprinted in P. R. E. z 

i 9 8 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

the crown, which now spent every year two and a half times 
what it received. Ture Jonsson, the oldest member of the 
council, put forward Brask to reply. He spoke firmly and 
temperately : " That he knew well indeed in what fealty he 
was bound to his king, but he and his whole class were also 
obliged to render obedience to the pope in spiritual things, 
and could not without his sanction consent either to any 
alteration of doctrine or to a diminution of the rights and 
property of the Church. Had worthless priests and monks 
sought gain by encouraging superstitious usages, which 
the heads of the Church themselves disapproved, such 
practices might be abrogated and punished." 

The councillors and nobles generally agreed that this 
was a fair answer. Gustaf, with passion, declared he 
would no longer be king on such terms. He would sooner 
leave the country and never return. He left the hall in 

This passion moved the assembly, particularly those 
elements of it who had not yet declared their opinion. 
Their feeling was voiced by Magnus Sommar, elect of 
Strengnas, who now acted in a contrary direction to Brask. 
It is characteristic of Sweden, both that the assembly was 
so swayed by real or seeming emotion (I hardly think that 
it was all acting on the part of Gustaf), and that it should 
so look to the bishops for advice first on one side and then 
on the other. 

The next day, according to the ordinary account — that of 
Peter Svart — was spent in a disputation between Olaus 
Petri, on the part of the reformers, and Peter Galle, on the 
part of the Church. 9 On the third day the nobles and the 
clergy were obliged to yield to the tumultuous demands of 
the burgesses and peasants, and the king was at last and 
with difficulty persuaded to continue in the government on 
the promise that his proposals should be accepted. The 
result, which appears to have been more than the king at 

9 Dr. H t Schiick : Olavus Petri, p. 44, says the disputation 
took place after the king's proposals were accepted, and, there- 
fore, had no direct influence on the result. 

§ 5-— THE RIKSDAG OF VESTERAS (1527). 199 

first proposed, and perhaps more than he expected, was 
contained in the document called the " Recess of Vesteras." 
The word " recess," I may explain, was in use in Sweden 
and Denmark from about the middle of the fourteenth cen- 
tury (1354) for a protocol or minute of the proceedings of 
an assembly drawn up on its retirement (hence the name), 
to which the members or their commissioners affixed their 
seals in attestation of its accuracy. The important 
provisions are thus summarized by Geijer, in language 
which I cannot improve (p. 118): — 

" The bishops, who from this time were no longer summoned 
to the Council, briefly declared in a special instrument " that 
they were content however rich or poor soever his grace would 
have them to be. ' ' 

The Recess of Vesteras contains : — 

(1) A mutual engagement to withstand all attempts at revolt 
and to punish them, as also to defend the present government 
against all enemies, foreign and domestic ; (2) a grant of power 
to the king, to take into his own hands the castles and strong- 
holds of the bishops, and to fix their revenues, as well as those 
of the prebends and canonries, to levy fines hitherto payable to 
the bishops, and to regulate the monasteries, " in which there 
had for a long time been woeful mis-government " ; (3) authority 
for the nobles to resume that part of their hereditary property 
which had been conveyed to churches and convents since the 
Inquisition (rafst) of Karl Knutsson in 1454, if the heir-at-law 
could substantiate his birthright thereto, at the Ting, by 
the oaths of twelve men ; (4) liberty for the preachers to pro- 
claim the pure word of God, "but not," the barons add, 
" uncertain miracles, human inventions and fables, as hath been 
much used heretofore." Respecting the new faith, on the 
other hand, the burghers and miners declare that " inquiry 
might be made, but that the matter passed their understand- 
ing " ; as do the peasants, since " it was hard to judge more 
deeply than understanding permitted." The answer of the 
latter betrays the affection they still, for the most part, bore 
to the clergy, with the exception of the mendicant friars or sack- 
monks, of whose conduct they complain. Of the bishops' 
castles they say that the king may take them in keeping, until 
the kingdom shall be more firmly settled ; for the article respect- 
ing the revenues of the Church, they believe they are unable to 
answer it, but commit it to the king and his Council. 

2oo V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

In that supplement to the statute, which is entitled the 
Ordinance of Vesteras, it is enacted, that a register of all the 
rents of the bishops, cathedrals and canons, should be drawn 
up, and the king might direct what proportion of these should 
be reserved to the former owners, and how much paid over to 
him for the requirements of the crown ; that ecclesiastical 
offices, not merely the higher, but the inferior, should for the 
future be filled up only with the king's consent, so that the 
bishops might supply the vacant parishes with preachers, but, 
subject to the reviewal by the king, who might remove those 
whom he found to be unfit ; that in secular matters priests 
should be amenable to the civil jurisdiction, and, on their 
decease, no part of their effects should devolve to the bishops ; 
finally, that from that day the gospels should be read in all 
schools, " as beseems those which are truly Christian." 

§ 6. — The king uses his powers. Coronation 1528. 
New bishops. Council of Orebro 1529. 

The next few years saw Gustaf exercising the large 
powers thus put into his hands, as far as the insurrections 
with which he had to cope permitted him to do so. We 
must not suppose that all right and reason lay on the side of 
the peasants, and all injustice on that of the government 
and nobles. The Dalesmen and the Smalanders in par- 
ticular had learnt that the power of warlike combination, of 
going out armed with cross-bow and poleaxe, was a con- 
venient method of escaping taxation by whomsoever it was 
claimed. The Dalesmen were offended by the neglect with 
which they supposed their privileges and previous services 
to be treated. Then there was, at a later date, the still more 
important rising of the nobles and peasants in favour of 
the old religion under Ture Jonsson, in West Gothland, in 
which Bishop Magnus Haraldi was involved. Gradually, 
however, the king worked through his troubles. He 
already possessed three bishops' castles : he now took the 
others — Tynnelso from Strengnas, Lecko from Skara, and 
Munkeboda from Linkoping. The monasteries were 
largely granted as fiefs to nobles whom it was prudent to 
conciliate, or they were restored to the private ownership of 
those who claimed them under the third article of the 


Recess of Vesteras. The king himself found it possible to 
prove his relationship to a number of families besides that 
of the Stures, and where he claimed he was naturally re- 
garded as having a strong case. Many of the inmates of 
the monasteries retired, more or less of their own free will, 
and many married. Nevertheless, the suppression of the 
monasteries went on with a comparative slowness, and the 
two Birgittine houses of Vadstena and Nadendal in Fin- 
land, and the Cistercian nunnery of Skokloster, south of 
Jonkoping, survived for a number of years after the death 
of Gustaf, though in a state of decaying animation. Of 
Vadstena we read that in 1544 the king issued a letter per- 
mitting the monks and nuns, if they wished it, to return to 
a secular life. In the next year its chronicle ceased. 
" Yet " (says Anjou), " there were still eighteen sisters 
left in the cloister in the beginning of King John's reign, 
when, for a short time, it seems to have been again in 
bloom, until the stronger protestantism of Charles anni- 
hilated ... in 1595 the last monastic establishment in 
Sweden " (Anjou: E. T., 234-4). 

It should be added that a number of religious houses in 
Stockholm and other towns became hospitals under the 
government of the burgomaster and town council. 

Hans Brask was satisfied with having made his protest 
at Vesteras, and left the kingdom in the autumn of that 
fateful year. He met Johannes Magni at Dantzig, but 
they had no great love for one another, and were unable to 
devise means for stemming the tide. Brask never re- 
turned to Sweden, though he wrote many letters to his 
flock and to the king. His latter days were spent in the 
monastery of Landa, in the diocese of Gnesen, in Poland, 
where he died about 1538. Johannes, the archbishop- 
elect, passed the rest of his life in Poland and Italy, par- 
ticularly at Rome. He was confirmed and consecrated 
Archbishop of Upsala in 1533 (two years after the see was 
filled by Laurentius Petri) in the last year of Clement 
VIII., and died at Rome in 1544. His two books, the 
History of the Kings of the Swedes and Goths and History 

202 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

of the Metropolitical Church of Upsala, were edited by his 
learned brother, Olaus, who also became titular Arch- 
bishop of Upsala. Both John and Brask were good 
patriots, and may have been restrained by love of their 
country from attempting serious breaches of the peace. 
Brask was, however, much more practical than John in his 
attempts to serve his people. He was the first, as I have 
said, to conceive a plan for connecting Lakes Venern and 
Vettern by a canal, and he tried to establish a printing 
press at Soderkoping. 

As regards the official translation of the Bible, which the 
king requested the clergy to execute, Brask was at first 
critical of the undertaking ; but, after a time, he seems to 
have become interested in it, and in 1526 the Chapter of 
Linkoping was ready with its contribution — the Gospel 
according to St. Mark, and the two Epistles to the 
Corinthians. 10 But, though Brask was consistent in his 
principles, he had not the stuff of which to make a martyr, 
nor was Gustaf anxious to make martyrs. No one was 
put to death for his religion, either now or at any time in 
the following years. 

In the autumn of 1527 the king prepared for his corona- 
tion, which was to take place in the following year. For 
this purpose it was necessary to have duly consecrated 
bishops. He, therefore, wrote in November to Magnus 
Sommar, elect of Strengnas, to the effect that " the com- 
monalty (allmogen) would hardly be content if they did 
not have anointed bishops; and, although that anointing 
was of little importance in itself, it was necessary for him, 
if he wished to proceed with his election, to have himself 
consecrated and anointed during the winter, only it must 
be before Epiphany. If he does not agree to this the 
king will not force him ; but he will have to leave his 
bishop's seat, and the king will look out for someone else " 

10 Anjou (I.e., pp. 135-7) attributes the work to the precentor, 
Eric ; but Holmquist inclines to think that it was Brask's own 
work : see K. H. Arsskrift, v. 247. Holmquist speaks of the 
work as still existing in MS, 


(Cornelius: Hist. § 16). The result was that Magnus 
Sommar, Magnus Haraldi of Skara, and a Dominican 
friar, Martin Skytte of Abo, were consecrated on the feast 
of the Epiphany, 1528, by Petrus Magni of Vesteras, with- 
out papal confirmation, but evidently with the old ritual. 
It is said that Petrus Magni only consented to perform the 
duty on the promise of Laurentius Andreas that the new 
bishops should afterwards seek papal confirmation and 
make an apology for Petrus to the Roman see (Anjou : 
E. T., p. 244). 

The coronation followed at Upsala on the 12th January. 
It was noticed that the oath taken by the king was 
shortened by the omission of the old promise on his part to 
protect the holy Church and its persons. The coronation 
sermon was preached by Olaus Petri, and contained some 
remarkably free expressions of his thoughts on the posi- 
tion and duties of a king. The sermon was based on the 
text of Deut. xvii. 15: "One from among thy brethren 
shalt thou set king over thee : thou mayest not put a 
foreigner over thee which is not thy brother." "The 
king " (he says) " must not consider himself as lord over 
his brethren, but should think on the fact that he and his 
subjects have all sprung from the same root. He must 
also remember that the reverence, the curtseying and bow- 
ing, which is shown him by his subjects, is not for the 
sake of his own person, but for that of his office, which he 
has of God . . . and he should direct all the honour and 
reverence which is shown him to God, giving Him the 
praise which belongs to his office. For he is set to be a 
ruler not over his own, but over God's, commonalty 
(allmogen) and his fellow-brothers." 

This democratic out-spokenness, as I have already said, 
prevented Olaus from being a satisfactory minister of State, 
and a practical politician, but it helped to endear him to 
his fellow-countrymen, and to make them feel that some 
of their best qualities were worthily represented in their 
leading reformer. 

About a year after his coronation the king wisely called 

204 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

together a Church Council at Orebro (February 2nd-7th, 
1529), which consisted only of spiritual persons, of whom 
about forty attended. Three bishops, Magnus of Skara, 
Magnus of Strengnas and Peter of Vesteras, were there, but 
Laurentius Andrea? presided in place of the archbishop. 
We have no account of details, but we know its decisions, 
which are very important as evidences of the slow and 
cautious process of change in Sweden. The king's motto 
was: "Instruct first: reform afterwards." The first re- 
solution was on preaching and teaching, the second on 
Church discipline, the third on ceremonies. Under the 
first head bishops were instructed to overlook the preach- 
ing of God's pure Word "as it is comprehended in the 
Scripture." In cathedrals there was to be a daily lesson 
of Holy Scripture, with a good explanation of it, which 
was to be attended by country clergy. The lower clergy of 
the cathedrals were also to attend. The town clergy were 
to be learned and to help to teach their brethren in the 
country, and to be ready to go out and preach for them. 
The old rule about repeating the Lord's Prayer, Creed, 
Ave Maria, and the Ten Commandments was renewed. 
The Ave Maria was, as I have said, in the same Biblical 
form as in England, not in the later Franciscan and present 
Roman form, which only crept in by degrees about this 
period into Southern Europe. 11 

As to discipline, scholars were forbidden to go about the 
country to collect alms — a re-enactment of a previous canon. 
The second article said: " As the law of the pope forbids 
some to enter into marriage whom God has not forbidden, 
it is determined to dispense with this law for honest rea- 
sons, provided scandal be avoided as far as possible." 
This was evidently a way of quietly repealing the law of 
celibacy as binding on the clergy, and probably all the 
prohibitions of marriage within the degrees of kindred or 
affinity, except those directly contained in Leviticus, or 

11 See my lecture, The Invocation of Saints, and Article 
XXII. , § 2, S.P.C.K., 1908. It does not appear in any 
Breviary before 1509, and then at Paris. 


implied by parity of nearness. The bishops and chapters 
were apparently left in charge of this matter. Thus the 
course of legislation in Sweden in 1529 was not unlike that 
which was followed in England in 1533 — 1534, when the 
dispensing power of the pope was transferred to the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, except in cases prohibited by the 
" laws of God," with reservation of a reference to the 
sovereign or his council in unusual cases (25 Hen. VIII., 
c. 21). Whether Cranmer issued dispensations to the 
clergy to marry I do not know; but he had been himself 
twice married before he became archbishop. 

As regards discipline over persons, the penitentiaries of 
cathedrals were allowed to " use any degree of severity 
with murderers and other heinous transgressors, as the 
worldly sword appears to be idle, and has not the force it 
ought to have." 12 The cloisters were put under the 
diocesan authorities. Monks were to show obedience to 
the bishops, especially in regard to preaching. Bishops, 
in their several dioceses, were to reduce the number of saints 
days, keeping our Lord's principal feasts, those of the 
Virgin Mary, the Apostles, and the local patron saint. 

As regards ceremonies, there was no question of abolish- 
ing them, but only of explaining them as owing all their 
virtue to the work of Christ. 

Thus it was laid down about anointing with oils or 
unction with chrism, that no other virtue was assigned to 
it, except that it was an outward sign of the inward unction 
which is given by the Holy Spirit. This explanation must 
have been intended to cover all kinds of unction — with oil 
on the breast in making catechumens ; with chrism on the 
crown of the head directly after baptism ; with chrism at 
confirmation, in unction of the sick, and in consecration of 
bishops and perhaps of the hands of priests. 13 

12 Anjou : I.e., 259. 

13 " Oelning eller Krismosmorjelse gifver ej annan magt utan 
det skall vara ett utvertes tecken till den invertes smorjelse, 
som sker genom den helige Ande. " I cannot agree with F. 
N. Ekdahl (who quotes this passage, Om Confirmationen, p. 

206 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

The Germans of Stockholm complained that so little 
progress was made in reformation, but it was too fast for 
many parts of the country. The result of the rising in 
West Gothland was that two more of the adherents of the 
old order, Ture Jonsson and Magnus Haraldi, Bishop of 
Skara, left the country, and did not return to it. The 
bishop's place was filled by the provost, Sveno Jacobi, 
whose election was confirmed by a council at Upsala in 
1530. The see of Linkoping was filled two years after 
Brask's retirement by a Johannes Magni, and that of old 
Ingemar of Vexio, who died in 1530, by Johannes Boethii. 
Shortly afterwards the king agreed, after some reluctance, 
knowing how much mischief former archbishops had done, 
that the see of Upsala should at last be filled. He set aside 
the rights of the chapter, and held a large assembly of the 
clergy of the whole realm at Stockholm in 1531, of whom 
about 171 took part in the election of an archbishop. As 
many as 150 votes were given in favour of Laurentius 
Petri, brother of the reformer, and thus Sweden was, by 
God's providence, provided with its first reformed arch- 
bishop, who, wisely and faithfully, directed the course of 
the Church for the next forty-two years. The three first- 
named bishops were first consecrated at Stockholm the 
13th August, 1531, and the new archbishop on the 22nd 
September of the same year. The consecration in both 
cases was performed by Petrus Magni and Magnus Som- 
mar, who, however, met in Strengnas on the 10th August, 
and compiled a protest against the Lutheran doctrine, the 
consecration of the new bishops, which they were forced to 

9m. , Lund., 1889) that this refers only to the use of chrism in 
haptism to cross the child's forehead and breast, and does not — 
as Staaff, I think, rightly concludes — include confirmation. 
It may be remarked also that the unction with chrism made by 
the priest after baptism, was not on the forehead and breast, 
but on the crown of the head — " Hie fac crucem cum crismate 
in vertice infantis dicens : Ipse te liniat," etc., are the words of 
the Skara ritual of 1493 ; and so Olaus gor than itt kors pa thes 
hiessa medh chrismo och seglier, etc. 


perform, the taxation of the clergy, the Swedish mass, etc. 
This was deposited with two members of the Chapter of 
Strengnas, and does not seem to have been known to the 
king. Its object, we may presume, was to justify their 
action in case a change of government brought back the 
old order of things, and to escape punishment on account 
of it. Hans Brask had shown the usefulness of such a 
protest in regard to the case of Gustavus Trolle, and such a 
protest had been also made before the Riksdag of 
Vesteras. 14 

Petrus Magni shortly after this fell into disgrace by his 
indiscreet management of the unpopular call upon each of 
the churches to deliver up or redeem their largest bell, and 
to make other contributions to the necessities of the State, 
but he remained in office till his death in 1534. There was 
an even more serious breach between the king and his old 
ally, Magnus Sommar, and he was deposed in 1536, but 
afterwards pardoned and allowed to live in quiet retire- 
ment, while his place was taken by Botvid Sunonis, a 
friend of Olaus Petri. 15 Thus, by the year 1536, the various 
sees were filled by men who were in sympathy with the new 
teaching. The reformers had hitherto worked by influenc- 

14 On the contents of this protest see more in Anjou : E. T., 
p. 282. He adds : " It was not drawn up to be made public, 
unless under a change of circumstances, which should render it 
necessary as a self-defence. It was another evidence of the 
moral laxity in the high places of the Church, which we have 
had more than one occasion to notice." 

15 The exact date and circumstances of the consecration of 
Bishop Botvid of Strengnas are not known. He is an important 
link in the episcopal succession in Sweden, since he consecrated 
Paulus Juusten of Abo in 1554, who in his turn consecrated Arch- 
bishop Laurentius Petri Gothus, 14th June, 1575. The fact, 
however, of Botvid's consecration cannot be doubted. See A. 
Nicholson: Apostolical Succession in the Church of Sweden, 
pp. 36-48, 1880. Up to 7th September, 1536, Botvid was only 
"electus. " On 30th August, 1539, he ordained Olaus Petri 
priest (Nicholson, pp. 37 and 41). Unfortunately the records of 
Strengnas have been destroyed by fire, or we should know at 
what date between those two days he was consecrated ; probably 
it was in 1536. 

ao8 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

ing public opinion through the press and the pulpit, 
especially in Stockholm ; they might now expect to be able 
to work more publicly and corporately upon the national 
life. But in 1539 the attitude of the king towards his old 
advisers was almost entirely changed, and the steady pro- 
gress of the reformation in a Swedish Lutheran sense 
was checked by the introduction of an ultra-reforming and 
somewhat Calvinist regime under Von Pyhy and George 

This, therefore, seems a fitting moment to say some- 
thing of the literary activity of the first generation of 
reformers, especially of Olaus Petri, and to state what 
Sweden owes to him and to his brother, Laurentius. 

§ 7. — Work of Olaus Petri. Fall of Olaus and 
Laurentius Andrew. 

The main work of Olaus 16 was to popularize religious 
thought of a simple evangelical character among his coun- 
trymen, and to do this through the medium of books and 
popular preaching in their own language. The first 
printed book in Sweden came out in 1483, but that was in 
Latin. The first Swedish book was printed in 1495, and 
the second in 15 14. There were not ten works printed in 
the language when the literary activity of Olaus began to 
be displayed in 1526. In this year appeared the Swedish 
New Testament, translated from Erasmus' revision of the 
Vulgate, with the help of Luther's early German version — 
a book which did much to form Swedish style, and to give 
it purity of language and a natural and logical syntax. 
The book bore no name, but, since the researches of Pro- 

16 See H. Schuck : Olavus Petri, Stockholm, 1906, and J. E. 
Berggren : Olaus Petris Reformatoriska Grundtankar in 
Upsala Universitets Arsskrift, 1899, which draws its quota- 
tions from U. von Troils : Skrifter och handlingar till upplys- 
nirig svenska kyrko och reformations-historien, Upsala, 1790 — 
1791. Cp. H. Schuck : Vara dldsta reformations skrifter och 
deras forfattare in Hist. Tidskrift, 1894, pp. 97-130. 


fessor Schiick, it is now believed to be mainly the work of 
Olaus. Those to whom such questions are of interest 
will do well to study Professor Stave's careful Essay on 
the Sources of the New Testament Version of 1526, in 
which the character and extent of the debt to Erasmus and 
Luther are clearly explained. 17 The Swedish New Testa- 
ment and the chronicle of Olaus are considered as models 
of what Swedish prose ought to be, although the style of 
his brother Laurentius is even better. Three other 
Swedish publications of the same year, though anonymous, 
are thought also to be the work of Olaus. 18 Amongst them 
was a Psalm-book, or hymn-book, which is unfortunately 
no longer in our hands, which contained fifteen hymns, 
some translations from Luther and others, and some 
originals, of which several are still sung. 19 The one on the 
Nativity is full of life. 

The following years saw a similar activity, and in these 
four years Olaus printed twice as many books as previously 
existed in Swedish. These included the first catechism, 
a free adaptation of Luther's greater catechism, useful 
" postils " or explanations of the Gospels for the use of the 
less learned clergy, the hand-book, or ritual, and the 
Swedish mass. The last two require special mention, and 
we must be grateful to Dr. Oscar Quensel for making them 
more easily accessible in his scholarly edition. 20 

The hand-book is not only the first collection of the 
ritual services in Swedish, but it is the first book of the 

17 Om kallorna till 152*6 ars ofversattning af Nya Testa- 
mentet, af Erik Stave, Upsala, 1893. 

18 See H. Schiick : Olavus Petri, p. 50, who puts the Psahn- 
bok in 1526. 

19 Cornelius: Hist., p. 45, assigns this book to the year 1530. 
He refers to three hymns: (1) O Fader vdr barmhertig, god; 
(2) O Jesu Krist, som mandom tog ; (3) En jungfru fodde ett 
barn i dag as being still in use. Probably the whole number 
were reprinted in 1536, in the first Swedish hymn-book that is 
still in existence. It was reprinted in 1862. 

20 Bidrag till Svenska Liturgiens Historia, 2 parts, Upsala, 
1890. This also contains King John's missal and much other 
illustrative material. 


210 V —THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

kind in any modern language. It appeared first in 1529, 
and it contains the services for baptism, marriage, church- 
ing of women, visitation and communion of the sick, bless- 
ing of a corpse and burial of the dead, and visitation of 
prisoners. In these services the old ceremonies were 
largely retained. 

Thus baptism began with a short exorcism, followed by 
the " primsigning " (as it was called in Swedish), or cross- 
ing of the face and breast of the child, then laying hands 
on its head and blessing it, and a taste of salt put into the 
mouth. Then came a further exorcism, another imposi- 
tion of hands, whilst the priest knelt with the godfather 
and godmother to say the Lord's Prayer, a cross made with 
oil on the breast, questions as to the Creed, baptism with 
trine immersion, unction with chrism on the crown of the 
head, clothing the child, in the chrisom or white dress, and 
the light or font-taper put into the child's hands. 

In marriage the ring was put first on the thumb, then 
on the index finger, and then left on the middle finger in 
the name of Father, Son and Holy Ghost. It is now put 
on what we call the ring-finger, next the little finger. The 
married pair were also covered by a canopy (pell or 
pallium) later in the service. 

In the communion of the sick there was no consecration 
prayer, but the sacrament was administered in both kinds, 
apparently from what had been consecrated in church (I.e., 
i. 61). Unction of the sick on eyes, ears, nose, lips, hands 
and feet was also provided (ibid. 65-6). 

While these ceremonies were retained explanations of 
many of them were introduced in the form of long rubrics 
and exhortations, in accordance with the Council of 

There was, however, no form of private confession and 
absolution provided, except in the visitation of the sick 
and of prisoners. But what naturally strikes an English 
reader as the greatest defect is the absence of any form of 
confirmation. This is the more remarkable since Luther 
had already spoken favourably of some kind of rite of the 


sort in a sermon preached in 1523. " We need not care 
for confirmation as the bishops desire it, but every pastor 
might examine children as to their faith, and, if it were 
good and genuine, should lay on hands and confirm. 1 '' 21 
Nothing, however, was prescribed in early Lutheran 
books, except that when people came to communion they 
should show that they had the requisite knowledge. 
Evangelical confirmation in Germany appears to owe its 
practical introduction to Martin Bucer, especially in his 
struggles against the Anabaptists in Hesse in 1538, where 
he found it a valuable protection of the custom of infant 
baptism. It is generally said that it was dropped in 
Sweden in order to maintain the supremacy of the two 
sacraments ordained by Christ himself. But this explana- 
tion does not quite suit the previous and recent attitude of 
Olaus, who, in his Little Book about the Sacraments, pub- 
lished in 1528, wrote that, as the sacrament of confirma- 
tion, considered as an act of unction, is not found in Holy 
Scripture, it cannot be considered as necessary, " but it 
can well remain as useful, when it is performed with the 
intention which has just been mentioned, the intention 
being to explain that the unction does not confer grace, 
but is a reminder of the grace of baptism." I have already 
quoted the similar resolution on oil and unction passed by 
the Council of Orebro, held in the next year (1529). I 
conclude, therefore, that Olaus, not being very clear or 
keen on the subject, may have excused himself from not 
naming it in his hand-book, because it was an episcopal 
act, like ordination, and one performed by bishops at their 
visitations, and for that reason was properly part of the 
pontifical, not of the manual. It does not occur in the 
Linkoping, Skara and Abo Latin services, which Freisen 
has reprinted, and, of course, for this reason. We must 

21 " Confirmatio ut volunt episcopi non curanda, sed tamen 
quisque pastor posset scrutari a pueris fidem, quae si bona et 
germana esset, ut imponeret manus et confirmaret," quoted bv 
G. Rietschel : Lehrbuch der Liturgik, II., § 24. On Bucer, 
see the same section further on. 

212 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

not, therefore, find fault with Olaus for not prescribing it ; 
but, if we blame anyone, it must be his brother, Laurentius, 
of whose treatment of the subject in his Kyrko-ordning 
we shall speak later. Its absence may have been made 
more natural by neglect on the part of the later mediaeval 
bishops, a cause which I rather conjecture than am able to 

Certainly it is but rarely mentioned, and, as regards that 
worldly potentate, Archbishop Johannes Benedicti, we 
have the complaint made against him by his own chapter 
that his participation in secular politics and civil business 
led him to neglect his spiritual duties of visitation 
especially in the districts far from Upsala, so that con- 
firmation (fermelse), which it was a bishop's duty to 
administer, was largely disused by a great number of 
persons. 22 

That the Swedish Church of the sixteenth century was 
in favour of episcopal confirmation of a sort I shall show 
when I come to speak of 1571 . 

The blessing of a corpse, whilst it is still in the house, 
contains a rather striking prayer, which appears to be 
mainly the composition of Olaus himself, though the last 
clauses in it are suggested by an older form. 23 A very 
similar prayer also appears in the burial office. The 
blessing of a corpse is as follows : — 

" O almighty and merciful everlasting God, who on account 
of sin hast laid on man that he must die, and who, that we 

22 Ehdahl, I.e., p. 90, from A. W. Staaff : Om Konfirma- 
tionens uppkomst och antagande i Sverige, p. 46 n., Stkh., 

23 See the prayer: " Oremus patres charissimi pro spiritu 
cari nostri quern dominus de laqueo huius seculi liberare 
dignatus est : cuius corpusculum hodie sepulture traditur, ut 
eum pietas domini in sinu abrahe, ysaac et iacob collocare 
dignetur : ut cum dies iudicii advenerit inter sanctos et electos 
tuos eum in parte dextera collocandum resuscitari faciat, " etc., 
in the Manuale Aboense, ed. Freisen, p. 230, Paderborn, 1904. 
It is found in Muratori : Lit. Romana vetus, Greg: p. 216, and 
in the Leofric Missal, p. 201. 


should not for ever abide in death, hast laid death on thy be- 
loved Son Jesus Christ, who had no sin, and hast so by thy 
Son's death transformed our death that it cannot hurt us, turn 
now thy fatherly countenance on us thy poor children and hear 
our prayer, that if our departed brother, whom thou through 
death hast called out of this painful life, is in such case that our 
prayers can avail to help him, thou mayest be to him gentle and 
merciful (O heavenly Father), keep him in Abraham's bosom, 
and at the last judgment raise him up in the resurrection of the 
just, through the same thy Son Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen." 24 

The Swedish mass, according to the form now in use at 
Stockholm (then Svenska messan epter som hon nw holies 
i Stockholm medh orsaker hwar fore hon sd hollen vard- 
her), was published with the name of Olaus in 1531, and 
probably represents the use which had prevailed for some 
six years in his church. A mass had been first sung in 
Swedish at his wedding in 1525. A vote also was taken 
on the question whether the mass should continue to be 
said in Swedish in the town council in 1529, which seems to 
refer to the form afterwards printed in 1531. 25 

More alterations and omissions were made in the liturgy 
than in the baptismal service. Olaus seems to have fol- 
lowed most closely Luther's Formula missce et com- 
munionis for Wittenberg, issued in 1523, and the Niirn- 
berger Messe of Andreas Osiander and others of 1525. 
He was less influenced, if at all, by Luther's Deudsche 
Messe of 1526, and the Malm'6-Mdssa of 1529. 26 

24 Dr. Quensel observes that this prayer is the foundation of 
one in the Prussian Agende. This is true for the earlier part, 
but those German forms which I have seen turn the last clauses 
into a prayer for the living. 

25 Quensel : I.e., II. , 21-2. Among other complaints made 
by Turd Jonsson in 1529 was that the king had allowed the 
mass to be transformed into the Swedish tongue. 

26 Professor Carl Roland Martin has conveniently printed the 
Nurnberger Messe, the Deudsche Messe, the Malmo-Mdssa 
and Olaus in parallel columns : see Sveriges forsta Svenska 
Mdssa med Jamforelser och Belysningar, Upsala, 1901 ; but 
this does not contain the Formula misses et communionis, etc., 
for which we must refer to Aem. Richter : Die evangelischen 
Kirchen-ordnungen, L, p. 4, Weimar, 1846 (or in the new edi- 

2i 4 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.D. 1520— 1592). 

The most remarkable point of contact with Luther's 
Formula and the Niirnberg mass was the introduction of 
the narrative of the institution of the Lord's Supper into 
the preface before the Sanctus — a novelty which Luther 
himself altered in his Deudsche Messe of 1526. We may, 
therefore, I think, date the composition of the first Swedish 
mass in the year 1525 — 1526, after Olaus had received 
Osiander's book from Niirnberg, but before he had seen 
Luther's Deudsche Messe of the latter year. There is, 
therefore, some reason to believe that the form first used at 
the marriage of Olaus was that which continued in use at 
Stockholm until it was printed in 1531. This, however, is 
only a conjecture. 

The reason for which Luther adopted this arrangement 
clearly was in order that he might get rid of the prayers of 
the offertory and the canon of the Roman mass, and 
especially the element of sacrifice, which he viewed with 
abhorrence, and yet give the narrative of the institution 
a prominent place as part of the thanksgiving. None of 
these German forms had a direct prayer of consecration, 
although such a prayer had appeared in the first Protestant 
form of service in the German language, that issued by 
Kaspar Kantz of Nordlingen in 1522. 27 The Lord's 
Prayer was, no doubt, intended in some sort to supply its 
place in the Niirnberg and Swedish forms. 

As to other less important points, Olaus seems to have 

tion by Professor Sehling). Luther's severe words about the 
" Canon missae " may be recalled : " Octavo sequitur tota ilia 
abominatio cui servire coactum est quicquid in missa praecessit, 
unde et offertorium vocatur. Et ab hinc omnia fere sonant ac 
olent oblationem. . . . Proinde omnibus illis repudiatis quae 
oblationem sonant, cum universo canone, retineamus quae pura 
et sancta sunt." Professor Martin considers the Niirnberg 
form to be the one which Olaus most closely followed in laying 
out the plan of the Swedish mass (I.e., p. 8). 

27 " Grant that this bread and the wine may become and be 
for us thy dearest Son's our Lord Jesus Christ's true body and 
sinless blood," leading up to the words of institution in the 
form of a prayer : see Martin : I.e., p. 8. 


been rather careless as to the liturgical year, though he did 
not wholly overlook it. He gives a general collect, and, as 
an alternative, "some other, according to the season." 
" After the collect " (he writes) " is read a chapter or half a 
chapter from St. Paul's, or some other Apostle's Epistles, 
the gradual (either 'the song at God's board,' or some 
other), then a chapter or half a chapter from one of 
the Evangelists, then the Apostles' or Nicene Creed." He 
notes later that his idea is to read the Epistles and Gospels 
through continuously, but that the present system may go 
on till folk are better instructed. 28 

As regards the sermon, Olaus at first made no mention 
of one, perhaps because at first Luther himself inclined to 
put it before the introit, and to connect it with the matins, 
which preceded. This, no doubt, was Olaus' own plan. 29 

As regards ceremonies, no mention was made of the mix- 
ture of the chalice (about which Luther was doubtful), but 
elevation was prescribed after the words of institution, both 
for the consecrated bread and the chalice — acts which 
Luther had allowed. 

The rule was also laid down that there was to be a 
communion of the people at every celebration. 

To turn now for a few minutes from the writings to the 
man. Olaus was an attractive personality, and he had an 
active mind, but he was not a great theologian. He had 
left the Lutheran University early in life, and he had few 
men of higher calibre than himself to associate with in 
Sweden. It was, perhaps, fortunate for his country that 
he did not bring with him the atmosphere of the Protestant 
controversies which were developed in the latter part of 

28 Cp. Quensel : I.e., II., 32 foil., Martin: pp. 45 foil. 66, 84 
foil. The Niirnberger Messe had a fixed Epistle and Gospel, 
Rom. v., and S. John vi., 52-58, the Malmo-Massa prescribes 
I. Cor. xi. 17 foil., or some other passage from the Old and 
New Testament for the Epistle, and a Gospel suitable to the 
season from the Evangelists. 

29 The fact that in the Deudsche Messe Luther took for 
granted that the sermon would be delivered during the Liturgy 
is another reason for the eaiiv date I give to the Swedish form. 

2i6 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

Luther's life among the divines of his party. Olaus 
looked upon theology as a simple thing, and he had little 
sympathy with learned debates about it. It was to be 
" God's Word purely preached " ; and although " God's 
Word " was not simply an equivalent for Holy Scripture, 
his teaching was intended to be entirely based on Scrip- 
ture. When there was a difficulty it was to be overcome 
by comparing Scripture with Scripture. His business 
was to teach simple truth to simple people, and he did it 
in language such as we should nowadays largely address 
to children. His teaching was also very serious and 
solemn, and tinged with a strong sense of sin and of 
duty. Olaus had little of the geniality and enjoyment of 
life which made Luther so popular with his countrymen. 
In his later years he became disappointed and melancholy. 
He was disappointed with the king, who did not share his 
ideals, and rudely and ungratefully cast him aside and 
trampled on him, and disappointed with the men around 
him. He had indeed married before Luther did in the 
year 1525, a lady of good birth, called Kristina, five years 
older than himself, and, as I said, mass was for the first 
time said in Swedish on that occasion. 30 

But very little is known of her, and the event seems to 
have made little outward difference to his life, certainly 
nothing like that which Luther's marriage made to him. 
To Olaus marriage was a duty, as he describes it in a little 
book on the subject, and duty wore a somewhat stern 
aspect to Olaus all his life. There is no reason, however, 
to suspect that Olaus' marriage was an unhappy one, and 

30 So we read in Messenius' Rhyme-chronicle : — 

" On Master Olof s wedding day 
Our Lutherdom had made such way 
That mass in Swedish first was sung, 
So all men followed their own tongue. 
For so had Master Olof seen 
How things at Wittenberg had been ; 
There first at Carlstadt's marriage feast 
Was German mass sung by a priest." 


they had at least two children, Elisabeth and Reginald. 31 
His great outburst of literary activity in the two years after 
his marriage may also be taken as a sign that his life at 
this period was one of comfort, repose and hopefulness. 

Olaus' principles as a reformer have been well ex- 
pounded by ex-provost Berggren of Upsala. I will quote 
some sentences from the closing pages of this valuable 
essay (pp. 76-7) : — 

"It is no great art," says Olaus, "to punish or to break 
down, for a Turk or a heathen can do that ; but it is an art 
to knock down what is wrong, and with reason and under- 
standing to set up again that which is right and true." Olaus 
himself both broke down and built up, and he has proved that 
he understands how both one and the other ought to be done. 
He has broken down what needed to be broken, and built up 
what needed to be built, and his greatness lies not least in the 
latter. The most striking proof of this is in the New Testa- 
ment in Swedish of 1526, A Hand-book in Swedish, The 
Swedish Mass, his postils, his catechism and his hymn-book. 
We cannot reflect without wonder on what he had so effected in 
a very short time, and under circumstances which were not the 
most favourable. Part of what he thus " set up " remains 
even now, after more than three and a half centuries, for the 
edification of the present generation. It is not pre-eminently 
through depth of thought, through wealth of great and 
original ideas that he distinguishes himself, but it is through the 
fresh, healthy, purpose-like element in what he proclaims ; it is 
by virtue of his skill in producing just what the hour requires 
that he has his strength. It is a marked feature of his char- 
acter that he only wills to build up through instruction, that he 
only wishes to work upon the feelings through the understand- 
ing. His reforming activity was not exhibited merely in com- 
bating one or more doctrines contrary to the Scripture, in 
removing the most injurious accretions, or false developments 
from the organism of the Church, in merely impressing life 
with the stamp of an external Churchmanship, in calling forth 
occasional pious thoughts and dispositions, but he aimed above 

zl Biogr. Lexicon, Vol. xi., p. 178. Elisabeth married a cer- 
tain Ericus Petri in Stockholm, and Reginald took his degree as 
Magister Philosophise in Germany. The fullest account of the 
two brothers appear to be by J. G. Hallman : The tvenne 
Broder Olufj P. Phase och Laur. P. til lefverne och vandel 
beskrivne, Stockholm, 1726. Laurentius does not seem to have 
taken the name Phase, which Olaus used. 

218 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

everything to renew and transform life from within, and not 
merely the life of the individual, but that of the whole 

Olaus was indeed a fine, strong, consistent character, to 
whom Sweden owes a great debt ; but it owes an equal debt 
to his quieter and less democratic younger brother, 
Laurentius, who may be called the Cranmer of Sweden, 
as Olaus was its Luther. It is unfortunate that no modern 
life of Laurentius has been written, nor, as far as I know, 
is there even a good modern sketch of his life like Dr. 
Schiick's sketch of Olaus. 

At his consecration it is said that Laurentius received 
his bishop's staff from the king's own hand, who thus 
revived the old pretensions of the twelfth century 
sovereigns. The king had taken the possessions of the 
see into his keeping, but restored to Laurentius a consider- 
able part of the temporalities of the see, and the right to 
ride with fifty attendants. The cost of the latter he gener- 
ously converted into exhibitions to fifty young students. 
The first eight years of his episcopate were not eventful, but 
in 1539 the king turned bitterly against the two men whom 
he had trusted as his two former chancellors. Olaus had 
offended him by the freedom of speech which he used in 
the pulpit, where he called the king tyrant and miser, and 
also in a printed book denounced the habit of profane 
swearing in terms which were known to apply to the 
king. Gustaf wrote to the archbishop, 24th April, 1539: 
" Sermons ought to consist not in railings and invectives 
against ceremonies, but in the faith of Christianity, in the 
doctrines of brotherly love, godly living, patience in suffer- 
ing and so on. Christ and Paul enjoined obedience to 
rulers; Swedish priests, on the contrary, preach con- 
tumacy, giving the king the blame of all the swearing in 
use, that the people may be offended. God's Word, how- 
ever, teaches first to warn privately, and exhort to improve- 
ment ; but here you commence with open maledictions, 
both from the pulpit and in print. As you, therefore, treat 
the matter so unwisely, we order that from this time no 


step is to be taken in the Reformation, nothing printed 
unknown to us; and you, archbishop, take you special 
heed to yourself if you wish to avoid disagreeables." 32 
After this the king appointed George Norman, who had 
come to him as tutor to his son Eric, by his first wife, 
Catherine of Lauenburg, to be superintendent of the clergy 
of the kingdom. Personal irritation, however, gave place 
to deeper suspicion in the king's mind when he discovered 
that his two former ministers had known of his German 
mintmaster's (Anders Hansson) intention of murdering 
him, but had kept it secret, because it came to them under 
the seal of confession. At the end of 1539 they were 
formally brought to trial at Orebro. The new chancellor, 
Peutinger, drew up the bitter indictment against them, 
which collected various indiscretions and freedoms of 
speech and writing, but nothing worse than the charge of 
not revealing treason. However, on the 2nd January, 
1540, they were both condemned to death, without giving 
them time or opportunity to reply. The archbishop was 
one of the fifteen judges who pronounced the sentence, 
and, it is said, that he was forced to sign it. Whether he 
thought the sentence just we do not know, but it would 
seem that all the judges were expected to subscribe what 
the majority voted. The death penalty was remitted, but 
both were heavily fined. 33 Andrese lost nearly all his pro- 
perty, while Olaus' friends in Stockholm paid for him. 

32 Fryxell, 2, 230-1. See the full text in Celsii : Mon. polit. 
eccles., p. 32, and the quotation in the Biogr. lex., xi., 175. 

33 The contemporary account of this trial by Erik Joransson 
Tegels, in a MS. chronicle preserved in the Royal Library at 
Stockholm, was never printed until 1893, probably on account 
of the bad light in which it exhibited the conduct of the king. It 
may be found conveniently edited by Dean H. Lundstrom in 
K. H. Arsskrift for 1909, Meddelanden, etc., pp. 54-84. Lund- 
strom's own judgment on the archbishop's character as to this 
sad moment in his history, and other occasions on which he is 
blamed for weakness, may be found in the same review, vol. vi. 
for 1905, 204 foil. Lundstrom's defence on this point is that 
reservations on the part of minorities were not usual at that 
period, and, indeed, not until a much later date. 

22o V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

Olaus became again secretary of the city in 1542, and 
pastor of the Great Church in 1543, an office which he held 
till his death in 1552. Laurentius Andreas lived in retire- 
ment, and died about the same time as Olaus. 

§ 8. — Presbyterian tendency of the king's policy. 
Norman's visitation and " Church Order." 
Division of dioceses. 

A great change in the attitude of the State to the Church 
occurred after the year 1539, when Laurentius Andreas and 
Olaus Petri were condemned, and its effects continued 
during the latter half of Gustaf's reign. Their fall was 
largely owing to the influence of the two foreigners whom 
Gustaf trusted, who naturally viewed the Church from 
a German standpoint. The supremacy of the princes in 
Germany in their own States, and of Henry VIII. in Eng- 
land, and the absence of the episcopal order in Germany, 
and its transformation and subjection in Denmark, were 
precedents naturally brought to the notice of Gustaf. 
Henry VIII., in 1531, had received from the English 
Convocation " the title of singular protector and supreme 
lord, and, so far as the law of Christ allows, supreme head 
of the English Church and clergy." 34 Gustaf now took 
the less arrogant title of " supreme defender of the 
Christian faith over his whole realm," and now appointed 
George Norman as his ordinary and superintendent. This 
man was (with the consent of a council and an assistant) 
to exercise the king's jurisdiction over bishops, prelates 
and all other spiritual persons. He was to put such per- 
sons in office in the king's name, and to hold visitations by 
his authority, with the duty of reporting to the king. Be- 
sides the superintendent and his assistant, there were to be 
local elders, seniores — who seem to have been clergy (not 
laymen as Anjou suggested), and a local conservator, 
probably a layman, to inspect places visited by the super- 

34 See R. W. Dixon: Hist, of the Ch. of Eng., ed. 3, I., 
p. 64, 1895. 


intendent. A council was occasionally to be summoned 
by the king to deliberate on Church matters, consisting of 
these various persons. Thus the authority of the bishops 
seemed entirely to be set aside, and nothing apparently 
remained for them but the duty of ordination. Norman 
and his assistant, the ex-Dominican, Bishop Henry of 
Vesteras, visited West Gothland, Vermland and East 
Gothland, and Henry alone visited Smaland. The visita- 
tion was accompanied by a large confiscation of all valu- 
ables, except such as were supposed to be needed for the 
altered form of worship. A recommendation of the use of 
the new edition of the hand-book and Swedish mass of 
Olaus Petri went hand in hand with this visitation. These 
proceedings led to the very serious peasant revolt under 
Nils Dacke in Smaland, where a civil war lasted for about 
a year (1542 — 1543). The plan of superseding the regular 
government of the Church was then gradually dropped, 
though Norman was not publicly cashiered. Norman 
appears to have been a good and able man, and a gentle- 
man, and, therefore, superior to some of the persons used 
in England for similar work. But he had one great 
defect: he never learnt Swedish, and, therefore, remained 
always an outsider in the country, in the internal affairs of 
which he was called to interfere so invidiously and so 

We possess Norman's " Church Order" both in Latin 
and Swedish, issued in 1540 and 1541. 35 It is an interest- 
ing document, showing less of a reactionary spirit than we 
might have suspected. It orders daily morning and even- 
ing prayers (Art. 2). It allows a daily mass, i.e., without 
communicants, because all abuses cannot at once be re- 
moved (Art. 4). It lessens the number of saint days, but 
preserves the three great festivals of Christmas, Easter and 
Pentecost, and those of the Purification, Annunciation and 

35 The Latin was published by Otto Ahnfelt : Tidskrift for 
teologi, 1892, pp. 352-422, with notes and illustrations. See 
Janne Romson : Om datering-en af Georg A/orraan's Svenska 
Kyrko-ordning in K. H. Arsskrift, 1906, pp. 130-4, 

222 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary. It specially pro- 
hibits the superstitious observation of the Sabbath, 
" which, with so much obstinacy, is kept up by many 
country folk " (Art. 7). This is thought by Ahnfelt to re- 
fer to the mediaeval usage of hallowing Saturday by a mass 
to the Blessed Virgin (Tidskr. for teologi 3, p. 288). Other 
saints days, including the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin 
Mary, are retained for civil reasons, as being market and 
fair days. But invocation of saints is to be preached 
against (Art. 8). Bishops and seniors may celebrate 
divine service in Latin on the chief festivals (Art. 10). On 
such festivals organs and " cantica figurativa," that is, I 
think, psalmody with measured music, may be used (Art. 
12). Fasting on Fridays is commended as a memorial of 
the Passion, but not as necessary (Art. 13). Freewill 
offerings should still be made at the altar on the principal 
feasts, to be divided into three parts for the Church, the 
poor and the clergy (Art. 14). Preaching is to refer to 
some article in the Catechism, which is to be gone through 
four times a year, and people are to be taught the method 
of prayer explained by Melanchthon (Arts. 15, 16). Stress 
is laid on preaching our duty to magistrates, and explana- 
tion of the divine element in law. Unction of the sick is 
not to be retained, and the writer doubts what he ought 
to say on confirmation (Art. 17). 

As regards matrimonial causes article 19 runs : — 

" His Royal Majesty orders that matrimony may be con- 
tracted in the fourth and fifth degree [i.e, between first cousins 
and beyond that relationship], according to the laws and canons. 
I say ' according to the laws and canons ' — that is, in the first 
place, that persons shall not be joined without or contrary to the 
will of their parents or nearest relatives. For this is expressed 
in the canon law and approved by the emperors. 

" About divorces. Let not divorces take place except in the 
case of adultery and under certain conditions as it is in the law 
(in lure). Further, his Royal Majesty wills that adultery, rape, 
incest (adulteria, stupra, incestas nuptias) shall be severely 
punished ; and in future before anyone shall be joined in matri- 
mony his Royal Majesty orders that the banns be three times 
proclaimed in the adjoining parishes before the marriage day. 


" It shall be free to priests to contract marriage with modest 
and honest persons. The priests, that is the ministers of the 
Church, shall take care to live a life agreeable to the true 
doctrine, and, as Paul commands, to be ' husbands of one wife ' 
that is each content with his own spouse, etc." 

It then goes on to order that weekly lectures in theology- 
be given by prebendaries to young men who have had 
some knowledge in arts. A list of Latin books is given : 
" Grammatica, Dialectica, Rhetor(ica), Philippi; Poema 
Virgili, Ouidii, maxime in Eligiacis; Fabulse Therentii; 
Epistole Familiares Ciceronis; In historiis commentaria 
Caesaris " in sacred letters " Doctrina Cathecismi, Epistola 
ad Rhomanos." There is to be a scholastic disputation on 
Saturday in theology and ethics, and some instruction by 
the schoolmaster on Sunday. 

Although the government by Norman and his body of 
officers did not very long continue, it would seem that the 
king's main line of policy was still persevered in. He 
wished to establish something like a German Presbyterian 
system, in which the bishops should be "ordinaries," or 
" superintendents," and the clergy " elders," and the king 
a sort of pope. He divided dioceses according to his own 
pleasure, so as to lessen the influence of the hierarchy — 
and, in fact, divided all except the little diocese of Vexio, 
which was rather enlarged. The sub-division of dioceses 
was indeed a desirable piece of work, though the method 
and the personal aim were alike, unfortunate. It was a 
misfortune that the work was not undertaken in a proper 
ecclesiastical manner, as Sweden suffered and even still 
suffers from the unwieldiness of some of its dioceses. 
The occupants of the old sees called themselves " bishops," 
of the new ones " ordinaries." How far all these new 
officers received episcopal consecration is uncertain. 36 At 

36 Cornelius: Hist., § 32, notes that both the bishops of 
Finland, one of whom was of the new class, were consecrated 
by Bishop Bothvid Suneson of Strengnas. The word " ordi- 
narius " is found in earlier ecclesiastical Latin for a regular 
superior officer of the Church, e.g., in Sexti Decretales, I., 16, 
de officio ordinarii, which follows de officio legati. Cp. the 
earlier title, Decretales Greg. IX., I., 31, de officio iudicis 

224 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

the same time the old chapters were gradually dissolved, 
and the priests yielded up their farms and became stipen- 
diaries, receiving incomes from the two-thirds of the tithes 
now appropriated to the crown. On the other hand, the 
parish clergy for the first time became an estate in the 
Riksdag. 37 

§ 9. — Latter half of Gustaf's reign. The Bible of 
1541. Personal rule. Laurentius and the 
king's third marriage. His death and char- 

The latter half of Gustaf's reign, at any rate after 1544, 
was, on the whole, quiet and prosperous. It was free to a 
very large extent from domestic tumults and foreign wars. 
Just half way through the reign, in the year 1541, was 
published that great treasure of the National Church, the 
Bible, in Swedish. It usually bears the king's name, but 
is the work particularly of the archbishop and his brother, 
Olaus. It is professedly based on Luther's German trans- 
lation of 1534; but whether the Hebrew and Septuagint 
were also consulted does not seem to have been investi- 
gated. 38 It is rather characteristic of the country that 
certain selected books of the Old Testament were published 
five years before the rest (1536), namely, " Jesu Sirach's 
Book, Solomon's Wisdom, Solomon's Proverbs and 
David's Psalter." The Church of Sweden even now pays 
great respect to the Apocrypha, and is apt to criticize our 
British and Foreign Bible Society for not circulating it. 
The New Testament was generally different from that of 
1526, at least in the order of the words. It was noticed that 
here and there were variations from Luther's rendering, 
e.g., that the Greek " presbyters," which Luther had ren- 
dered " eldermen," was translated " priests." Of the 
whole book it is said that the language was the purest and 

87 See for further details Anjou : pp. 322-7. 
38 See Schiick: III. lit. hist., I., p. 189 foil. 


most beautiful that had as yet appeared in any Swedish 
book (Anjou : pp. 31 1-2). 

The Riksdag of Vesteras, held in 1544, is memorable 
on two accounts, for the grant of hereditary right to the 
Vasa family, and for a new ordinantia in Church matters, 
which carried the Reformation some steps further, but 
imposed no new confession of faith. 39 The organization 
of the Church was further regulated by the Vadstena 
articles put out in 1553, probably by the archbishop. 

The king, however, took both Church and State into his 
own and almost sole hands, and ruled in patriarchal 
fashion, much after the manner that Queen Elizabeth 
affected in England, but in more minute detail. The arch- 
bishop felt deeply the want of Church order and discipline 
of a spiritual character, and regretted the impossibility of 
having a Prayer Book put out by Church authority. 40 His 
relations with the king were, on the whole, good. He had 
a higher idea of kingly dignity and grace than Olaus had, 
and was doubtless better able to sympathize with the 
stronger and better side of Gustaf's character. Their re- 
lations, however, were rather seriously troubled by the 
king's determination to marry his second wife's, Mar- 
garet's, niece, Kristina Stenbock. The archbishop and 
most of the bishops thought, as Cranmer 41 and the English 
theologians and lawyers thought, that such a marriage, 
though not contrary to the letter of Scripture, was 
forbidden by inference from its other prohibitions. 

The marriage was, in consequence, performed by the 

39 See for some details Anjou: p. 315, E. T. On line 16, 
" consecration " should surely be " marriage " (vigsel). 

40 " Sjelf sages han ar 1563 halfva yttrat, att han i mer an 
trettio ar forgafves sokt att fa utfarda en Kyrdo-ordning. " 
Handlingar rorande Sv. Hist., Kyrko-ordningar, etc., part I., 
p. xvii., Stk., 1872. 

41 Cranmer had so decided in 1536 : see my Law of the Church 
as to the marriage of a man with his deceased wife y s sister, pp. 
40-1, S.P.C.K., 1908. The prohibition is contained in Arch- 
bishop Parker's Table of kindred and affinity (Nos. 29, 30) 
drawn up apparently in 1560, and put out in 1563. 


226 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

" ordinarius " of Linkoping, but Laurentius and others 
consented to crown the queen. Laurentius retained the 
same opinion twenty years later, when he published a tract 
on the prohibited degrees. He has been attacked for 
weakness of character in so far condoning the act as to 
crown the queen. 42 But the situation was a very difficult 
one for him to handle, owing to the absence of any detailed 
Church law in the country at this period, and the general 
impression that the king was a fountain of such law. He 
had, in fact, been used to give dispensation in marriage 
cases to others. Nevertheless, his own instructions, given 
through Norman, just quoted, only mentioned marriages 
in " the fourth or fifth degree " of the canon law, and 
marriage with a wife's niece is in the third degree of that 

Gustaf died at Michaelmas, 1560 — a man who would 
have been conspicuous in any age both for his personal 
virtues and for the skill which ensured his wonderful suc- 
cess. He was remarkable for the tenacity and consistency 
of purpose with which he pursued his ends, for the 
prudence which taught him when to give way or to hold 
his hand, and for the courage with which he used an 
advantage when the time was ripe for strong action. His 
early hardships and adventures had made him more 
familiar with the character and feelings of his countrymen 
in their solitary dwellings than any of their other rulers 
had been. I may, perhaps, apply to him the words of an 
English poet: — 

" Love had he found in huts where poor men lie ; 
His daily teachers had been woods and rills, 
The silence that is in the starry sky, 

The sleep that is among the lonely hills;" 

and although these teachers did not quench all ambition in 
him, or soften away his natural roughness and impatience, 

42 He has been defended by Dean Lundstrom in the essay 
already referred to above, note 33, K. H. Arsskrift, 6, pp. 200-3. 
In England the archbishop was required to refer to the king 
or his Council in difficult cases of dispensations. 


he kept throughout his life "in lofty place, The wisdom 
which adversity had bred." 43 

His insight into the course of events, his knowledge of 
what he could do and what he could not do, was extra- 
ordinary. He had a just idea of the needs of his country, 
and he measured correctly what he could do to meet them. 
He saw, from the time of his election as king, what a part 
religion might play in the liberation and development of 
his country, to which he devoted himself with an ambition 
that was not, as far as I can judge, in any high degree sel- 
fish. His private life and his life in his family was pure, 
temperate and affectionate. His court was bright and cheer- 
ful, and his intercourse with his guests of all degrees 
pleasant and familiar. His personal religion was genuine 
and consistent, though not that of a devotee or enthusiast, 
and his careful methods of education left a religious tem- 
per to his children and grandchildren, which was exhibited 
by all of them, though in very different ways. His treat- 
ment of the Church was, no doubt, that of a statesman 
rather than a Churchman, and required frequent apology. 
He looked upon the Church as an instrument to be used for 
the good of the nation, and one that required cautious 
handling, because of men's prejudices, rather than as a 
divine society controlling the acts of men, the welfare of 
which was an end in itself. His excuse may be that, in the 
age just before his own, intrigue and worldliness, violence 
and selfishness, had so intruded themselves into the high 
places of the Church, as to make it seem justifiable to use 
the powers of the Church in an arbitrary and politic, rather 
than in a sympathetic manner, provided the general wel- 
fare of the community were kept in view. In many points 
he is comparable both to Henry VIII. and Elizabeth of 
England. He had a simpler task, though, perhaps, not an 
easier one, than either of them. He found much less 
ability and intellect existing about him in the persons, 
either of his supporters or opponents, than they had. The 

45 W. Wordsworth: Song at the feast of Brougham Castle, 
written in 1807. The person referred to is a Lord Clifford. 

228 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520-1592). 

temper of the Swedes was less strenuous and downright 
than that of our countrymen. Gustaf was fortunate in 
the peaceable retirement of his principal opponents one 
after the other, and in the comparative absence of Roman 
intrigues against him. But the people of Sweden were 
obstinate and dogged. They required to be treated with 
patience and discretion, and they hated persecution in the 
name of religion. On the whole he gave the people what 
they needed. Gustaf was obviously a better man than 
Henry. I will not say that he was more admirable than 
Elizabeth. But he did more for his country — considering 
the state of chaos which existed before his reign — and even 
for the religion of his country, than either of those power- 
ful sovereigns did for England. 

§ 10. — The reign of Eric (1560 — 1568). His capri- 

the Church to define its position as 
Lutheran. The liquorist controversy. 

The death of Gustaf brought a two-fold change in the 
position of the Church. He knew that his son Eric was 
not strong enough for undivided rule, and he loved his 
second wife and her children more than the first and his 
eldest son. He, therefore, followed Birger Jarl in making 
his younger sons, John, Magnus and Charles, dukes with 
hereditary rights, and a certain independence — a policy 
which led to the same results of fratricidal war. Eric was 
just about to start on his voyage to England to court our 
Queen Elizabeth, when his father's death delayed him. 
He was twenty-seven years of age, " handsome, graceful, 
eloquent, accomplished in manly exercises, a good 
linguist, able to write well in Latin as well as in Swedish, 
a poet, musician and painter, and skilled in astrology and 
the mathematical sciences of his times. But all these 
advantages were marred by a strangely capricious dis- 
position and by sudden and violent outbursts of temper, 
which at times amounted to insanity " (Otte : p. 238). He 

§ io.— REIGN OF ERIC. 229 

went to war with his brother John, and imprisoned him at 
Gripsholm. Eric's folly, extravagance and changeable- 
ness were as unlike as possible to his father's carefulness, 
economy and perseverance, and he was both unable and in- 
disposed to exercise the same personal domination in the 
affairs of the Church, though his religious temper, trained 
under the influence of Norman and Beurreus — a French 
Calvinist — was somewhat puritanical. 

The Church thus recovered something of its normal 
independence, especially as the same wise archbishop con- 
tinued to rule during the whole of Eric's eight years' 
reign. In the second place, during that reign Calvinism 
reached Sweden in a militant and aggressive form, and 
forced the Swedish Church to define itself as Lutheran. 
The championship of the Church against Calvinism was 
naturally undertaken principally, though by no means 
solely, by the archbishop, who issued tracts in defence of 
exorcism, and in opposition to the doctrine of the sacra- 
mentarians. He was clearly not in sympathy with certain 
decrees of the Council of Arboga in 1561, e.g., that 
against the presence of images, which had been retained 
(as at Nurenberg) in some Lutheran churches. He was, 
however, no doubt in favour of the order that laymen 
should all communicate in both kinds, that there should 
be no mass without communicants besides the priest, and 
that neither mead nor water nor anything else should be 
used instead of wine. The questions how far wine is a 
necessary element in the chalice, how much water may be 
used and whether any substitute may find a place in it, have 
at various times exercised the Churches of the North, in 
which wine is a foreign liquor. 44 We have already seen a 
reference to them at the Council of Telje (Lect. III., § 12, 
1279 a.d.). The dispute came to a head at a Riksdag in 
Stockholm in 1565, when the bishops and priests met separ- 

44 Thus Honorius III. wrote to the Archbishop of Upsala 
(Perniciosus valde ; Decretales, III., 41, 13) that there was a 
bad habit of mixing too much water with the wine in his 

230 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

ately, and condemned the usage of any other liquid than 
wine. Even John Ofeeg, Bishop of Vesteras, who had 
taken the other side, subscribed this decree. I may remark 
that the opinion that when bread or wine is unattainable, 
any other similar food or drink, by which our bodies are 
sustained, may be employed to represent the spiritual food 
of the Sacrament, was afterwards defended by Theodore 
Beza (Epist. theol., No. 2, p. 28, Geneva, 1573). 

This and other controversies now decided the arch- 
bishop, to declare openly in favour of Lutheranism, which 
he did in a tract, On Church Ordinances (Stadgar) and 
Ceremonies, written in 1566, and published the next year. 
King Eric, also in 1565, issued a strong mandate against 
"distorted doctrines," by which Calvinism was intended 
(Anjou : 360). Laurentius expressed his opinions at 
greater length, drawing attention to the diversity of 
usages which prevailed in different countries and the neces- 
sity of a more settled order. He ended as follows : " Each 
province, each principality, in some places each city, has 
its peculiar ceremonies and Church usages. It is often the 
case that the same custom is not long preserved, but 
changes take place almost every month. I know nothing 
better to say or to advise, than that we assimilate with the 
congregations who follow the doctrine of Doctor Martin. 
For, as we have truly proclaimed that God of his special 
grace has raised up that man to expose the hideous errors 
of the pope, and show us the right way, and, as we have 
received his doctrine as the truest, I cannot believe that we 
shall find any better Church usages than they observe who 
hold the same doctrines as we, that is, Doctor Martin and 
Doctor Philip hold. For this the special reason may be 
assigned that we can easily and with least offence fall into 
those customs, because between them and our own, as 
hitherto practised, there is but little distinction or 
difference " (Anjou : 366-7. This is a fairly correct version 
of the original fol. 61 B and 62, ed. Wittenberg, 1587). 


§ 11. — The reign of John III. (1568 — 1592). His 


Laurentiu's' Kyrko-ordning of i 57 i. His 


When Eric, who had occasional fits of passion amount- 
ing to madness (as shown in particular by his murder of 
the Stures), was deposed by his brother, John III., in 1568, 
the Church acquiesced, but it incurred another danger. 
John was a learned man, and had married a Polish Roman 
Catholic wife, Katharina Jagellonica, who followed him 
into captivity, and he spent much time of his imprisonment 
in study, particularly of the Fathers and early Church his- 
tory. He was strongly under the influence of George 
Cassander (11566), and the party who desired mediation 
between the old and new forms of religion. At one time, 
as we shall see, he actually entered into communion with 
Rome, but, on the whole, his mind was set upon his own 
scheme of moderate reform, which was to take as its model 
the age of Constantine the Great. It was, therefore, of 
great importance for the future of Sweden that the old 
archbishop was at last able before his death to put out his 
own long-meditated Kyrko-ordning, or Directory for 
public worship, in the year 1 57 1 , before the king's plans 
had developed. This epoch-making book is the founda- 
tion of all the successive Swedish formularies. It was 
issued at first with royal sanction, though not with that of a 
Church council. It was felt that it was too argumentative 
and undecided to be of the nature of an absolute law. 

The section which deals with the office of a bishop is of 
such importance that the opening paragraphs of it must be 
quoted at length : — 45 

45 I have a copy of the rare original book of 1571 given me 
by the great kindness of Professor Quensel. The reprint in 
Kyrko-ordningar, etc., I.e., pp. 1-180, is so well and clearly 
printed that the reader will probably prefer it for reference to the 
original. The section on bishops begins p. 144, and is headed 
Ordning om Biscopar, hwilke pa Latijn kallas Superatten- 
dentes, Ordinarii eller Ordinatores, 

232 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

" Episcopus, or Superattendens, is in Swedish rendered 
Tillsynesman (overseer), and for this reason every priest was 
also so called in the Scriptures, because he ought to have over- 
sight or superintendence over those that are under his govern- 
ment, that things may go well and Christianly with them, as 
St. Paul says : ' Take heed unto yourselves and to all the flock 
in which the Holy Ghost has made you bishops, that is over- 
seers.' For the distinction which now exists between bishops 
and simple priests was not known at first in Christendom, but 
bishop and priest were all one office, as we may observe in many 
places of St. Paul's writings ; yet before very long the distinc- 
tion was so made that the man who had only one congregation 
in his charge kept the name of priest, while he who had 
government over several congregations, together with their 
pastors or priests, received the name of Episcopus. 

"And the reason (according to St. Jerome) for this order 
was that at the period when Christianity began to grow and 
increase, so that even in one town were several congregations, 
everyone of which had its own particular bishop or parish-priest, 
it came to pass (as is generally the case under such circum- 
stances) that variance and dissension arose between these 
bishops or church-priests, and so it sometimes happened that 
the same Christian congregations received notorious damage. 
But in order that this calamity might be stayed and stilled, the 
aforesaid congregations and their bishops and pastors came to 
an agreement that one bishop among them should be chosen, who 
should have superintendence over all the rest, and power to 
order and provide, both as regards the priests and their con- 
gregations, that things might go better and more correctly. 
And the man who was thus chosen retained the name of bishop, 
but the rest remained with the name presbitter, priest, etc. 

" Therefore, since this ordinance was very useful and with- 
out doubt proceeded from God the Holy Ghost (who gives all 
good gifts), so it was generally approved and accepted over the 
whole of Christendom, and has since so remained, and must 
remain in the future, so long as the world lasts, although the 
abuse, which has been very great in this as in all other useful 
and necessary things, must be set aside. For, as regards the 
rightful office of a bishop, which consists in preaching God's 
Word and having oversight over them that are in his charge, 
so that they too preach aright, and behave themselves properly, 
this the bishops, who have been for a long while past, have let 
drop, and in its place have cumbered themselves with worldly 
things, yea and with things that serve for just no other purpose 
than mischievous misbelief, such as the manifold Jewish, and 
heathen consecrations (wixler), baptism of churches and bells, 


" So now must a bishop have oversight over all that are 
under his government, especially the clergy, that they may 
rightly and duly set forth God's word among the common men, 
rightly administer the sacraments, preach and hear the catechism 
at the proper season, hear confession when it is proper, exhort 
and bring the people to common prayers, visit and console the 
sick, bury the dead and faithfully and diligently perform all else 
that the ministry of the Church and the priestly office justly 

This passage is a good specimen of the simple style of 
Laurentius and of his persuasive method of putting his 
case. An English Churchman would say that the case 
might have been easily improved by a reference to our 
Lord's institution of the apostolate, and by the inference 
which is thence drawn by many Presbyterians, as well as 
by ourselves, that He intended us to have a ministry created 
from above, and not from below, and that this should be 
an integral and permanent part of His system of Church 

Further, we should have welcomed a statement of what 
is our own position and that generally of episcopal 
churches, that there is a certain connection between the 
apostolate, as the highest office in the primitive Church, 
and the episcopate, as the highest office in the sub-apostolic 
Church. This, indeed, is an interpretation of history, 
rather than an absolutely certain fact of history, just as 
Laurentius' theory of the growth of the episcopate, drawn 
from St. Jerome's Epistle to Evangelus, is. But the two 
interpretations naturally range together, as Richard 
Hooker shows in his seventh book, where he first says: 
" The first bishops in the Church of Christ were His blessed 
apostles " (E. P., vii., 4, 1), and later : " The cause where- 
fore they under themselves appointed such bishops, as 
were not everywhere at the first, is said to have been those 
strifes and contentions, for remedy whereof whether [i.e., 
either] the Apostles alone did conclude of such a regiment, 
or else they together with the whole Church (judging it a 
fit and a needful policy) did agree to receive it for a cus- 
tom " (ibid. 5, 2). 

234 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

But, as to the general conclusion of Hooker and our- 
selves, that the institution of episcopacy " had either 
divine appointment beforehand or divine approbation 
afterwards, and is in that respect to be acknowledged the 
ordinance of God" (Hooker: I.e.), Laurentius is entirely 
of the same mind as the Church of England. 

As regards his final position that the episcopate is an 
institution proceeding from God the Holy Ghost, and was 
of universal acceptance in the early Church, and must con- 
tinue to the end of time, we could not desire anything more 
explicit. In what follows also Laurentius refers to the 
cases of Titus and Timothy, as examples of such oversight 
over priests, as he here ascribes to bishops or ordinarii, 
and in that way he recognizes the link between the 
episcopate and the apostolate. 

As regards election of bishops, he says: " In early times 
it was the custom that the whole people should choose both 
bishops and other Church ministers." Now dioceses are 
too large, and there are many who do not know who would 
best fill such an office. Therefore, they should be elected 
by some suitable persons of the clergy, and others who are 
experienced in such matters. A majority of votes should 
prevail. If votes are equal a lot may be drawn. It is in- 
teresting, I may note, to observe this survival of the old 
custom of resort to lots. The elected bishop is to be con- 
firmed by the sovereign. The man so approved may be 
openly ordained bishop with laying on of hands by some 
other bishop, one or more. There is no rule, as among 
ourselves and elsewhere, that there must be three bishops 
to consecrate another, nor is there any rule as to 
confirmation by the metropolitan and comprovincial 
bishops. Dr. Holmquist tells me that consecration by a 
single bishop was probably not unusual in pre-Reformation 
times, where it was difficult to gather a number of prelates 
together. The three home-bishops (as we may call them) 
of Upsala, Vesteras and Strengnas could, of course, meet 
with some ease. 

The method of election here described shows that the 


old chapters had now ceased to exist, or to be effective. 
Yet Laurentius desires that the bishop should have one 
or two capable clergy with him on his visitation, which 
ought to be annual, and that if he cannot visit in person 
he should do it by his official or provost with some other 
good men. He must also have his provosts in the country 
districts, whom he is to choose from among the priests of 
the neighbourhood (Kyrko-ordningar, I.e., pp. 147-8). 

The subject of confirmation of children naturally arises 
in connection with the subject of visitation. Laurentius 
writes as follows (I.e., 150) : — 

" The confirmation with oil (then olio-fermelse), which 
bishops have universally used under the pope, seeing that 
there is no commandment of God for it, and that it has also 
brought with it a very great superstition, shall no longer be 
at all used ; but when a visitation takes places, they may 
have preaching and public prayers in the churches, especi- 
ally for the young children, that God will strengthen them 
in the articles which were promised in their baptism, and 
afterwards do what is aforesaid (och sedan gora thet som 
tilforenne sagdt ar). The same thing may be said of all 
other things which the bishops have taken upon them 
without God's commandment, such as are manifold 
consecrations of churches, churchyards, towers, bells, 
vestments, vessels, etc." The words " afterwards do 
what is aforesaid " are not clear. They seem to refer to a 
further action by the bishops which had been elsewhere 
prescribed. Was there such an action prescribed in the 
Vesteras ordinantia of 1544 or the Vadstena articles? 

In a previous passage it is laid down that children 
should not come to communion before they are nine, or at 
least eight years of age (Ordning medh Messonne, p. 84). 
In the little book On ordinances and ceremonies (quoted at 
the end of § 10) he mentions the traditional practice of lay- 
ing hands on those who have been baptized as one of those 
rightly received by the Church, like the canon of Scrip- 
ture, baptism of infants, and a distinction of orders, etc. 
(I.e., fol. 19, ed. 1585). I am, therefore, inclined to think 

236 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

that the words " afterwards do what is aforesaid " are a 
reference to the absolution of children with laying on of 
hands, after their first confession, which had been pre- 
viously described (Kyrko-ordning : Om Hemligh Scrifj- 
termdl, pp. 66-7). 

Here we have the germ of an evangelical rite of con- 
firmation, such as the course of the Reformation in Sweden 
would naturally have developed, and did in fact develop 
in the Nova Ordinantia of 1575. The service there set 
forth was in full accord with the principles of Laurentius 
(Kyrko-ordningar, etc., I., 226-9). No mention was made 
in it of chrism. It was to be administered by the bishop, on 
his visitation, or his deputy. It was very simple, con- 
sisting of a rather long but edifying prayer that the 
children might be strengthened and receive the graces of 
the Holy Spirit, followed by a laying on of hands and 
blessing as follows : — 

" God strengthen thee with the Holy Spirit in a right 
faith, in knowledge of the Gospel and obedience to it, to a 
Christian life, to the honour of God, to salvation for thy- 
self, and to a good example and benefit to others, through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen." Then followed a hymn. 

We shall see in the next lecture (vi., § 10) that Arch- 
bishop Laurelius continued to use this form of 1575 and 
that Matthias introduced another similar to it, probably 
under the advice of Comenius. I believe, indeed, that the 
rite was never wholly dropped in Sweden : although, un- 
fortunately, no reference was made to it in the Church Law 
of 1686, and the form at last prescribed in 181 1 was not 
as good as that of the early precedents. 

Dr. Ekdahl draws attention to the thoroughly Lutheran 
character of this form and its likeness in particular to that 
in the Waldeck Church Order of 1556. 46 

To add a few more words about the book of 1571 . 

46 Om Conf., p. 94. Anyone who compares the German 
prayer, on p. 44 (from the Brunswick- Wolfenbiittel K.O. of 
1589) with the Swedish on p. 93 will see that they must have a 
common origin. 


Incumbents were to be elected by the parishioners, but 
examined by the bishop, who might declare the man 
chosen unfit, and put in another priest. Prayers, fasting 
and alms were recognized as religious duties. Severe 
and ignominious Church penalties should only be used for 
serious acts of vice, and those who defied the Church's 
discipline were to be punished by the secular power 
(Cornelius: Hist § 37). At a Church Council, held next 
year, at Upsala, the archbishop promised to issue a confes- 
sion " after the pattern of the Confession of Augsburg," 
though he did not live to fulfil his promise. He had suffi- 
ciently shown his inclination towards the teaching of 
Melanchthon by recommending to preachers " the loci 
communes of Philip," to which he added the Swedish 
version of the Margarita TheologAca (K. O., I.e., p. 27). 
At this assembly it was agreed to maintain the ceremonies 
and Church customs which had hitherto been in use in the 
Swedish Church, and now were set out in the recently 
printed Church Order (Corn. § 38). Thus the archbishop's 
book received the approval of the Church, though it was 
not directly imposed upon it. He died 26th October, 
1573, revered and honoured by all men, and mourned by 
the clergy as a father. Besides the Bible and the Church 
Order, Sweden owes to him its hymn-book of 1567, which 
is the foundation of all later books (ibid. § 38). His 
memory has been fairly honoured by an oration delivered 
by the poet, F. M . Franzen, before the Swedish Academy 
in 1842. 

§ 12. — Changes in other lands. Comparison of the 
sovereigns of england and sweden. posi- 
TION of King John. The Nova Ordinantia of 
1575. Its provisions. The Liturgy of 1576. 
Disputes about it. 

In order to understand the events of King John's reign 
and the influence which it had upon the course of religion 
in Sweden, we must remember what had been taking place 
in Europe, and the changes which had come about in other 

2 3 8 V— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520—1592). 

countries. 47 The first energy of the reforming movement 
had largely spent itself by the year 1546, when Luther 
died, and much more so when Melanchthon died in the 
same year as Gustaf Vasa (1560). The Society of Jesus, 
which was founded in 1540, had become a very large 
and important instrument of the counter-reformation at 
the time of its founder's death in 1556. Lutheranism, 
with its strongly personal and somewhat sentimental atti- 
tude towards religion, had been checked even in Germany 
by the more democratic and theocratic and at the same 
time systematic and logical teaching of Calvin and 
Zwingli. Lutheranism had a strong hold over great part 
of Germany, but had not spread much beyond it. Cal- 
vinism had established itself in the republican regions of 
Switzerland and the Netherlands, and to a great extent in 
Scotland. It had obtained a considerable power in France, 
and had been checked and put down in Italy and Spain. 
The three northern kingdoms of England, Denmark 
(which included Norway) and Sweden were all examples of 
a different type of reformation. In them the movement 
towards a breach with Rome had come from the sovereigns 
rather than, in any organized way, from the people, 
though it was much more a popular movement in England 
than in Sweden, and consequently was the occasion of 
much more bitter strife. In all three kingdoms the process 
of change was comparatively slow, and followed the 
changing attitude of the sovereigns who succeeded one 
another. In Denmark, owing to its proximity to Ger- 
many and other causes, the process was most rapid. It 
accepted the name Lutheran under Christian II. in 1526. 
It accepted the Augsburg Confession and a Lutheran suc- 
cession of bishops under Christian III. in 1536 — 1537. 
In Sweden the change was much slower, and in England it 
was slowest of all. There was also considerable likeness 
in the character, and even the external fortunes of the 

47 I have found in Karl Hildebrand : Upsala-tnote, 1593, sug- 
gestions which have helped me in writing this section. It was 
published in Heimdal's Folkskrijter in Jubilee year, 1893. 


sovereigns who led the various alterations in religion in 
England and Sweden. 

In England Henry's strength forced changes which fol- 
lowed his own changes of mind, as Gustaf tried to force 
changes in Sweden. Under Edward VI. Calvinism for a 
few years was in the ascendant. In Mary Romanism for a 
short period violently triumphed. In Elizabeth we had a 
moderate and politic ruler of the Church, who may also be 
compared to Gustaf. The latter would have liked to be 
like Henry, but he was forced by circumstances to be like 
Elizabeth. In his bonhomie, his perseverance, his know- 
ledge of the temper of his people, and in his politic treat- 
ment of the Church he was more like the two great Tudor 
sovereigns than any other Swedish king, and he also 
resembled them in the length of his reign. In Eric 
Sweden had a man of Calvinistic education and sym- 
pathies, who had little force of character to carry out what 
he may have personally desired. In John, Sweden had a 
man who set himself to reconcile Catholicism and Pro- 
testantism in the spirit of Laud and the English High 
Churchmen. Both in the character of his policy and in 
the fact of his marriage to a Roman Catholic and its conse- 
quences, he reminds us more of our own Charles I. than 
of any other of our sovereigns. In Sigismund, son of 
John, it had a convinced Roman Catholic, who, like James 
II. of England, lost his crown for his religion. In Charles 
IX. it had another semi-Calvinist, who, like William of 
Orange a century later, knew how to subordinate his own 
prejudices, not from weakness, but from policy, to the 
needs of the government of a country to rule which he was 
called by a revolution. 

John was, as I have said, of the school of Cassander, who 
desired to find a via media between Romanism and 
Lutheranism. In this he was fortified by his patristic 
studies, and by the example of Ferdinand in Germany and 
Elizabeth in England. Probably next to Cassander's 
Consultation on the Articles controverted betiveen 
Catholics and Protestants, the proposals made by the 

2 4 o V— THE REFORMATION (a.D. 1520—1592). 

Emperor Ferdinand to the Council of Trent in 1562 were 
his model. But plans and suggestions made and rejected 
while the Council of Trent was still sitting were still less 
likely to meet with success after its dissolution in 1563, 
when the personal rule of the popes was reasserted. 48 

King John was also much influenced by a young man, 
Petrus Fecht, a scholar of Melanchthon, who inspired him 
with the romantic hope (like that in which our own 
tractarians have largely succeeded) of reviving " the 
Apostolic and Catholic faith of the primitive Church " 
(Cornelius : § 39). 

The principal events of King John's reign may be briefly 
summarized. At a Church Council, held at Stockholm, in 
1574, he put forward a sort of programme in which Fecht's 
principle was enunciated. He followed his father's 
method of electing to the vacant archbishopric at such a 
Council. Two candidates were nominated, of whom Olaus 
Martini, Bishop of Linkoping, received the greatest num- 
ber of votes. But the king preferred the other candidate, 
Laurentius Petri Gothus, a learned and much respected 
man, but of more pliable character. Before his confirma- 
tion and consecration he was required to sign certain 
articles which pledged him to support the king's plan of a 
return to primitive Catholicism. 

In February, 1575, a clerical assembly consisting of four 
bishops and a few clergy, was held at Stockholm, which, 
after six weeks' deliberation, accepted the Nova Ordinantia 
Ecclesiastica, comprised in twenty articles. 49 This book 

48 Cassander's Consultatio may be found in a little volume 
entitled Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam, edited by Hugo Grotius, 
anno 1642, containing the confession of Pope Pius IV., the 
Confessio Augustana, the Consultatio, with Grotius' notes, and 
certain poems by him, and a disquisition on " Pelagianism." 
Ferdinand's proposals in various forms, in which he had the 
help of his secretary, Frederick Staphylus, and others, may be 
found in J. Le Plat : Monumenta ad hist. cone. Trid., v., pp. 
212-268, Lovanii, 1785. Cp. Martin Philippson : La Contre- 
revolution, pp. 446-8, Bruxelles, 1884. 

49 It may be found in Kyrko-ordningar, etc., I., pp. 181-351. 


was slightly shorter than Laurentius Petri's " Church 
Order." It was more of a theological treatise than a 
book of articles, and more of a book of articles 
than a Prayer Book, although it contained certain litur- 
gical forms for confirmation, confession and the mass. 
It was, on the whole, in form more akin to the Augsburg 
Confession than to our Thirty-nine Articles. Its chief 
characteristic in comparison with similar books was the 
citation of many passages from the Fathers, especially in 
the two sacramental articles (2) On sacraments in general, 
and (7) On the Lord's Supper, which occupied nearly half 
the book. As regards the word sacrament, the book recog- 
nized the ancient broad use of the term, but named and 
discussed baptism and the Lord's Supper as the two prin- 
cipal sacraments of the New Testament. In one place 
(Art. 2, §, p. 206) it spoke of penance as one which might 
be added to them, and indeed as being a sort of quasi- 
baptism, or part of baptism. This treatment of penance as 
a sacrament was indeed very much in the line of the Augs- 
burg Confession, in which it ranges with the other two in 
the series of sacramental chapters. 50 

The Nova Ordinantia was far from being an attack on 
the " Church Order " of 1 57 1 , and, in fact, it speaks of the 
late archbishop in laudatory terms. It was rather a 
development of part of it in the direction of patristic tradi- 
tion, with a return in some degree to the old system of 
chapters and convents, in somewhat new forms. It spoke 
strongly against transubstantiation, the withdrawal of the 
cup, the sacrifice of the mass, compulsory private confes- 
sion, and enumeration of all sins, and the cultus of the 
saints, while it recognized the marriage of the clergy (Art. 
17). It restored (as I have said) the rite or ceremony of 

50 They are discussed in chapters 9, 10, 11, 12 of a series ex- 
tending from 7 to 13 inclusive, and they are the only three which 
are discussed. In section 7 of the Apologia Confessionis 
we read : " Vere igitur sunt Sacramenta, Baptismus, Ccena 
Domini, Absolutio, quae est Sacramentum poenitentiae. Nam hi 
ritus habent mandatum Dei et promissionem gratiae, quae est 
propria novi Testamenti." 


242 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

confirmation in a very simple form. As regards the saints, 
it asserted that, though they may pray for us, we ought 
not to pray to them. They should, however, be held in 
reverence, especially the Virgin Mary, " who, without 
doubt, was hallowed and purified in her mother's body by 
the Holy Spirit and afterwards ruled by the same Spirit in 
all virtues " (Art. 10, p. 332). Its article on the Lord's 
vSupper was especially directed against the Calvinists or 
Sacramentarians, but it asserted (with Gelasius of Rome) 
the persistence of the substances of bread and wine (Art. 
7, § 8, p. 291). It introduced a new preface, which really 
was a consecration prayer, and which, after a description of 
the intention of the Lord's Supper, continued: "Which 
supper we according to His command and ordinance desire 
to celebrate, bless with His Word [the] bread and wine, 
the gifts, which are set before [thee] that they in a right use 
may become thy Son's [true] Body and Blood." The 
words of institution and laudes were to follow the preface 
(Art. 8, §§ 7 and 8). 

The book treated Church discipline at great length, and 
enumerated twenty-nine grievous sins or crimes which 
were still subject to Church punishment. Fifteen kinds of 
punishments are also recited, but of an ecclesiastical sort, 
not fine or imprisonment (Art. 6, §§ 2 and 3). In connec- 
tion with this subject it created a Consistorium ecclesias- 
ticum for the whole Church, consisting of bishops and old, 
God-fearing, learned and experienced men, to meet twice a 
year or oftener at Stockholm, to whom difficult cases might 
be referred by secular or spiritual authorities (ibid. § 14). 

As regards the election of bishops, the plan adopted at 
the recent election to Upsala was generally sanctioned. 
The members of chapter were to announce the occurrence 
of a vacancy to the prince, who thereupon should call for 
the votes of the other bishops of the realm, and the most 
influential priests of the diocese. After the votes have 
been given the prince should " examine which of the candi- 
dates can be approved, and set him in office according to 
custom, so that the prince has the highest vote " (Art. 18, 


§ 1). Prayer and laying on of hands suffice for consecra- 
tion, but the use of mitre and staff have been of long time in 
use, and are approved, though not of the substance of 
ordination (ibid. § 2). 

As regards the personnel of the Church the book pro- 
vided in each cathedral learned priests to help the bishop, 
having the following officers : A provost, to act as his 
deputy; a dean, to overlook all schools, examine candi- 
dates and act as secretary to the chapter and keep the 
records of the legal proceedings committed to it ; an arch- 
deacon, who may be also theological lecturer and public 
penitentiary. Besides these there should be a pastor, 
schoolmaster and steward (ceconomus) (Art. 12). Their 
chaplains were to sing daily evensong and mattins 
(ottesang) in the cathedrals with the " deacons." 

As regards the monasteries, it was decreed that, though 
no life-vows were to be taken, convents which still existed 
were to be restored as refuges for aged and incapable priests, 
and for others who have no desire for the world, and for 
old matrons and maidens who have no desire or suitability 
for marriage. The inmates of the cloisters were to live in 
retirement and devotion, and should occupy themselves 
with the education of children. At least one cloister was 
to be found in each diocese (Art. 20, pp. 348-9). 

Nothing was said in this Ordinantia as to the use of 
unction in the consecration of a bishop. In fact, we are 
told that it was one of the points proposed and rejected, to- 
gether with extreme unction and prayers for the dead at 
their burial (Anjou : p. 468). But, in July of the same 
year. King John (following the precedent of his father) 
insisted upon it in the consecration of the new archbishop 
and two others. This was an arbitrary act which naturally 
aroused suspicion of further changes in prospect, and sus- 
picion was changed into conviction by the unfortunate 
publication of the new Liturgy or Red-book of 1576, with- 
out any Church authority. Had the king been satisfied 
with the ground covered by the Nova Ordinantia, or even 
introduced his Liturgy in a deliberate and ecclesiastical 

244 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

manner, he might have contributed much more to the final 
settlement than he actually did. In that way the good 
points of the Ordinantia might have been maintained. 

But the Liturgy called forth the protest of his brother, 
Duke Charles, who forbade its use in his dominions, and 
that of many of the clergy in the king's own realm, 
especially at Stockholm and Upsala, such as Abraham 
Angermannus and Professor Petrus Jonas. Early in 1577 
the king indeed put the matter before the estates of the 
realm at a Riksdag in Stockholm, at which the laity seem 
to have approved of, or assented to, the Liturgy, while the 
clergy were silent, or, perhaps, absent (Anjou : 491). 

I do not propose to analyse the Red-book in the same 
detail as the Ordinantia. The latter was carefully revised, 
and had a certain degree of Church authority. The 
Liturgy was the work of the king and Fecht, and had prac- 
tically no authority, except such as was obtained under 
pressure ; nor is it a work of much liturgical tact and talent. 
It retained the curious feature which Olaus had borrowed 
from Luther's early Formula of introducing the words of 
institution into the preface. The preface was, however, 
supplemented by a series of prayers, which, in a certain 
degree, reflected the discarded prayers of the Roman 
canon. There was, however, nothing in these prayers that 
could rightly offend a Lutheran, except the version of the 
prayer Unde et memores, which, after speaking of our debt 
to God for our Saviour's passion and sacrifice, went on as 
follows: " The same, thy Son, His death and oblation, a 
pure victim, a holy victim, a spotless victim, propitiation, 
shield and protection set forth for us against thy anger, 
against the terror of sin and death, we embrace with faith, 
and offer to thy excellent Majesty with our most humble 
prayers." Here in the word " offer " was a point which 
was eagerly seized on by the opponents of the Liturgy. 
The two following prayers : Supra quce propitio and Sup- 
plices te rogamus, were moulded into one, which simply 
asked that our prayers should be taken to the heavenly 
altar, and that we who are partakers of Christ's body and 


blood may be filled with heavenly benediction. There was 
no attempt to introduce a definite consecration prayer like 
that of the Nova Ordinantia, or even after the English 
pattern. The words of institution were clearly considered 
to have met the needs. There was also no reference to the 
intercession of the saints. 

This Liturgy then did not in itself deserve the bitterness 
with which it was attacked. It certainly was not the work 
of a Jesuit. The first of that society in Sweden was 
Laurentius Nicolai, who was appointed theological lec- 
turer at the Old Grey Friars, now the Riddarholm Church 
in Stockholm, in August, 1576, at the suggestion indeed of 
Fecht, but who had not been there many months. Fecht, 
who had been to Rome in pursuance of the king's plan to 
obtain a new succession of bishops, and was returning un- 
successful, was drowned in November of the same year 
(ibid. 483). The king did indeed obtain an acceptance of 
his book from the clergy in February, 1577, just about the 
time that he carried out the death sentence against his poor 
brother, Eric, which had some time been in suspense. But 
it was not a genuine acceptance ; and the further advances 
of Laurentius or Klosterlasse (as he was called from his 
place of lecturing), and more particularly of another Jesuit, 
Possevin, produced profound unsettlement. 

For a short time indeed the king actually embraced 
Romanism, but always it would seem with the hope of 
carrying out his scheme of reconciliation. He was not 
only a religious enthusiast, but he desired the pope's media- 
tion with the Catholic powers in his Russian war, and with 
the Spanish Court in the matter of the maternal inheritance 
of his wife, Catharine. When, therefore, Possevin re- 
turned to Sweden in 1578, with a declaration that Pope 
Gregory XIII. refused nearly all the twelve points which 
the king demanded, the latter gave up all real hope of suc- 
cess in the reconciliation scheme. Yet he did not cease to 
work for a via media. After the death of the weak arch- 
bishop, Laurentius Gothus, in 1579, he kept the see vacant 
for four years, whilst he looked about for some one to for- 

246 V.— THE REFORMATION (a.d. 1520— 1592). 

ward his plans, and tried to force the adoption of his 
Liturgy by persecution, imprisonment and banishment. 
In 1583 he found a suitable instrument in Andreas 
Laurentii Botniensis, Bishop of Vexio, who held the see 
for six and a half years, and who did his best bv mingling 
cajolery with threatening to influence the minds of the 
teachers, who were imprisoned for their opposition, 
amongst whom were his two successors, Abraham Anger- 
mannus and Nicolaus Olai Botniensis. The death of 
King John's queen, Catharine, in 1583, and his subsequent 
marriage to a young Swedish girl, Gunilla, of the family 
of Bielke, weakened his inclination towards Rome. But 
King John had allowed his son, the Crown Prince Sigis- 
mund, to be educated by his mother in her own faith, in 
view of his probable succession to the Crown of Poland, 
and he had become a convinced supporter of the old order. 
He became King of Poland in 1587, and thus had to de- 
clare himself a faithful adherent of the Roman Church, and 
was obviously preparing to restore its domination in his 
native country whenever he should succeed to the crown of 

In the meantime the Swedish sees had been filled by new 
men who were in favour of the king's plans. But his 
brother Charles strenuously supported the clergy of his 
dukedom in their opposition, especially those in the diocese 
of Strengnas, and there was almost danger of a civil war. 
The brothers were reconciled in 1590, and a sort of modus 
vivendi was arranged. But when King John died the 17th 
November, 1592, it was fairly evident that the work for 
which he had laboured so hard and hazarded so much was 
doomed to fall to the ground. His death was, in fact, the 
prelude to a definitive triumph of Lutheranism by the 
adoption of the Augsburg Confession, which seemed to the 
great majority of the people the necessary way of proclaim- 
ing their final revolt from Rome and their resolution not 
to permit Calvinism to be taught in the country. 



The great kings and the great bishops from the 
Upsala-mote to the death of Charles XII. (1593 

A.D. — 1718 A.D.). 


§ 1. — Consequences of King John's death — Danger of 
the Church — David Chytrseus and Nicolaus 
Botniensis — Necessity that Sweden should at once 
make a free and definite choice of standards — 
Character of Duke Charles — His great service to 
his country 250 

§ 2. — The Upsala-mote, summoned January, 1593 — 
Its composition and numbers — Its solemn open- 
ing, 1 st March, 1593 — Election of Nicolaus as pre- 
sident — It accepts the Augsburg Confession — 
Abraham Angermannus elected archbishop — 
Hand-book of 157 1 confirmed — Other business — 
The " Agreement " of Upsala ratified, 20th March 255 

§ 3. — Immense importance of the " Agreement " of 
Upsala — Its unique character — Intention of the 
Confession of Augsburg — Effects of the Council — 
Sigismund's coronation — His attempts to under- 
mine the Church — Restoration of the University 
of Upsala, and birth of Gustavus Adolphus (1594) 261 

§ 4.— Riksdag of Soderkoping (1595)— Harsh visita- 
tion of Archbishop Abraham — Battle of Stange- 
bro (1598) — Difficult position of Charles— Arch- 
bishop Abraham imprisoned — Nicolaus Botniensis 
archbishop-elect of Upsala (1599 — 1600) — Olaus 
Martini elected archbishop at the Riksdag of 
Stockholm (1602) — His consecration 265 

§ 5.— Charles becomes king (1604)— His scruples and 
character— His theological position semi-Calvinist 
— His continual controversies with Archbishop 

2 4 8 VI— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 


Olaus Martini — John Forbes disputes at Upsala 
— Petrus Kenicius succeeds as archbishop (1609) 
—Death of the King (161 1) 268 

§ 6. — The great kings and the great bishops — 
The Stormaktstid (1618 — 1718) — Character of 
Gustavus Adolphus — The great bishops — 
Johannes Bothvidi and Isaac Rothovius — 
Johannes Rudbeckius and the humanists, Mes- 
senius and Stiernhielm — Rudbeckius and Gus- 
tavus — Judaism in Vesteras and elsewhere 272 

§ 7. — Rudbeckius in his diocese — His energy and suc- 
cess — His institutions — Resists the king's plan for 
a Consistorium Generale 2S1 

§ 8. — Laurentius Paulinus Gothus archbishop (1637 — 
1646) — His synods and visitations — Johannes 
Matthias — The Lapland Mission — The colony of 
New Sweden — Formation of new dioceses 285 

§ 9. — Movement for an Evangelical confederation — 
David Pareus (1548 — 1622) — Hugo Grotius (1583 
1645) — George Calixtus (1586 — 1656) — John 
Durie (1596 — 1680) — His connection with Dave- 
nant, Bishop of Salisbury, etc. — Invited by 
Matthias to Sweden (1636 — 1638) — Efforts there 
unsuccessful — Quarrel with Rudbeckius — The 
clergy at the Riksdag demand his expulsion — 
After-effects in Prussia 289 

§ 10. — Matthias's writings — Influence of Comenius — 
Confirmation re-introduced by Matthias and 
Laurelius — Syncretism — Charles X. succeeds 
(1654 — 1660) — Favours Matthias and Terserus — 
They are accused of heresy and obliged to resign 
(1664) — Absolutism under Charles XI. (1660 — 
1697) — New relation of the king to the Church — 
New Church law of 1686 — Liber Concordice 
accepted — Changes in the Church Order 299 

§ 11. — Imposing activity in Church matters — Church 
registers — Catechism and Prayer Book — Eric 



Benzelius (archbishop 1700 — 1709) edits the Bible 
— His family — Family system in parishes — New 
hymn-book — Jesper Svedberg Bishop of Skara 
(1702 — 1725) — His connection with New Sweden 
and England — His form of confirmation — Haquin 
Spegel Bishop of Skara, Linkoping and Upsala 
— His good work and patriotism — The two 
Gezelius bishops of Abo and their " Bibel-verk." 306 
12. — Conclusion — Military character of the Swedish 
religion of this period — Whitelocke's conversa- 
tions — Svedberg's criticism of the false Luther- 
anism of his day 311 



The great kings and the great bishops from the 
Upsala-mote to the death of Charles XII. (1593 

A.D. — 1718 A.D.). 

§ 1. — Consequences of King John's death. Danger 
of the Church. David Chytr^eus and 
nlcolaus botniensis. necessity that sweden 
should at once make a free and definite choice 
of standards. character of duke charles. 
His great service to his country. 

The death of John III. in 1592 brought with it the com- 
plete and definite victory of Lutheranism in the form of an 
acceptance by the whole of Sweden of the Confession of 
Augsburg as presented to the Emperor Charles V. in the 
year 1530. This confession was the work of Melanchthon, 
and it was to Melanchthon 's most zealous and beloved 
scholar, David Chytrasus, born himself in the year 1530, 
that the later generation of Swedish theologians owed their 
training. As professor at the University of Rostock, 1 near 
Warnemunde in Mecklenburg, Chytrasus was near enough 
to keep up a constant correspondence with Sweden, and he 
often was consulted on difficult questions, as, for example, 
on Gustaf Vasa's third marriage. His history of the 
Confession of Augsburg, published in 1578, no doubt was 
in the hands of some of his former pupils. Foremost 
amongst these pupils was Nicolaus Olai Botniensis, a 
Hebraist and Biblical scholar, who had studied under 
Chytraeus for some four years (1578 — 1582), and taught at 

1 Two books by Krabbe are referred to Die Universitdt 
Rostock im i^ten und i6ten Jahrhundert, Rostock and 
Schwerin, 1854, and David Chythrceus, Rostock, 1870. See also 
A. M. Magnusson : Nicolaxis Olai Botniensis, pp. 11-23, Upsala, 


Rostock for some two years longer. He had recently 
(1586) become one of the professors of the college at Stock- 
holm, now, of course, under new management, after the 
retirement of Klosterlasse, who was banished in 1580. 
He, with his brother professors, Eric Skinner and Petrus 
Kenicius, was thrown into prison by King John in 1589, 
thus sharing the fate which had befallen the professors of 
the Upsala high school about nine years before. In this 
way King John had made enemies of all the most learned 
men in Sweden, and had prepared the way for the reaction 
against his life work, in which Nicolaus Botniensis was 
now the principal leader. The three professors had been, 
it seems, released just before his death, but they had 
pledged themselves in 1590 and later to permanent opposi- 
tion to his liturgy, and especially to the sacrificial element 
in it, to which I have referred. 2 

It was no accident that on Botniensis' tombstone, 
amongst other pious texts, appeared in Greek: — " I will 
have mercy and not sacrifice." 3 

2 Magnusson : I.e., pp. 41 foil. Cp. : Baaz, p. 484: 
" Probavimus autem manifestis demonstrationibus incruentum 
illud sacrificium Missae Pap(alis) in Liturgia contineri : hoc sola 
vestra negatio non refutat. Distinctio quam adfertis inter 
" Sacrificare " et " Offerre " (offra och frambara) non excusat 
factum Sacrificuli, offerentis in Missa Liturg(ica) Filium Dei 
ipsi Patri Hostiam Sanctam, etc., ut verba Liturgiae expresse 
sonant, ex Canone Pap(ali) desumpta." This letter was ad- 
dressed to the Archbishop Andreas Laurentii Bjornram, an 
eager " liturgist," who died at the beginning of 1591. Baaz's 
accuracy as regards details of this correspondence is attacked 
by Magnusson, but the sentence here quoted is not questioned. 
At the Upsala-mote, during the session of the 3rd March, 
Botniensis severely reproved Dr. Joachim, pastor of Upsala, for 
his use of the term "sacrifice." "Quali? dixit praeses. Pro 
applicatorio et quidem per fidem, inquit alter. Hanc nactus 
occasionem praeses acerbius in ilium invehebatur, quod contra 
usum ecclesiae phrasin reiectam introduceret. " 

3 For the inscription on his tombstone, in Upsala Cathedral 
(which also contained a carelessly-cut text in Hebrew from 
Psalm cxlii, 6, " My portion is the Lord in the land of the liv- 
ing," and St. John iii, 16 in Latin), see Rhyzelius, p. 64, who 

252 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

Before his death King John had promised that there 
should be no more persecution on account of the liturgy, 
and that he would permit the summoning of a free Church 
Council. He died 17th November, 1592, and Charles took 
on the regency of the kingdom until his nephew, Sigis- 
mund, should appear in Sweden, drawing the Council of 
State, according to his abiding principle, into conjoint 
responsibility with himself. The regency was confirmed 
by Sigismund, and was proclaimed to all the provinces of 
the country. Charles at once began to make use of his 
power, and he saw that no time must be lost if the elements 
of religious freedom were to be secured before the advent of 
a Romanist as king. The new union compact, under 
which Sigismund succeeded to a second crown, was even 
more dangerous than the old. The counter-reformation 
was in full progress. The conversion of Henry IV. of 
France was probably already known or suspected in 
Sweden, and the new pope, Clement VIII. (1592 — 1605), 
was busy in Poland with plans for the re-conquest of the 
northern kingdoms to the Roman obedience. It was also 
essential to the stability of any settlement in religion that 
Sweden should now choose for itself, and not merely follow 
the lead of the government of the day and of the Council of 
State. Such assent might, perhaps, have been obtained, 
but it would only have strengthened the habit of servility in 
matters of religion which had done much harm in the past, 
and might do immeasurable harm in the future. The 
council, therefore, which was to be summoned, must be 
free; and it shows the sagacity of Duke Charles that he 
from the first insisted on this characteristic of the assembly 
which he at once determined to summon. It must also 
choose for itself certain definite standards of doctrine and 
worship which could be set before the Romanist king for 
his acceptance, and as conditions of his recognition as 

does not give the Hebrew, and Magnusson : I.e., pp. 180-1, who 
prints the Greek incorrectly. But between the two the whole 
can be made out. 


sovereign. These three conditions, rapidity of action and 
freedom and deflniteness of choice, were met in the way 
which I will now describe. 

There could indeed be no reasonable doubt what these 
standards would be, and reference was made to them early 
in the proceedings. All practical considerations — includ- 
ing the probability of an alliance of Sweden with the Pro- 
testant princes in Germany against Poland and the Empire 
— pointed to the acceptance of the Confession of Augsburg 
as one of these standards. On the other hand, the inde- 
pendent spirit of the country, and its attachment to the 
episcopal polity, and the higher consequent idea of the 
duties and position of the ministry, made it natural to fall 
back upon the Church Order of 1571 . It was the mature 
work of the old archbishop, who had done almost as much 
for the Church unity of Sweden as King Gustaf had done 
for its unity in Government. These standards would 
secure that necessary via media between Romanism and 
Calvinism, which was secured to us in England by other 
means, but which there were no other means of securing in 
Sweden. Calvinism had proved a real danger under Eric : 
it was likely again to be so under Charles. The eminent 
service which the latter did to his country at this critical 
juncture was to suppress his own personal inclinations in 
the interest of the stability of the religious settlement. 4 

Duke Charles certainly possessed more of the good quali- 
ties of his father's character than any of his brothers, and 

4 The documents concerning the great Upsala-mote of 1593 
are to be found in Svenska Riksdag sakter, III., 1., ed. Emil 
Hildebrand, Stk., 1894. There is a good short account of it 
by Karl Hildebrand fil. Kand. in Heimdal's Folkskrijter, 1893. 
and in Magnusson, I.e. Anjou's account of it is very full and 
interesting. Geijer's is rather defective. I may remark that 
there is a strange blunder on p. 607 of the E.T. of Anjou. He 
is made to say, speaking of the Upsala-mote, of 1594 : " This 
hour, June 24, 1527, was of all others the most important and 
conclusive for the Swedish Church Reformation." Obviously 
it should be: "This hour, next to the day of Vesteras, June 
24, 1527, was," etc. 

254 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

in some, he even exceeded him. He is described as the 
least naturally able and the least widely educated of 
Gustaf's sons. 5 But he must have had considerable train- 
ing in theology. Further, he had learnt much both 
in the way of experience and of self-restraint in his 
government of the duchy. It had long been observed 
that as much industry, frugality and sagacity prevailed 
there as disorder and want of economy in the kingdom 
ruled by John (Geijer: p. 178; cp. p. 209). In particular 
we may mention his colonization of the woodland province 
of Vermland by the Finns, his development of the mining 
industry there and elsewhere, and his foundation of Carl- 
stad, now a bishop's see, the first town ever built in that 
province. Of his brothers, Eric had long been on the 
borderland between sanity and insanity, and had never 
shown much talent for government. His motto, 
" Magnos magna decent," showed the bent of his mind 
towards display, and to that habit of pose and acting which 
was not unknown to Gustaf. Poor Duke Magnus was 
conscientious, but gradually became insane, and supposed 
himself to be loved by a mermaid. John was like Gustaf 
in his perseverance and craft, and imitated his acts of 
arbitrariness, but he had little of his wisdom and prudence. 
Charles alone had both the perseverance and the prudence 
of Gustaf, and, perhaps, more than all his family, he 
had a genuine insight into the depth and seriousness of 
the Swedish character, and a sympathy with two of its 
marked tendencies — a desire that the whole community 
should be responsible for great changes and act together, 
and a dislike of persecution and compulsion in matters of 

5 Fletcher : Gustavus Adolphus, p. 21. See, however, 
Odhner : Faderlandets Historia, p. 183. 

§ 2.— the upsala-mote (1593). 255 

§ 2. — The Upsala-mote, summoned January, 1593. Its 
composition and numbers. its solemn open- 
ING, ist March. Election of Nicolaus as 

SION. Abraham Angermannus elected arch- 
bishop. Hand-book of 1 57 1 confirmed. Other 
business. The Agreement of Upsala ratified 
2oth March. 

It was natural under these circumstances that the clergy 
who assembled for King John's solemn funeral procession, 
3rd January, 1593, should express a strong desire for a 
council. It was agreed by the duke and Council of State 
that one should be held at once, and letters of summons 
were issued on 9th January for 25th February. They were 
addressed to the bishops, who were bidden to bring their 
best and most learned priests to Upsala, in order to deter- 
mine concerning Church doctrine, ceremonies and dis- 
cipline, and to elect an archbishop and other bishops. 
They were to bring with them members of their chapters, 
rural deans and some priests from each hundred. No 
definite programme of agenda was issued, but it was 
decided that, besides the clergy, the members of the 
Council of State were to take part, and that other laymen 
might be present. Between the summons and the meeting 
Petrus Jonas, one of the anti-liturgist professors, who had 
in 1586 been elected Bishop of Strengnas in Duke Charles' 
dominions, was consecrated to that office (21st January, 

The Council, as I have said, was to be free to do its own 
work ; and for this and for other reasons no official person 
was appointed as its president by the duke and the Council 
of State. The see of Upsala was still vacant, and none of 
the four bishops who attended was suited to act as presi- 
dent. The Bishop of Linkoping, Petrus Benedicti, whose 
see was next in dignity to that of Upsala, was a weak man, 
who had accepted the liturgy. Petrus Jonas of Strengnas 
had Calvinistic leanings. The other two prelates who 

2 .6 VI— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

filled the sees of Abo and Vesteras were not men of great 
mark, and had both accepted the liturgy. The choice of a 
president was, therefore, to be made by election of the 
members of the Council. 

The number of priests who attended was 306, of whom 
135 came from Upland, the nearest region. Some nine- 
teen came from Norrland, also in the diocese of Upsala, 
and from as far as Pitea, the home of Nicolaus Olai. The 
other six dioceses were represented as follows : Linkoping 
by twenty-nine, Skara by fifteen, Strengnas by fifty-one, 
Vesteras by thirty-five, Vexio by nine, and Abo by thirteen. 

To assemble such a body in the winter season from such 
distant regions was a matter of obvious difficulty, and they 
came dropping in rather irregularly. It was also con- 
venient that those on the spot should get to know one 
another's minds better, and have opportunity to prepare in 
a less formal way for the great work which lay before them. 
The solemn opening, therefore, did not take place till 1st 
'March. It was preluded by a speech from the high 
steward, Nils Gyllenstjerna, in the name of the Govern- 
ment. The duke was careful to keep himself in the back- 
ground so as to leave the assembly free to pass its resolu- 
tions, and himself free to criticize them. The steward 
pointed out the dangers of disunion as seen in France and 
the Netherlands. As regards the assembly before him, he 
asked for (and received) an assurance that those who were 
absent would feel themselves bound by the resolutions of 
those who were present. He suggested that the clergy 
should unite in some formulary of faith such as the Augs- 
burg Confession and old Archbishop Laurentius' Confes- 
sion in regard to doctrine and ceremonies. He ended with 
the remarkable words : " If the king in Poland comes hither 
he must not be lord over our faith and conscience, but we 
must abide in that agreement as to doctrine which is here 
determined. Whatever is here agreed on in accordance 
with God's pure Word and will must be set forth in a 
Christian manner, and be subscribed by all. Finally, I 

§ 2.— tHE UPSALA-MOTE (1593). 257 

pray that the living God may be the highest ruler in this 
Church Council, that He may govern all things in it, so 
that they may turn to God's praise and honour, and be a 
strong support and an eternal benefit to ourselves and our 
descendants." The election of an archbishop was deferred 
at the wish of the Government, but the assembly was in- 
vited to elect its president. Nicolaus, who received 196 
votes, was elected. The Bishop of Linkoping only 
received five, Petrus Jonas of Strengnas fifty-six, and the 
Bishop of Abo one. 

The articles of the Augsburg Confession were gone 
through one by one, and finally were accepted by all pre- 
sent, nobles, bishops and clergy, so that Nicolaus, as presi- 
dent, exclaimed in memorable words: " Now has Sweden 
become one man, and we all have one Lord and God." 
To the acceptance of this confession were joined requests 
against the open toleration of " Catholicism," that no 
Catholics should hold office, that all future priests and 
school teachers should accept the confession, and that the 
convent of Vadstena should be closed, and its revenues 
used for the support of students. The main business was, 
therefore, concluded on Tuesday, 6th March, in less than 
a week. But the council sat on till the 19th March dealing 
with personal cases, ratifying the Church Order of 1571 , 
and the Hand-book of 1529, 6 and proceeding on the 15th 
March to the election of an archbishop. After the large 
majority of votes given to Nicolaus as president, it is some- 
what surprising to find that Abraham Andreas Anger- 
mannus, a former professor at Stockholm and Upsala, 
was now elected archbishop by an even larger majority. 
Abraham received 238 votes, Petrus Jonas of Strengnas 
sixteen, Nicolaus Botniensis thirty-eight and Petrus 
Kenicius three. This shows that the election was made by 
the whole body of clergy, and not only by those of the 

6 This appears from the detailed account of the session of 8th 
March (form C) in Riksdagsakter, p. 61, and Magnusson, p. 58. 
But there is no direct reference to the Hand-book in the final 
" agreement " of the Council. 


25 8 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

diocese of Upsala. The reasons why Abraham was chosen 
rather than one of his more learned rivals, Petrus Jonas or 
Nicolaus, seem to have been that he was older and more 
experienced, and had suffered considerably for his resist- 
ance to King John. He had been in voluntary exile in 
Mecklenburg for over ten years, and was known to be a 
man of great strength of will and purpose, and was, there- 
fore, thought worthy of the dangerous honour of taking 
the leadership of the Church in the times of conflict which 
were evidently before it. 7 The duke did not, however, 
confirm the election at once, but reserved to himself the 
right to approve one of the others, just as his brother John 
had chosen Laurentius Gothus, though another candidate 
had the plurality of votes. 

On the same day as the election to Upsala new bishops 
were also chosen for Skara and Vexio, but, after all, the 
bishops of those sees did not resign, but continued to hold 

The remaining days were chiefly occupied in negotia- 
tions with the duke on the points in which he personally 
differed from the council — such as the use of certain cere- 
monies, and in particular, the retention of the exorcism, 
salt put into the mouth and lights into the hand in baptism, 
and the elevation in the liturgy, of all of which he dis- 
approved. At the end he gave way on most of the points, 
some smaller concessions being made on the other side. 

The council insisted upon exorcism, apparently in con- 
nection with the doctrine of original sin, and upon 
" elevation " of the sacrament in the liturgy as a protection 
against Calvinism. Finally, a question was raised as to 
the introduction of Calvinists and Zwinglians into the list 

7 The number of votes is given in Riksdag sakter, I.e., pp. 70 
foil. Cp. Magnusson, p. 65, for the reasons of the choice. 
Archbishop Abraham was married to Magdalena, the youngest 
daughter of Archbishop Laurentius Petri Nericius. The elder, 
Margareta, was married in succession to two Archbishops, 
Laurentius Petri Gothus and Andreas Laurentii Bjornram 
Botniensis (1583-91). 

§ 2.— THE UPSALA-MOTE (1593). 259 

of heretics rejected. The president himself was against it 
as unnecessary and excessive, but the vehement party pre- 
vailed, and the duke at length allowed it with a rough jest. 

To the decrees on faith and worship the council added 
sixty-three Postulata touching Church government, which, 
if granted, would have done much to secure reasonable 
freedom, but these were not so much decrees as requests, 
and they were neither accepted nor rejected. 

In the end a general agreement (forening) was drawn up 
and accepted by those who were present, by the duke and 
the lords of the council and the nobility, and by the absent 
members of the estates to whom it was sent round for 
signature. 8 

After a preamble, describing the reasons for summoning 
the council in the disputes and disagreements which had 
prevailed especially as to religion, and mentioning the 
objects set before it, the following conclusions were set 
forth in detail : — 

(1) Agreement to abide by God's pure and saving Word 
as it is contained in the writings of the prophets, evan- 
gelists and apostles, and to acknowledge its inspiration ; 
and that it contains completely all that is necessary for 
Christian doctrine, faith and morals, and is a test to judge 
all disputes in religion, and needs no further interpretation 
by the Fathers or others. 

(2) Assent to the Apostles', Nicene and Athanasian 
Creeds, and the oldest, true and unaltered Augsburg Con- 
fession of 1530; and to the religion held in the reign of 
King Gustaf and the lifetime of Archbishop Laurentius 
Petri Nericius, and set forth in the printed Church Order 
accepted in the year 1572. As regards certain ceremonies 
retained, such as salt and lights in baptism, the elevation in 
the Lord's Supper, movement of the mass book from one 
corner of the altar to the other, bell-ringing at the eleva- 
tion, which are disused in most evangelical churches, 

8 It may be found pp. 86-90 of the Riksdag sakter,, and sum- 
marized in Anjou, pp. 622-4, and Cornelius, S.K.H., pp. 107 

2 6o VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

parish priests, and bishops in their visitations, shall take 
care to explain them and prevent them being misused. If 
it should be necessary that these ceremonies be abolished, 
the bishops, with some of their chapters and most learned 
priests, should take counsel how this might be done without 
scandal and disturbance. 

(3) As regards exorcism at baptism, it was not indeed 
necessary, but, as it is so suitable as a reminder of the con- 
dition in which all men are who come to baptism and of 
what the power of baptism is, it may well be retained in our 
churches. A slight change was to be made in the word- 
ing. The council, however, did not wish to cast any slur 
on the foreign churches or " high personages here in the 
kingdom " who did not use it and yet accepted the same 
confession, or are one with us in faith. 

(4) As regards the Liturgy which has caused so much 
unrest, and is proved by Scripture to be superstitious and 
very similar to the popish mass, which opposes and depre- 
ciates our Redeemer's work and leads on to other popish 
errors, the council rejects it and all its consequences in 
doctrine, ceremonies and discipline, and strictly forbids its 
use. It also rejects all the errors of Sacramentarians, 
Zwinglians, and Calvinists, and also Anabaptists, and all 
other heretics by whatever name they are called. 

(5) The council approves the discipline and order set 
forth in the printed Church Order, as tried by experience. 
Where circumstances require it additions may be made to it 
by the bishop's and chapter's joint agreement. 

(6) While it is impossible wholly to exclude those who 
hold false doctrine and do not agree with us, they must not 
be allowed to hold any public meeting in a house or else- 
where. Those who do so, or who speak against our 
religion, are to be suitably punished. 

(7) These resolutions now agreed to are at once to be 
printed so as to be known by all men. Those present ex- 
press their determination to abide by what has been agreed, 
and commit their work to God's protection. 


Then follow the attestations by signature and seal, the 
date being also given 20th March, 1593. 

Copies of this resolution were sent to the different pro- 
vinces, and we have the names and signatures of some 
1,934 persons of distinction attached to the various copies 
which have been preserved. Whilst they were being 
signed the document was in the press, but it was not com- 
pletely printed or published until July of the next year, 
about the time of Sigismund's return to Poland. 9 It con- 
tained a list of signatories not exactly agreeing with the 
MS. material, but this can only be accounted for by 

§ 3. — Immense importance of the "Agreement" of 
Upsala. Its unique character. Its effects, 
restoration of the university of upsala. 

It is scarcely possible to exaggerate the importance of 
this council as a turning point in the history of Sweden. 
The lay historians of the country have perhaps hardly 
realized its full significance and its unique character. It 
stands out as evidence of what a national Church may 
do for the people when it is allowed to have a reasonable in- 
dependence. There are very few if any parallels to be 
found to it in the religious history of mankind. The free- 
dom and the unanimity of the action could only be possible 
in a nation so much accustomed to the idea and practice of 
self-government by a large popular assembly, and so 
ready to be swayed by enthusiasm in making great deci- 
sions at critical moments of its history. No doubt this 
liability to be carried away by feeling is always apt to 
disguise to those present the probabilities of partial re- 
action, which may be ready to follow. But, on the whole, 
the Swedes have shown a remarkable power, not only of 

9 It was printed at Stockholm by Gutterwitz. It was edited 
by Johannes Thomse Bureus. The preface is dated 30th June, 
1593. The last page is dated July, 1594. Cp. Riksdagsakter, 
p. 148. 

262 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

making up their minds for themselves in a reasonable 
manner, but of adhering to their decisions arrived at in 
such moments of feeling. It must be remembered that 
they had had seventy years of trying experience since the 
Riksdag of Vesteras. Various methods had been set 
before them by various powers, and the result of following 
those methods had been subjected to a considerable amount 
of trial. Personally, I do not think that what was good 
in King John's policy had been sufficiently tried. He 
had spoiled its effect by persecuting his opponents with 
great harshness. But, viewing the matter as a whole, a 
foreigner must, I think, judge that the Swedes took the 
wisest course that was possible to them under the circum- 
stances, and one which their descendants of the same blood 
will view with satisfaction for generations yet to come. 
They accepted the most reasonable and uncontroversial 
Protestant confession of faith which was open to them, 
and they did this without revising it. Had they attempted 
to revise it they might have disputed for a long period. 
But time pressed, and they took as a watchword the 
formulary which would best secure their general agree- 
ment at home, and unite them with their natural allies in 
Germany, allies in the struggle which was obviously 
imminent and obviously most serious. 

In regard to the character of the Confession of Augs- 
burg, I may quote what our own Hardwick says of it : " In 
the mildness of its tone, the gracefulness of its diction, and 
the general perspicuity of its arrangement, it is worthy of 
its gifted author; while in theological terminology it every- 
where adheres, as closely as the truth permitted, to existing 
standards of the Western Church. Melanchthon seems 
indeed to have been confident that he was treading in the 
steps of St. Augustine, and the Early Fathers; all his pro- 
tests were accordingly confined to modern innovations and 
distortions by which sectaries and schoolmen had been 
gradually corrupting the deposit of the Christian faith." 
After giving an abstract of its articles, he says: "This 


meagre abstract ... is enough to demonstrate that in pre- 
senting it to the imperial Diet, the reformers had been in- 
fluenced by a strong desire to keep within the boundaries 
of the Latin Church, and to approximate as closely as 
possible to doctrines already received." Similarly Pro- 
fessor Richard, of the Theological Seminary of Gettys- 
burg, Pennsylvania, has recently written of the framers of 
this confession that " it was their intention, by repudiating 
heresy, and by affirming the Catholic doctrine, to vindicate 
their right to remain in the Church." 10 On the other 
hand, by adding to it the Church Order of 1 5 7 1 , the 
Swedes affirmed their belief that for themselves at least an 
episcopal polity was the best, and the one to which they 
were determined to adhere. 

The wisdom of the first course was quickly demonstrated 
by the extraordinary call soon made upon Sweden to take 
the lead in the Thirty Years' War. Gustavus Adolphus, 
who was born in the year after the Upsala-mote, was un- 
doubtedly the saviour of Northern Europe from forcible 
subjection to the papal monarchy, and he took that position 
in virtue of the work done at the council. The wisdom of 
retaining the episcopal polity, and with it the higher posi- 
tion of the ministry, could only be proved by longer ex- 
perience. But there is one evidence of it which must occur 
to every student of Swedish history, the lead taken by the 
bishops in all literary and scientific pursuits, and educa- 
tional and social projects, as well as in history and 
theology. Professor Schiick's History of Swedish Litera- 
ture bears remarkable testimony to the debt which the 
country owes them. 

In this way Sweden was prepared for the advent of King 
Sigismund. Before he landed Duke Charles had received 
from the Council of State a promise to obey him in every- 

10 See Charles Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, etc., pp. 16 
and 25, Cambridge, 1859, and The Confessional History of the 
Lutheran Church by James W. Richard, D.D., quoted in 
Journal of Th. Studies> vol. 11, p. 591, 1910. 

264 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

thiner he should think fit to do for the maintenance of the 
Confession of Augsburg. Sigismund came over with 
twenty thousand crowns in his pocket from the pope to- 
wards the cost of the restoration of Catholicism in Sweden. 
After some negotiation he accepted the " decrees of 
Upsala " as a condition of his coronation, which took place 
in 1594, at the hands of Swedish bishops, though his 
enemy, Archbishop Abraham, was not permitted to set the 
crown himself upon the king's head ; and in his corona- 
tion oath he promised to preserve the Swedish Church. 
He began, however, at once to break his promise, and to 
try and rule Sweden through Polish ministers, and to treat 
it as a dependency of Poland. 11 The result may be easily 
imagined; and step by step his hopes of success were 
blighted by the resistance of three out of the four estates, 
the clergy, burghers and peasants, although he had many 
adherents amongst the nobles, who knew that their interests 
lay in the weakness of the crown. It was the transference 
of the bishops and clergy as a body to the national side in 
politics which made all the difference in the new struggle 
against a Union sovereignty. All Sweden owes a debt of 
gratitude to them for their steadfastness, with few 
exceptions, in this crisis. 

The birth of Gustavus Adolphus in 1594 synchronized 
with another most important event for Sweden, the restora- 
tion of the University of Upsala. This was part of the 
movement for the defence and propagation of the prin- 
ciples of the Reformation, and with it was joined the over- 
sight of all the schools in the kingdom. The charter, 
dated 15th March, 1595, provided for the stipends of three 
professors of theology and four of philosophy, for their 
residence partly in old prebendal houses, and for a common 
table for forty students. 12 

11 Cp. C. R. L. Fletcher's Gustavus Adolphus, p. 12, G. P. 
Putnam and Sons, London and New York, 1907. 

12 Cp. the Postulata Clericorum addressed to Charles and the 
Council of State in 1595, Baaz, pp. 564 foil. 

§ 4— archbishop abraham and olaus martini. 265 

§ 4.— Riksdag of Soderkoping (1595). Harsh visita- 
tion of Archbishop Abraham. Battle of 
Stangebro (1598). Difficult position of 
Charles. Archbishop Abraham imprisoned, 
nlcolau's botniensis archbishop-elect of 
Upsala (1599 — 1600). Olaus Martini elected 
archbishop at the rlksdag of stockholm 
(1602). His CONSECRATION. 

In the autumn of the same year Charles took a more 
decisive step than before in convoking a Riksdag at Soder- 
koping, not only without the consent of Sigismund, but 
contrary to his previous prohibition (Geijer : pp. 190-1). 
This assembly, in which Charles obtained his wishes by a 
direct appeal to the people, decided that foreign dissenters 
from the evangelical religion were to be exiled from the 
kingdom, and this particularly concerned those at Stock- 
holm, Drottningholm and Vadstena. Swedes might re- 
main, provided they did not cause scandal. Vadstena was 
to be closed as a convent. Duke Charles was elected 
governor of the realm of Sweden, thus securing his 
superiority to the local governors, whom Sigismund had 
left depending on himself. Finally, two bishops were 
elected, Petrus Kenicius to Skara and Petrus Jonae 
Angermannus to Vexio. 13 

One of the results of the Riksdag of Soderkoping was 
the general visitation of all the dioceses in Sweden, under- 
taken by Archbishop Abraham under a commission from 
the duke. It was intended not only to punish offenders 
against morality and Church discipline, but also sectaries. 
It began in West Gothland in February, 1596. The arch- 
bishop's procedure was stern and vigorous; directly he had 
pronounced his judgment on offenders they were seized by 
his assistant " deacons," and punishment followed imme- 
diately. The commonest punishment was birching with a 

13 See Baaz : pp. 567-9. The Commission to Archbishop 
Abraham follows, dated Vadstena, 18th Dec, 1585 (pp. 571-2). 
Then the Archbishop's letter to the clergy (572-5). 

266 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 171S). 

rod, followed by the deluging of the delinquent by so many 
buckets of ice-cold water. So severe was this treatment 
that many of those who suffered it fell half dead. Excep- 
tional offences were punished with fines, which were partly 
paid to the cathedral, partly to the parish church. Whip- 
ping in churches at this time and later was not an uncom- 
mon punishment, and the archbishop defended himself on 
this ground against the charges of cruelty which were 
naturally made to the duke. But besides his severity, he 
seems to have acted imprudently and inconsiderately in 
regard to matters of marriage discipline, and to have been 
needlessly puritanical in his abolition of old usages, and to 
have also been the cause of much vandalism in regard to 
old monuments. 

From this time the Duke Charles and the archbishop 
were on bad terms. 

The duke was now in a position of direct resistance to 
one whom he had acknowledged as lawful king. He was 
not easy in it until the end of his life, for he had great 
reverence for his father's testament and for the hereditary 
principle. For himself he regularly took the title of 
" hereditary prince and governor," and (at a later date), 
when he allowed the publication of Christopher's land's- 
law, he made a change in the article de rege asserting the 
hereditary principle. On the other hand, he felt the 
necessity of resisting a government which brought back 
all the evils and weakness of the old Union period, and 
added to them the danger of a war of religion. His way 
was made clearer by the invasion of Sweden in 1598 by a 
Polish army and the defeat of Sigismund at Stangebro, 
near Linkoping. On this occasion, strange to say, Arch- 
bishop Abraham, who had long been at variance with the 
duke, turned round to support the king. In 1599 the 
estates announced the withdrawal of their allegiance from 
Sigismund as a papist, if he should ever return to Sweden. 
The case of Abraham was gone into, but the clergy, 
though ready to censure and suspend him, would not de- 


pose him. He was, however, kept in prison, and in his 
place his former rival, Nicolaus Botniensis, now first pro- 
fessor at Upsala, was elected, apparently by the estates 
(6th February, 1599), to be archbishop. 14 The election 
was certainly irregular, and Botniensis did not live long 
enough to be consecrated. A great deal of sympathy was 
felt for Archbishop Angermannus, whose loyalist prin- 
ciples were stronger than his religious instincts, just as 
Sancroft's were in 1688, and apparently he mistrusted the 
duke's theological position. He remained in prison till 
his death in 1608, supported in his sufferings by the 
affection of the' clergy <of his diocese. 

Botniensis died 18th May, 1600, being only about fifty 
years old, and was a great loss to Sweden. Angermannus 
was still in prison, but a new archbishop was chosen in the 
following year at the Riksdag in Stockholm in the person 
of another learned man, Olaus Martini. 15 He was son of 
the Bishop of Linkoping, Martinus Olai, King John's old 
opponent, who had been roughly deposed by the king, and 
took refuge under Duke Charles' protection. The new 
archbishop had been himself a student at Rostock, like 
Botniensis. He had preached at King Sigismund's coro- 
nation, and had for some years been pastor at Nykoping in 
the duchy of Sodermanland, and was, therefore, well 
known to the duke. The Chapter of Upsala now accepted 
this appointment, and Olaus was consecrated, as we learn 
from his funeral sermon, on the 16th August, 1601, and, 
as we learn from another authority, by Petrus Kenicius, 
Bishop of Skara, who afterwards succeeded him in the 
archbishopric. I am careful to state these facts, as doubt 
was cast upon the reality of his consecration by Anjou, and 
repeated by other Church historians, such as Norlin and 

I have myself had the opportunity of examining the 
Chapter Acts of Upsala, which agree with the date given 

14 Magnusson : I.e., pp. 156 foil. 

15 See P. E. Thyselius : Anteckningar om Olaus Martini, 1880. 

268 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

by the funeral sermon, and there seems really no doubt 
about it. 16 As Petrus Benedicti, of Linkoping, who was 
the senior bishop, had been the consecrator of Archbishop 
Abraham, it was perhaps natural that he should shrink 
from consecrating some one else during his life. 

§ 5. — Charles becomes king. His character and 
scruples. His semi-Calvinist position. His 
controversies with archbishop olaus mar- 
tini. John Forbes' disputation at Upsala 
(1608). Petrus Kenicius archbishop in 1609. 
Death of Charles (161 i). 

Duke Charles became king in 1604. He had waited to 
accept the title until his younger nephew, John, Sigis- 
mund's half-brother, son of Gunilla Bielke, had attained 
his majority. Charles had offered him the crown in order 
to satisfy his conscience, but the young prince prudently 

16 We owe to Dean Lundstrom the clearing up of these points. 
See his Skisser och Kritiker, p. 118 foil., and Kyrkohistorisk 
Arsskrift I. p. 269 foil. (1900) and VII. p. 267 foil., 1906. The 
funeral sermon was preached by J. Raumannus, and is still ex- 
tant. The day is also noted in Thomas Burseus' Diary for 1601. 
The name of the consecrator is given by E. M. Fant, De 
successione canonica et consecratione episcoporum Suecice, 
p. 12, Upsala, 1790. The Chapter Acts quite agree as to the day. 
The entry for nth July speaks of the consecration as future. On 
a later day we read that the bishops who were called to the in- 
auguration gave reasons for their not coming, and excused 
themselves. The chapter decreed that " Dominus electus " 
may enter upon his office (i.e., do such duties as a bishop-elect 
may do). It was decided that the bishops should be excused for 
not being present, but they were to be admonished to come at 
another time. The " inauguration " was fixed to take place 
"tempore S. Laurentii " — i.e., in the week following August 
10th. On Wednesday, 19th August, there is a record of a 
divorce case, "Lata est sententia divortii a R.D. Archiepis- 
copo." Evidently the consecration had taken place between 
the 10th and 19th August. It was naturally on Sunday, 16th 
August, the tenth Sunday after Trinity. The chapter met as 
usual the Wednesdav after. 


declined it. He was content to hold a Swedish dukedom, 
of which the principal part was East Gothland (Baaz : v. 
18). Charles was crowned in 1607, and the crown entailed 
upon his heirs, being Protestants. He published King 
Christopher's land's-law in 1608, and died in 161 1. 

Charles IX. was a man of restless energy, much of which 
he spent in theological controversy, and in plans for the 
revision of the catechism and the service book. He was a 
moderate, not an extreme Calvinist, and he himself pub- 
lished a catechism based on the famous conciliation 
catechism of Heidelberg, which had been drawn up in the 
Palatinate in 1563 by representatives of the school of 
Melanchthon and Calvin. Melanchthon himself, though 
he was strongly opposed to Calvin's doctrine of predestina- 
tion, had strongly deprecated the dogmatism of the high 
Lutherans on the mysterious subject of the ubiquity of our 
Lord's human nature and on the nature of our Lord's pre- 
sence in the sacrament. The Heidelberg Catechism (as 
Hardwick says) " steered away as far as possible from all 
(such) speculative topics." 17 

Charles may have been drawn to this formula by his 
German connections, 18 and perhaps by the hope that the 
spirit of Melanchthon, who was so much honoured in 
Sweden, might help him to carry through his more liberal 

He was, like his brother Eric, a hymn writer, and a 
writer of prayers, though he did not venture, like King 
John, to compose a liturgy. He was also anxious to revise 
the translation of the Bible. But he was still more a con- 
troversialist. He felt the Lutheran orthodox doctrine to 
be a heavy burden, especially its Eucharistic doctrine. 

The teaching of the Heidelberg Catechism on this point 

17 It may be found in the Sylloge Confessionum, pp. 327-361, 
Oxford, 1804. On its character see more in Hardwick : Re- 
formation, new edition, pp. 160 foil., 1880. 

18 His second wife, Christina, was granddaughter of Philip 
the Magnanimous, Landgrave of Hesse. 

270 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

is certainly different from the rigid Lutheran, and seems to 
suggest that there is a parallel but distinct spiritual feeding 
on the body and blood of Christ of which the feeding on 
the outward signs is symbolic. How far there is a neces- 
sary connection between the two does not clearly appear, 
but it seems to be intended in one of the answers. 19 In 
many ways and at many times Charles tried to get out of 
personal acknowledgment of the Augsburg Confession, 
and he resented the imposition of the agreement of the 
Upsala-mote as a new Church law. In some respects he 
was before his age in the assertion of the duty of toleration 
and in his defence of the use of human reason in religious 

These opinions brought him into conflict with the pro- 
fessors of Upsala, and especially with the new archbishop, 
who was destined to spend nearly his whole time in con- 
troversy with the king, who had been his father's friend 
and protector. He was a strong self-controlled and able 
man, who replied with dignity to the king's books, and let 
nothing pass unanswered. He is described as one of the 
finest figures in Swedish history, and to him is due the 
result that the unanimity of 1593 did not dissolve into chaos 
and unsettlement. To the king appertains the great merit 
of refraining from the use of force in matters of conscience, 
although his hands were deeply dyed in the blood of his 
political enemies. 

One of the controversies which were promoted by the 
king is more interesting to us than that in which Micronius, 

19 Q- 79 (PP- 346-7) asks why Christ called the bread His body 
and the cup His blood. It is not only to shew us that His body 
and blood are the food and drink of our soul, " but much more, 
to certify us by this visible sign and pledge that we are no less 
truly partakers of His body and blood, by the operation of the 
Holy Spirit, than that we receive these sacred symbols, in 
memory of Him, by our bodily mouth : and, further, that His 
passion and obedience are as certainly ours, as if we had suffered 
punishment for our sins and made satisfaction to God our- 


his Calvinist chaplain, was engaged in the early days of 
Olaus Martini. I refer, of course, to the disputation held 
at Upsala, 17th November, 1608, in which the Scotsman, 
John Forbes, was the champion. He was a well-known 
man of the family of the Lairds of Corse, and he owed his 
invitation to Sweden probably to his brother Arthur, who 
was a distinguished officer in the Swedish service in this 
and the next reign, and afterwards became Earl of Granard 
in Ireland. John Forbes had been moderator of the Aber- 
deen Assembly of July, 1605, and had, in consequence, 
been imprisoned and exiled by King James. Since then 
he had been pastor of an English and Scotch congregation 
at Middleburg and Delft. He was met at Upsala by the 
archbishop and other professors in the presence of some 
lords of the council, and a great multitude of students. As 
he entered the hall he might have conjectured the sort of 
reception he would encounter, from a Latin epigram fas- 
tened to the lecture notice-board, in which his name was 
punningly interpreted as "sheep-biter." 20 

For a whole day he contended against these odds with all 
the courage of his family, his nation and his faith. He 
asserted that he did not come to convert Sweden, but to 
explain and defend the religion of his own country. But 
he proclaimed the Calvinistic doctrine of absolute election 
and reprobation without flinching, to the great scandal of 
his audience. The archbishop ended: " Irenaeus records 
that the old Germans closed their ears when they heard 
abuse of God. So we too confess that our ears are tired out 

20 See Baaz, lib. V., cc. 16 and 17. The epigram was (p. 
624) :— 

Forbesius praesto est : ne mordeat ille cavete 
Quos Christus sancta morte redemit oves. 

Forbesius nostra nam lingua denotat ilium, 

Balantem mordens qui vorat ore gregem. 

I presume that the Swedish word intended is "far-bitare," 
" sheep-biter." Ch. 16 contains the disputation, ch. 17 Forbes' 
theses. See also Th. Norlin : Johannes Rudbeckius, Bihang, 
pp. 56 foil., Upsala, i860. 

2?2 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS ( 1593—1718). 

with hearing the abuse of God which has been uttered by 
this stranger. Let us pray God that He may convert this 
misguided man." Forbes courteously replied, with un- 
daunted pertinacity : " May God convert us all !" Forbes' 
ability was admired by the Swedes, but they were glad to 
find that he had no answer to one of Professor Peter Rud- 
beckius' arguments, and hence they sometimes use the 
proverb " Ad haec Forbesius nihil." 21 

The king, however, was not pleased with the crude 
Calvinism of his champion, and Forbes shortly afterwards 
left the kingdom. He returned with a union project in 
1610, but it proved useless. He died in 1634. 22 

It is pleasant to contrast with this the delightful welcome 
given to one of our party, Dr. A. J. Mason, Vice-Chan- 
cellor of Cambridge University, by the professors and 
students of the same university of Upsala, when he came, 
not to convert Sweden, but to expound the position of the 
Church of England on 22nd September, 1909. 

Olaus Martini died in 1609, only fifty-two years of age, 
the year after the disputation at Upsala. He was a dili- 
gent preacher, especially in his cathedral, and lectured 
regularly also to the students. He was succeeded by the 
Bishop of Skara, Petrus Kenicius (1555 — 1636), who had 
been one of the professors who suffered in the disputes 
about the liturgy. Charles IX. died in 161 1, and the arch- 
bishop continued in office during the whole of the succeed- 
ing reign, that of Gustavus Adolphus, whom he crowned 
in 1617. He was a zealous and diligent man, and did 
much to stimulate the king's generosity towards the 
university ; but in his old age the diocese of Upsala fell 
behind those of his younger contemporaries. He died in 
1636, having been archbishop for twenty-seven years, that 
is far the next longest period to Laurentius Petri Nericius. 

21 Norlin proves that this was not the famous John Rudbeckius 
(as Baaz and others have it), but probably his brother, Peter. 

22 Norlin, pp. 62-3, mentions the second visit. On Forbes 
generally see Diet, of National Biography, s.n. The article, 
strangely enough, contains no notice of this disputation. 

§ 6.— some eminent leaders. 273 

§ 6. — The great kings and the great bishops. The 
Stormaktstid (16 18— i 7 18). Character of 
Gustavus Adolphus. Johannes Bothvidi 
and I'SAAc Rothovius. Rudbeckius and 
the humanists, messenius and stiernhielm. 
Rudbeckius and Gustavus Adolphus. Judaism 


The most striking feature of the " Stormaktstid " of 
Sweden, that period of exactly a hundred years, from the 
outbreak of the Thirty Years' War in 1618 to the death 
of Charles XII. in 17 18, to which its people naturally most 
readily turn back, and on which they dwell with lingering 
affection, is the eminence of certain of its leaders, and in 
particular its kings and its bishops. As regards the kings 
greatness may be ascribed to all of them — to Charles IX., 
the somewhat reluctant saviour of Lutheranism in Sweden, 
who, as it were, ushers in the period, and, above all, to his 
son Gustavus Adolphus, the saviour of Protestantism in 
Europe; 23 to Charles X., though he is less known than the 
others; to Charles XL, the reformer of the constitution, 
both of Church and State; and to Charles XII., the best 
known of all, next to Gustavus Adolphus. Their reigns 
make up the period when Sweden not only took the lead 
in the Thirty Years' War, which ended with the peace of 
Westphalia in 1648, but controlled the Baltic and extended 
its dominions to the widest area ever reached by it in 
historical times. 

Let me, in reference to the greatest of these sovereigns, 
make my own some closing words of Mr. Fletcher's attrac- 
tive biography of Gustavus Adolphus. After describing 
his fatal wound, at the Battle of Liitzen, 6th (14th) Novem- 
ber, 1632, and his last words to the cuirassiers who rode 
up to inquire the name of the fallen man : " I am the King 
of Sweden, who do seal the religion and liberty of the 

23 Prof. Harald Hjarne's Gustav Adolf der Retter des Pro- 
testantismus in Pastor Werckshagen's composite illustrated 
work Der Protestantismus, Vol. 1, pp. 141-168. It is translated 
by Kammer-Rat E. Jonas, of Berlin. 


274 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

German nation with my blood," he recounts the extra- 
ordinary effort of his army to avenge their fallen leader. 
Then he sums up: " If I were asked to find a parallel to 
him among those who have controlled the destinies of the 
world, I should pitch upon Saint Louis, King of France 
— in whom also were combined the three greatest qualities 
of a ruler of men — justice, courage and devotion. Saint 
Louis, being born out of due time, lacked the fourth great 
quality which was so largely displayed in Gustavus, a 
quality or virtue which is indeed in itself but a daughter 
of justice — tolerance. The true glory of the King of 
Sweden was that he was the champion of Protestantism. 
Protestantism, though here and there it has been in- 
tolerant, and has used its triumphs unmercifully, has 
always led to freedom, and freedom to toleration. And 
toleration has been the great — the only really great — 
achievement of the modern world." ..." What was 
his character? . . . Simple, brave, passionate, truthful, 
devout; with the highest sense of his kingly dignity, and a 
yet higher sense of his great mission on earth, it is not 
unfair to say of him that he had a single eye to the work 
God had given him to do. More cannot be said of any 

"What were his aims? This has always been a great 
problem. But if any one may be supposed to have known 
his mind it surely was Axel Oxtenstiern, with whom, dur- 
ing his whole reign, he lived upon terms of intimacy so 
affectionate [as] to be very uncommon between great men 
of equal rank, but rare indeed between a subject and his 
sovereign. And all Oxenstiern's utterances on the sub- 
ject have the same ring : ' A great Scandinavian Empire 
if you will. The Baltic and the Baltic coasts for Sweden. 
But not the crown of the Holy Roman Empire.' Then 
he finely concludes as to the effects of his death on Ger- 
many. ' It sanctified a cause which the German princes 
themselves had only known how to betray. He had been 
the first to set a bound to the tyranny which Germany was 
powerless to resist, and which would, if not resisted, have 


spread far beyond Germany, even far beyond distant 
Sweden. And for that reason Germany, Sweden and 
mankind count him among their heroes.' " 

For Sweden the whole century (1618— 1718), of which 
the reigns of Gustavus Adolphus and Charles XII. were 
the epical or heroic periods, was a time of great expansion, 
followed by one of serious depression and poverty — a cen- 
tury in which foreign wars and internal political changes 
figure largely, and I can make no attempt even to trace 
them in outline. But what I shall attempt to do is to give 
some idea of the great bishops who were conspicuous in 
this century, and who impart to it a very peculiar 

At the time when Charles IX. died the old and tried 
leaders had passed and the stage was left clear, as when 
Svante Sture died, about 151 1, to men of a younger genera- 
tion. Gustavus himself was only eighteen, and his great 
minister, Axel Oxenstierna, was, at the age of twenty-eight, 
a controlling power in European politics. The greatest 
generals of the wars that followed were not yet thirty years 
of age. It was so to some extent in the Church. The 
archbishop was fifty-four years old ; but Laurentius 
Paulinus Gothus, Bishop of Strengnas, was ten years 
younger, and Johannes Rudbeckius, the greatest Church- 
man of the period, afterwards Bishop of Vesteras, was only 

The vigour of these young men, especially Rudbeckius 
and Laurentius Paulinus Gothus, did much to help Sweden 
to take the foremost place in the religious struggle which 
followed. Gustavus Adolphus supported the Augsburg 
Confession, and allied himself with the Church as he found 
it. Johannes Rudbeckius was possessed with the spirit 
almost of an Old Testament prophet, and he and two other 
military chaplains (Johannes Bothvidi and Isaac Rotho- 
vius) were men of strong character, as well as great preach- 
ing power. They contributed not a little to form the spirit 
of the Swedish army, which anticipated and probably ex- 
celled that of Cromwell's Ironsides and the Scottish 

276 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

Covenanters. You will not forget the close connection at 
this time between Great Britain and Sweden, which is 
exemplified in the life of Alexander Leslie, first Earl of 
Leven. He was one of many Scotsmen serving under the 
King of Sweden, who had at one time three Scotch and two 
English regiments in his army. Leslie, after thirty years' 
distinguished service abroad, returned to Scotland to be its 
most influential general and leader up to the time of his 
death in 1661. Nor will you forget that those remarkable 
books, The Swedish Intelligencer, and its companion, The 
Szvedish Discipline, were two of the most popular books 
in England in the reign of Charles I. 24 

Of the three court and army chaplains whom I have 
named Johannes Bothvidi stood perhaps closest, and cer- 
tainly longest, of all in the confidence of the king, for 
whom he had a great affection, and the king was sorry to 
part with him to the diocese of Linkoping in 163 1, the year 
before his own death. His work there was short, but 
valuable. He died in 1635. 

Isaac Rothovius, son of a Smaland peasant, had a longer 
and more striking career as Bishop of Abo in Finland for 
twenty-five years (1627 — 1652). He came there as a 
stranger, and he ruled the diocese with a hand of iron, more 
like a military chieftain, it was said, than a bishop. But 
Finland needed discipline, and responded to it. Priests 
and people were both addicted to drink. Life and speech 
were very rough, and witchcraft largely prevailed. 
Rothovius' rules of discipline were severe. Whoever 
absented himself from church for three Sundays without 
necessity was fined three dollars. Whoever ate before 
divine service, one dollar. Priests who neglected their 
duty were subject to fine, or imprisonment in the chapter's 
prison, or finally to deposition. 

24 See C. R. L. Fletcher's Gustavus Adolphus, pp. 112-4. On 
page vi. he says : "In the library of the immortal Miles 
Standish the Swedish Intelligencer stood side by side with the 
Bible." This may have been so; but Longfellow, in his Court- 
ship of Miles Standish, gives that honour to two other books. 


On the other hand, Rothovius was a great and a powerful 
preacher, and he preached from Scripture. During his 
twenty-five years' previous pastorate at Nykoping he had 
preached more than 3,000 times (3,183), and had covered 
great part of the Old and New Testament. He was a 
founder of schools, and transformed the cathedral school 
into a gymnasium with six teachers in 1630. In 1640 he 
prevailed upon Per Brahe, who had been one of Gustavus' 
principal generals, and was now general-governor of Fin- 
land — a man of noble character — to found the University 
of Abo. In the year 1642 the first printing press was 
established in Finland, and the Bible appeared in the Fin- 
nish language. When Rothovius died in 1652 he had 
learnt to love the people whom he had at first ruled so 
sternly as a stranger, and they had learnt to love him, and 
he was greatly mourned. 25 

But the most striking personality of all the great bishops 
was without doubt that of Johannes Rudbeckius, member 
of a strong family. Like the two reformers, he was born 
at Orebro, whither his father had migrated from Rudbeck 
in Holstein. He was professor of Upsala first of mathe- 
matics, then of Hebrew, then of divinity. At the Univer- 
sity he had a terrible quarrel with a learned brother 
professor, John Messenius (c. 1579 — 1636), and both were 
wisely removed by the king from a place where they had 
troubled others as well as themselves by their discord. 
Rudbeckius became court preacher and Messenius was 
made head of the archives at Stockholm, where he was in his 
right place. Messenius is worthy of notice as almost the 
earliest antiquary in Sweden, where he was only just pre- 
ceded by John Bureus (1568 — 1652), the first inquirer into 
the runes, and the first editor of an old Swedish manu- 
script, the Konungastyrelse. Messenius was the founder 
of the learned school of Swedish history and antiquities, 
and had something in him of our Archbishop Parker, our 

25 See Elis Bergroth : Den Finska Kyrkans Historia, pp. 
103-9, Helsingfors [1892]. Rothovius' brother, Jonas Birgeri, 
was "superintendent" in Kalmar, 1618 — 1625. 

278 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

Camden and our Dugdale. He was, like Parker and his 
own contemporary Bureus, a collector of old national 
manuscripts. Like Camden, he was a historian of his own 
country, and his Scondia Illustrata 2G rivals, and, perhaps 
excels, our Britannia. Like Dugdale, he was studious of 
the details of personal history and of ancient monuments, 
though he left nothing so important as the Monasticon. 

His sympathies were doubtless with the old religion, of 
which he was suspected, with justice, of being an adherent, 
and which he openly professed before his death. But he 
was a critical and conscientious historian, and judged his 
predecessors and contemporaries without party spirit. Be- 
sides his antiquarian tastes, he was a dramatist of much 
repute in his own age. Both he and Rudbeckius had this 
in common that they were humanists and opposed to the 
revived Scholasticism, and Messenius won the affection of 
his undergraduates by teaching them how to act. His 
Disa takes its name from a legendary queen or goddess, 
whose yearly fair, the " Disting," is a marked event in the 
city of Upsala. It was a good play for acting, though he 
had little poetry or power of drawing character. Unfortu- 
nately he had an overweening opinion of his own talents, 
and wrote his epitaph in Swedish as follows : — 

" Here lie the bones of Doctor John Messenius; 
His soul's above : the world proclaims his genius." 27 

As I am speaking of humanist writings, I will just notice 
another much better poet, the Dalecarlian George Stiern- 
hielm, whose life was also closely connected with that of 
Rudbeckius, but who stood in a much happier relation to 
him as a trusted teacher in his gymnasium. He was 
another of the encyclopaedic minds of Sweden, being 

26 It was published long after his death by Peringskiold, 
1700— 1705. 

27 Har under hvila sig Doctoris Johannis Messenii ben : 
Sjiilen i Guds rike; men ryktet kring hela verlden. 

I am afraid that the first line is intended for an hexameter. 
Notice the rhyme in the pentameter. 


famous as a mathematician, a lawyer, a philologist, a 
Platonist or Neo-platonist, as well as a poet. His quasi- 
epic poem of Hercules is written in a really good style, in 
well-turned hexameters, easy and flowing; and although it 
requires a glossary, much as Chaucer does, it can be read 
with great pleasure, and would repay translation into Eng- 
lish. In it the old fable of the choice of Hercules is retold 
in an original way for the benefit of the young men of 
Queen Christina's and Charles X.'s court. 28 

The most prominent character, Pleasure (Fru Lusta), 
has three daughters, Lattia, Kattia and Flattia, whose 
allurements are described in a lively and sometimes comic 
manner, which shows something of Chaucer's power of 
local adaptation of an old theme. The praise of Virtue 
rings out strong and genuine, but it is not so vividly and 
dramatically expressed. Nevertheless her picture stands 
out before us as a bright ideal of womanhood, bred in the 
open air, according to the best traditions of Swedish home 
life, and worthy of a good man's lasting love. She is 
introduced as 

a faithful generous goddess, 
Modestly holding herself in gait, of worshipful presence, 
Weighty of speech, of earnest mien and noble in aspect, 
Brown under eyes and burnt with the sunshine, slight in her 

Pure in her dress, snow-white, all clad in glistering silver, 
Plain and clean and serene in the old-world fashion of honour. 

But though Messenius and Stiernhielm deserve notice 
for their writings, Rudbeckius stands out above all his 
contemporaries for strength of action. He first showed 
Sweden what an active bishop who gave himself to his 
diocese could be like. In earlier life he did good service in 
the court and in the field, as Norlin shows in an excellent 
sketch of his life, of which I have been only able to obtain a 

28 It was printed apparently first in 1658, but had been read in 
MS. in 1648, and was probably then five or six years older. See 
/. S. L. H., i., p. 322. There is an excellent selection from 
Stiernhielm : Valda Skrifter, ed. Fr. Tamm, Upsala, 1903, 
with glossary. 

2 8o VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

part. 29 His remonstrance with the young king (delivered 
on 20th June, 1617), urging him to break off from the sins 
of his youth, does honour to his courage as a court chap- 
lain, and seems to have been well received by the king. 30 
In the same year Rudbeckius was named by him one of 
the first four doctors of theology ever promoted in the 

In 1618 Rudbeckius was sent by the king to inquire into 
the Schism which existed at Vesteras, where the bishop, 
Bellinus, was 103 years old. This appears to have been a 
kind of Judaism. The accounts of this strange delusion, 
almost unparalleled in modern Church history, remind us 
somewhat of the condition of things presupposed by St. 
Paul's Epistle to the Colossians. The movement may 
have arisen among the Jews at Archangel or in Poland. I 
suppose that it spread from Finland through Upper 
Sweden and Dalarne, and down to the South as far as 
Smaland. It affected many priests, as well as peasants 
and citizens, and it consisted not merely in observance of 
the Sabbath, but in a multitude of dreams and visions in 
which revelations were given by angels. Visions of angels 
indeed had nothing necessarily heretical about them, and 
readers of Bishop Svedberg's life may remember the 

29 Johannes Rudbeckius, Biskop i Vesterds, af Theodor 
Norlin, Upsala, i860. The first half, down to his consecration 
as bishop, 28th January, 1619, was published at Upsala, i860. 
The second half is in the Nordisk Tidskrift (1869), pp. 129 foil., 
but I have not seen it. The life in the Biographiskt Lexicon, 
signed P., is useful. Cp. N. Soderblom in Sertum philolo- 
gicum Carolo F. Johansson oblatum, pp. 70 foil., Goteborg, 
1910, on the scarce Privilegia Doctorum. 

80 Mr. Fletcher (Gust. Ad., p. 40) does not seem to have been 
aware of this remonstrance, which is couched in general lan- 
guage, and recommends marriage. It was perhaps caused 
by the liaison with a Dutch lady, Margaret Cabeliau, who was 
mother of Count Gustaf Gustafsson of Vasaborg, born in 1616. 
But that liaison does not seem to have stood alone. See 
Norlin : I.e., p. 50. Gustavus married in 1620 the daughter of 
Sigismund, elector of Brandenburg. He was not allowed to 
wed Ebba Brahe, his own choice. 


curious vision which he had when a young man of an 
angel, who advised him what books to buy and study. 
Such visions seem to be characteristic of Sweden. But the 
Vesteras Sabbatarians were sadly led astray by theirs. 
They rejected the New Testament, denied the Saviour, and 
ridiculed the Sacraments and the Resurrection. The move- 
ment had appeared in Vesteras as early as 1597, when a 
citizen and a peasant were put on their trial, and the latter 
condemned to death. 81 

§ 7. — rudbeckius in his diocese. hls energy and 
•success. Resists the king's plan for a 
Consistorium Generate. 

This commission was Rudbeckius' introduction to the 
diocese in which he was to spend the remaining twenty- 
seven years of his life. He was consecrated Bishop of 
Vesteras, 28th January, 1619, in Linkoping Cathedral, 
where the king had gone to attend the funeral of a sister. 
Immediately afterwards the king ordered the bishops who 
were present to inquire into the case of three Judaizers from 
Vesteras, one of whom was handed over by the spiritual 
court to the secular arm for suitable punishment, and was 
put to death. Similar fanatics continued to appear at 
various times until a much later date. 

Rudbeckius did a wonderful work in the period of his 
episcopate. He first turned his attention to the cathedral, 
built by Birger Jarl about 1270, in the place of an older 
one. It was now in a ruinous condition, and the new 
bishop re-roofed it with copper. He founded and liberally 
organised the first gymnasium or high school for boys ever 

31 On Judaism in Sweden see Baaz : Inventarium, lib. vi., c. 
16, and vii., 7; Norlin : I.e., pp. 53-4 and Kyrkans Hist, efter 
Ref., 2, pp. 249 foil., and Cornelius : Hist., § 140. For a cor- 
rection of some mistakes about the subject see Otto Ahnfelt's 
Tidskrift for teologi, 3, p. 288 (1893). He explains Article 7 of 
the Ordinantia of 1540 — 1541, and Gustaf Vasa's often quoted 
letter to the Finns of the 3rd December, 1554, as referring to 
the cultus of the Blessed Virgin Mary, to whom Saturday was 
particularly dedicated. 

2S2 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

established in Sweden, and connected it with the University 
of Upsala. It was not, however, merely a school for boys, 
but contained provision for the training of clergy, and was 
perhaps the first diocesan theological college ever instituted 
in a Protestant country. He had indeed, I suppose, a 
dream of founding a university of his own, and he may 
have wished to emulate his old colleague, Rothovius, who 
succeeded in getting such an institution established in 

He gave the gymnasium a library, and especially fur- 
nished it with musical books, which were, till that time, 
rare in Sweden. He attracted to it good teachers, besides 
Stiernhielm, of whom I have already spoken, many of 
whom went out as head teachers into other parts of the 
country. He founded a botanical garden. He set up a 
printing press furnished with Hebrew and Greek, as well 
as Latin and Swedish types. He established a girls' 
school, with free education and board for the students. 
The teachers were married ladies, who taught domestic 
economy as well as other subjects. He also assisted in the 
foundation of an orphanage, in which children were fed, 
clothed and taught. But both of these institutions un- 
fortunately fell into decay after his death. Many other 
schools in the country and in the town of Fahlun owed 
much to him. He rebuilt the hospital, or poor house, and 
went into all the details of its economy himself. Fie also 
rebuilt the consistorium or meeting hall for the clergy, 
which is still called the Nya Kapitlet. He was not, how- 
ever, b)' any means content with this creation of institu- 
tions and buildings. He was a law-giver to his diocese, 
and established the system of Church registers, which has 
now become universal in Sweden, and is one of the most 
striking external features of Swedish clerical life. In 
many ways indeed the diocese of Vesteras, under Rud- 
beckius, became a model to the whole country. During 
his visitation journeys he made complete maps and topo- 
graphical descriptions of all the parishes, and inventories 


of all Church goods, possessions and revenues. He kept 
lists also of living persons, whether vicious or necessitous, 
unworthy or worthy, and was careful to direct the charity 
of others into good channels. He divided parishes and 
created a number of chaplaincies or district churches, and 
in all ways showed himself a good and laborious bishop. 
But his energy was not confined to his diocese. He was 
sent by the king to visit the continental provinces of 
Esthonia and Livonia, which were in an almost heathen 
condition, while polygamy and idolatry were practised 
almost openly. He went on this journey in 1627, but the 
consistorium and the town council in Reval, the capital of 
Livonia, so resisted him, on the grounds of their privileged 
independence, that he could do but little. In Sweden itself 
he attended all the seventeen Riksdagar that were held 
during his episcopate. 

I have said that he was a member of a strong family. 
He was one of three brothers who survived the plague in 
which their father died. One of them, Petrus, was pro- 
fessor at Upsala, where he took part in the colloquy with 
Forbes ; another, Jacob, was rector of the high school at 
Stockholm. He had himself fifteen children by one wife, 
of whom three became bishops, Nicolas of Vesteras, 
Johannes of Narva and Petrus of Skara. Another, Olaus, 
was a great botanist, famous in the history of the Univer- 
sity of Upsala, author of the wonderful Atlantica. His 
son, another Olaus, was also an excellent botanist. The 
elder Olaus reckoned that his grandfather's family had 
increased to 397 persons in three generations. 32 

Such a man naturally had the support of the king, and 
he received much assistance in his great plans from him 
and from the nobility ; but his personality and individuality 
were in the end too pronounced for co-operation with the 
king in his plans for the reform of the Church. The king 
saw the necessity of a stronger central government for the 
Church, since every diocese had its own usages, cere- 

3a Norlin : Joh. Rudbeckius, p. 6 n. 

284 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

monies, prayer books and hymn books. Each bishop with 
his consistorium, or chapter, was a law to himself. Those 
who wish to trace the history of the revival and reconstruc- 
tion of the Swedish chapters in the seventeenth century 
may do so in a learned treatise by Professor Hjalmar 
Holmquist, who, of course, draws attention to the German 
influence which is implied in the word " Consistorium." 33 
In the time of which I am now speaking the lay element in 
these revived chapters was small, and the principle in- 
volved in its presence was perhaps not perceived. 

But the king wished to have a " Consistorium Generale " 
for the whole kingdom, which was to superintend the whole 
Church. It was to be the court of appeal in all cases 
between bishops and priests, to have the oversight of 
academies, schools, hospitals, etc., to examine candidates 
for benefices in royal patronage and others, and to watch 
over the purity of doctrine. It was to consist of twelve 
members, the archbishop, and the bishops of Strengnas 
and Vesteras (that is the three whose see-cities were on 
Lake Malar, and, therefore, within easy reach of Stock- 
holm), the chief court chaplain, the pastor primarius of 
Stockholm, and the chief theological professor of Upsala — 
and six laymen. The latter were the high steward, two 
councillors of state and three others. It was to meet 
every year at Stockholm. 

This project was, however, stoutly resisted by Rudbeck- 
ius and the other bishops, especially Laurentius Paulinus 
Gothus, Bishop of Strengnas (1609 — 1636), and not less, 
we may suppose, by those of the more distant sees. On 
the king's side, however, were many of the lower clergy, 
led by Dr. Johannes Matthiae, who, after a long residence 
in England and Holland, had come to love the tolerance 
which there prevailed. In 1629 Matthias became court 
chaplain, and followed Gustavus in the Thirty Years' 
War. The resistance, nevertheless, of the bishops was so 

33 See De Svenska Domkapitlens forvandling till Larare- 
kapitel, 1 57 1 — 1687, Upsala, 1908, esp. pp. 54-62. 


great that the king had to give way, and the plan was held 
in suspense. The bishops took their stand on the rights of 
the spirituality, and urged that political persons had no 
business to intermeddle in the government of the Church. 
The king then tried another plan of excluding all bishops 
and having a council of thirteen priests from the city and 
neighbourhood of Stockholm. But neither this nor 
another suggestion from the other side were agreed upon, 
and the matter was suspended. The king's death left the 
government in the hands of the chancellor, Axel Oxen- 
stierna, as regent on behalf of the young queen, Christina, 
and he had other difficulties to contend with. The bishops 
did not deny that some central control was necessary, but 
they desired to find it in the separate meeting of the estate 
of the clergy at the time of the Riksdag, something like 
the Convocation in England, which was very much in their 
own hands. This was called the " Consistorium Regni." 

§ 8. — Laurentius Paulinus Gothus archbishop. His 
synods and visitations. johannes matthl£. 
The Lapland Mission. The colony of New 
Sweden. Formation of new dioceses. 

In the meantime the example of Rudbeckius' diocesan 
administration was being followed elsewhere. He had un- 
fortunately fallen out with the regency and the nobility on 
account of the hierarchical pretensions put forth in his 
Privilegia Doctorum (above n. 29). So when old Arch- 
bishop Petrus Kenicius died in February, 1636, his candi- 
dature for the see of Upsala was not approved by the Gov- 
ernment. The clergy on the whole were in favour of Rud- 
beckius or the Provost of Upsala, Lenaeus. But, after 
various attempts at election, the Council of State took the 
matter into its hands, and declared that Laurentius 
Paulinus Gothus, Bishop of Strengnas, was elected. He 
was not indeed anxious for the place, and objections were 
raised by the clergy of Upsala and the other candidates. 
But, in the end, the choice of the Government prevailed, 
and just eighteen months after the death of Kenicius, 

286 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

Laurentius made his solemn entry into the cathedral of 
Upsala (12th July, 1637). 34 1° September of the same year 
he delivered a long oration on the principles on which he 
was about to govern the diocese, which had recently been 
much neglected. The two principal instruments were to 
be meetings of clergy and visitations. He introduced, that 
is to say, the methods which he and Rudbeckius had 
already used with so much effect at Strengnas and 
Vesteras. 35 He determined to hold, and did hold, an 
annual synod of clergy, of which the records are preserved 
to us. 36 

Laurentius was also, like Rudbeckius, a great educator, 
and had founded the second gymnasium in Sweden in his 
old cathedral city. His Ethica Christiana in seven 
volumes (161 7 — 1630) is a sort of encyclopaedia on social, 
moral, and political questions. " From his biography," 
says Schiick, " more than from anywhere else it becomes 
clear what an ineffaceable debt of gratitude Swedish culture 
owes to the Lutheran Church ; not only our country's 
universities and schools, but the education of the lowest 
class grew up under the affectionate protection of that 
Church." 87 

Even greater work was done for popular education and 
catechizing by Johannes Matthias, the most eminent 
teacher in Sweden during the seventeenth century, the 
tutor of Christina and the friend of Comenius, the famous 
Moravian bishop. He was an Upsala professor, who be- 
came Bishop of Strengnas in 1643, and lived on till 1670. 

34 See the full account of these proceedings in Laurentius 
Paulinus Gothus, hans Lif och Verksamhet, by H. Lundstrom, 
pt. 3, pp. 18-29. 

35 The heads of his address are given by Baaz : lib. viii., c. 
10, and also the Constitutions, which he passed at his first meet- 
ing of the clergy, and sent round to other bishops as desirable 
to be adopted elsewhere. 

36 See Svenska Synodalakter jran Upsala Arkestiftet, 1526 — 
1800, af H. Lundstrom, Uppsala, 1908, esp. pp. 35-37 These 
annual synods were continued by his successor, Provost 

37 Quoted by Dean Lundstrom in his Life of Laurentius, 
p 124, Upsala, 1893, which is full of careful detail. 


I shall speak presently of the efforts for conciliation in 
matters of faith and doctrine which are so closely connected 
with his name. 

But vigorous administration was not confined to the old 
centres. The mission to Lapland, where Charles IX. had 
founded several churches, was taken up with renewed 
energy in the time of Gustavus. It owed much to the 
statesman, Count John Skytte, founder of a professorship 
at Upsala, and a school at Alem, north of Kalmar, who, in 
163 1, also founded and endowed an important school at 
Lycksele in the province of Vesterbotten, to which both 
Gustavus and Christina granted charters. 38 

The expansion of Sweden, which was so remarkable 
nearer home in the Baltic countries to the east and south, 
also now began in a westward direction, by the foundation 
of the colony of New Sweden on the Delaware River in the 
new world. Two Swedish vessels landed on the site of the 
modern Wilmington in 1637 — 1638, where Fort Christina 
was built, and a treaty made with the Iroquois Indians. 

In 1643 Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna gave some remark- 
able instructions to Governor Printz, desiring him to treat 
the Indians with humanity and respect, and to try to con- 
vert them to Christianity and a good life. These instruc- 
tions clearly were the basis of William Penn's wise policy 
a little later. 

In 1646 the first Lutheran church was built near the site 
of Philadelphia, and somewhat later Luther's Little Cate- 
chism was translated into the Indian language. As the 
colony had to submit first to the Dutch and then to the 
English little was done for it by the Church at home. 
Charles XL, towards the end of the century, paid indeed 
some attention to this settlement, and so did Archbishop 
Svebilius, and more, particularly, Bishop Svedberg of 
Skara. Svedberg, who also had charge of the congrega- 
tion in London, worked in harmony with Bishop Henry 
Compton, of London (1675 — I 7 I 3)> wno had charge of our 

38 See Johannes Schefterus' Lapponia, chap. 8, 1673. I have 
used the interesting English edition, Oxford, 1674, where both 
the charters may be found. 

2S8 VI— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

colonial churches. Thus we read in the diary of the 
Swedish pastor, Bjork, of Wilmington : " We have always 
been counselled and instructed from Sweden to maintain 
friendship and unity with the English, so that we and 
the English Church shall not reckon each other as dis- 
senters . . . but as sister Churches." Similarly, Andrew 
Rudman, founder of the old " Gloria Dei " Swedes 
Church at Philadelphia, which I visited with considerable 
emotion on the 23rd September, is described on his tomb- 
stone as " a Constant Faithful Preacher in the English, 
Swedes and Dutch Churches, eleven years in this 
country," where he died 17th September, 1708, aged forty. 
It is said that he " performed the functions of a clergyman 
of the English congregation for near two years during the 
absence of their own clergyman." 39 

Gustavus Adolphus had been beaten in his attempt to 
establish a centralized government of the Church, but the 
need of it did not cease. Indeed, it was more and more 
felt because of the distant countries round the Baltic which 
were united to the Crown of Sweden, and which it was 
desired to attach to the Church, so as to make the union 
closer. A number of new dioceses were, however, erected 
in this period. Viborg, in Finland, in 1618; Goteborg as 
a superintendency in 1620, with a bishopric in 1665; Karl- 
stad and Hernosand in 1647 — first as superintendencies and 
later as bishoprics (1772). Narva, in the Baltic province 
of Ingermanland, was a superintendency from 1641 to 1704, 
where several important Swedes — e.g., a Rudbeckius and 
a Gezelius — were bishops. In 1645 the island of Gotland 
and the diocese of Visby were at last permanently attached 
to Sweden. In 1658, after the successful war of Charles 
X., and the treaty of Roskilde which followed, Lund 
became a Swedish bishopric. Its university was founded 
in 1666. 

39 For Bjork see Records of the Holy Trinity Swedes Church, 
Wilmington, Delaware, from 1697 to 1 773, P- 143 (Hist. Soc. 
of Del., 1890), and for Rudman see Prof. Kahn's Travels in 
Pinkerton's Voyages, xiii., 388, Lond., 1808. 


§ 9. — Movement for an evangelical confederation. 
David Pareus (1548 — 1622). Hugo Grotius 
(1583 — 1645). George Calixtus (1586 — 1656). 
John Durie (1596 — 1680). His connection 
with English bishops, Davenant, etc. His 
visit to Sweden (1636 — 1638). Davenant's 
little book. durie's ill success. quarrel 
with rudbeckius. the clergy demand his 
expulsion. After-effects on Prussia. 

We have now to turn our attention to a widespread 
movement in Northern and Western Europe towards a 
confederation in religious matters between the Evangelical 
Churches, and especially towards a softening of the anta- 
gonism between Lutherans and Calvinists, in which 
Sweden was now invited to take a part. To many States- 
men and theologians in the seventeenth century such a 
confederation seemed a most natural and necessary out- 
come of the struggle against the counter-reformation to 
which the forces of Protestantism were called, especially 
within the limits of the German Empire. Gustavus 
Adolphus strongly favoured this movement during the 
latter part of his reign, and his daughter, Queen Christina, 
was imbued with the same ideas by her beloved tutor, 
Johannes Matthias, who was the leader of the movement in 

It is interesting to recall the names of some of the 
eminent foreign theologians, who, following in the steps of 
Bucer, co-operated at this time to urge German and 
Swedish theologians to relax the stiffness of their Lutheran 
orthodoxy. First I may name the gentle Heidelberg pro- 
fessor, David Wangler (1548— 1622), who, according to the 
fashion of the day, Grecized his name to Pareus. From 
his residence in the Palatinate he had opportunities of mak- 
ing the acquaintance of the Princess Katarina, sister of 
Gustavus Adolphus, who was married to his friend and 
protector, the Pfalzgraf Johann Casimir. It was to 
Gustavus that he addressed his Irenicum : sive de unione 


ago VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.u. 1593—17x8). 

et synodis evangelicomm liber votivus, in 1614, in which 
he recommended a general synod of all the Evangelical 
Churches in which the sovereigns of England and Denmark 
were to co-operate. 

Next in order of time comes the famous jurist, scholar 
and statesman, Hugo Grotius (1583 — 1645), who had suf- 
fered much in his own country, Holland, for his defence 
of the Arminians against the Calvinists. In the latter part 
of his life he adopted Sweden as his country, and for eight 
years of the reign of Christina (1635 — 1643) he ably repre- 
sented its interests as ambassador at the court of France. 
The next whom I shall name is George Calixtus, who was 
for forty-two years professor at the University of Helm- 
stadt in Brunswick (1614 — 1656), where he studied under 
Caselius, the disciple of Melanchthon, and imbibed much 
of Melanchthon 's temper and spirit. Calixtus, like many 
others (including Pareus), was influenced by his travels 
in England, where he rejoiced to meet his friend and 
model, Isaac Casaubon. His two proposed tests of 
reunion were the Apostles' Creed and the "consensus 
quinque-saecularis " (agreement in the doctrine of the first 
five centuries after Christ). His principle was that agree- 
ment in fundamentals only was necessary, and that 
Lutherans, Reformed and Catholics were so agreed, and 
only differed in what was non-fundamental. 40 He influ- 
enced Sweden both through his writings and his pupils, 
especially Terserus, of whom I shall speak presently. 

Of even more interest to us than these great scholars and 
theologians, whose work in other departments of theology 
is recognized by those who care to explore the treasures of 
our old libraries, is a man of less commanding ability, who 
deserves recognition for the whole-hearted devotion with 
which he applied himself to the cause of re-union. I mean 

40 His Indicium de controversiis iheologicis, qua? inter 
Lutheranos et Reformatos agitantur, et de mutua partium 
fraternitate atque tolerantia propter consensum in fundamento 
and his Desidcrium et studium concordice ecclesiastic ce were 
both published in 1650 


the Scotsman, John Durie, who gave up the last fifty years 
of a life of eighty-four years (1596 — 1680) to this work. 
From the year 1628 he laboured unceasingly in the North 
and West of Europe to promote the reconciliation, or at 
least to secure, the inter-communion and co-operation of 
the Evangelical Churches. He visited courts and states- 
men, bishops and clergy, he attended synods, he held dis- 
putations, he entered into personal correspondence, he 
published elaborate treatises, in the interest of a confedera- 
tion in which England and Scotland, and the Netherlands, 
and the reformed Churches of France and Germany, 
especially in the Palatinate, and Switzerland, were to co- 
operate with the adherents of the Confession of Augsburg. 

The likeness of his work to that in which many in Eng- 
land and Scotland are now engaged, and that in more than 
one quarter of the globe, and its special bearing on the 
object of these lectures, may be my excuse for devoting 
several pages to an account of this remarkable man. 41 

John Durie was born at Edinburgh, but he was from his 
boyhood familiar with the Continent, and learnt to speak 
German like a native. He was brought up at Sedan, under 
his cousin, Andrew Melville, and at Leyden, where his 
father, formerly minister of Montrose, had settled. In 
1624 he " sojourned " for a time at Oxford for the sake of 
the library. 42 In 1626 he was chaplain, as an independent 
minister, to a company of English merchants at Elbing in 
East Prussia, than under the rule of the Swedish king. 
Here he made the friendship of a Swedish privy councillor 
and judge, Caspar Godeman, and entered warmly into his 

41 Durie's life has never been fully written, though something 
may be found about him in most histories and biographical dic- 
tionaries. The fullest account I have found in English is in the 
Christian Remembrancer for January, 1855, Vol. 29, pp. 15-29, 
and in Swedish in Th. Norlin's Sv. Kyrkans Historia, 2, pp. 
172-195, which is based on Carl Jesper Benzelius' Dissertatio 
de Johanne Durceo pacificatore celeberrivw maximeqiie de 
actis eins Saecanis delivered in the presence of Mosheim, 
Helmstad, 1744. 

42 Ant. A. YVood : Fasti Oxon., i., p. 420. 

292 VI— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

project for establishing inter-communion between the 
Evangelical Churches, which seemed now more than ever 
profitable and possible. The well-known Sir Thomas Roe 
— whose co-operation with Cyril Lucar at Constantinople 
forms so interesting a chapter in another branch of the re- 
union movement — happened to come to Elbing as ambas- 
sador from Charles I. to Gustavus Adolphus, and warmly 
took up the project. Durie returned to England, and was 
well received both by Archbishop Abbot and by Laud, 
then the powerful Bishop of London. He returned again 
to Germany in 163 1, bearing a recommendation signed by 
thirty-eight English divines, and he had a favourable inter- 
view with the king, then at the height of his glory, after 
the victory of Leipsic. This was at Wiirzburg, where he 
made the acquaintance of the army chaplains, Jacob 
Fabricius and Matthias. The king even offered to give 
him letters of recommendation to the Protestant princes, 
which Durie for the time declined. Various conferences of 
the Evangelical Churches were held, particularly at Leipsic 
and Heilbronn, in which Durie had a share. Gustavus' 
death at Ltitzen in 1632 unfortunately deprived him and 
the cause of his and its strongest supporter. When Durie 
was next in England, in 1633 — 1634, Laud, who had just 
become archbishop, encouraged him to be ordained in the 
Church of England. He was ordained priest by Bishop 
Joseph Hall, then at Exeter, 24th February, 1634. He 
was, however, not expected to reside in England; and he 
spent some months in procuring testimonials from bishops, 
with whom he had a large and a familiar acquaintance. 

In particular Archbishop Laud addressed to him two 
letters expressing great interest in his work, both dated 
10th February, 1634 — ° ne f° r use m dealing with adherents 
of the Confession of Augsburg, and the other, of a similar 
kind, for use in the Palatinate, Zweibriicken and Hesse. 43 
His episcopal friends did even more for him. Bishop Edward 

43 Archbishop Laud : Letters, 98 (Works, A. C. L., vi., 410) 
and 264 (ibid, vii., 112). 


Morton, of Durham, Bishop John Davenant, my learned 
predecessor; and Bishop Joseph Hall, his ordainer, all 
wrote Latin opinions for him on the method and character 
of the Pax ecclesiastica which they advocated. 44 The ex- 
cellent Irish bishop, Bedell, the friend of Paolo Sarpi, and 
the editor of theTrish Bible, actually gave him an annual 
pension. In the spring of 1634 Durie was at Frankfort 
attending a great meeting of the ambassadors and divines 
from the Protestant states, and obtained from the latter a 
kind of circular to their brethren throughout Europe. He 
spent the winter again in England and Scotland, and, I 
suppose, at this time received his credentials from Arch- 
bishop Spottiswode. 45 In July, 1635, ne was attending 
synods in the Netherlands, and in the same month, a year 
later, he found his way to Sweden. 

Durie came into the country on the invitation of 
Johannes Matthias, whose acquaintance (as we have seen) 
he had made in Germany. He brought introductions from 
the Archbishops of Canterbury (Laud), St. Andrew's 

44 These three opinions were first printed in 1634, without 
name of place, under the title De pads ecclesiastic w rationibus 
inter evangelicos usurpandis, et de theologorum fundamenlali 
consensu in colloquio Lips, inito, trium in ecclesia Anglicana 
episcoporum Tho. Mortoni Iohannis Davenantii et Ids. Halli 
sententice' 1 Io. Durceo traditce. This is in the Bodleian. 
Another edition is entitled De pace ecclesiastica inter evangelicos 
procuranda sententice quatuor . . . the fourth being - ab ecclesia; 
in Gallid Pastoribus, quibusdam eximiis. At the end is a useful 
syllabus of writings in favour of ecclesiastical peace : Amstelo- 
dami, 1636. A third edition appeared in London, 1638. It was 
translated into English in 1641, and printed at Oxford under the 
title Good Counsells for the Peace of Reformed Churches, a 
book which contains also " The opinion of James Usher, Arch- 
bishop of Armagh, with some other Bishops of Ireland." 
Davenant's opinion was also printed in Latin (Cambridge, 1640), 
and in English (Lond., 1641), as an introduction to his Ad 
fraternam communionem inter evangelicos ecclesias restauran- 
dam adhortatio = An exhortation to brotherly communion 
betwixt the Protestant Churches. I quote from the English, of 
which I possess a copy. 

45 Cp. Grubb : Eccl. Hist, of Scotla?id, Vol. 2, p. 371. 

294 VI— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

Spottiswoode) and Armagh (Usher), and the treatises of 
Bishops Thomas Morton, John Davenant and Joseph 
Hall, which he had reprinted at Amsterdam, together with 
a fourth by some unnamed Gallican pastors. 46 He had un- 
fortunately not taken the opportunity of procuring a letter 
from Gustavus Adolphus, but he was well known to the 
great chancellor, Axel Oxenstierna, although the latter 
treated him with a good deal of caution. He came 
certainly under much better auspices and on a more 
prudent mission than his countryman, John Forbes. 

You will understand that his connection with my pre- 
decessor, Bishop Davenant, who left a considerable mark 
upon the diocese of Salisbury, is naturally peculiarly in- 
teresting to myself. I may be excused if I take his opinion 
as a specimen of the way in which well-informed and liberal 
minded Englishmen approached the great subject. 
Davenant had attended the Synod of Dort in 1618 in order 
to watch the proceedings in the interests of our Church, 
and he was familiar with the internal divisions of the 
Netherlands. He naturally attached much importance to 
them, as well as to the larger divisions between the 
" Saxon " and " Helvetian " Churches, as he calls them. 
It is curious that he makes no mention of the difference 
between Episcopalians and Presbyterians as being any 
difficulty in the way of a project of brotherly communion. 
The difficulties which he treats are those that divide the 
Continental Churches, such as " Saxon " and " Hel- 
vetian " in different lands, or the Dutch among 

He seems to think with Calixtus that adherence to the 
Apostles' Creed should be a sufficient basis of communion. 
He notices that the difference between the Spanish and 
Italian Churches on the one side, and the French on the 
other, in their belief as to the papacy, does not interrupt 

46 De pace ecclesiastica inter Evangelicos procuranda sen- 
tenticB quatuor . . . ece Johanni Durceo fuerunt ab Anctoribus 
traditcB ad ecclesiarum reconciliationem promovendam, Ams- 
telodami, 1636 (See note 44). 


their communion, and commends this as an example to the 
Protestant Churches. The three points of difficulty to 
which he specially refers are: (1) the doctrine of the pre- 
sence of Christ in the sacrament, where he dwells upon the 
identity of belief in the communion gift; (2) controversies 
as to the omnipresence of Christ and the communication of 
His properties; and (3) the doctrines of predestination and 
freewill. In regard to the last he presses the point that 
what is really important is to attribute all grace and glory 
to God's mercy; and to impute all the corruption of man's 
nature, his obstinacy in sin, and the viciousness and servi- 
tude of his freewill, and all that draws mortals to Hell, to 
our own demerits, and to remove it far from God (pp. 27-8, 
E. T.). He takes it for granted that both the Saxon and 
Helvetian Churches, i.e., the Lutheran and the Calvinist, 
" acknowledge themselves to have and desire to retain 
brotherly communion with the English, Scottish, Irish 
and the foreign Reformed Churches " (p. 33). Why then 
should they deprive each other of a like brotherly 

That by " communion " he means joint partaking in the 
sacraments, especially the Lord's Supper, is quite clear, 
and he goes into the point at length. For the purpose of 
establishing it he recommends a conference of divines 
chosen by the princes on each side rather than a general 
council of Protestants, which would dispute for ever (p. 
37). Then a careful distinction of fundamentals from non- 
fundamentals (p. 42), expressed in few words, according to 
Tertullian's maxim, " Certa semper in paucis " (de anima, 
c. 2, ad finem). He deprecates bitter language, which 
ought to be expunged from books of controversy, and 
wishes " that those sirnames of Lutherans, Zwinglians, 
and Calvinists were packed away and utterly abolished, 
which are rather the ensignes of faction than badges of 
brotherly union, and which never pleased the ancient 
Fathers " (p. 46). Generally his motto is to avoid all diffi- 
cult controversies in public teaching and formularies. 

296 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

" What make the subtleties of the schoolmen in the con- 
fessions of the Church? All the salvation of Christians 
consists in believing and worshipping, as of old it was 
gravely said of great Athanasius " (p. 50). He points out 
that by over-definition in articles of faith " many pastors, 
learned, pious and peaceable, will be excluded and quite 
shut out " (p. 51). He expresses the doctrine of the Lord's 
Supper in a simple and beautiful manner. It consists of 
union with Christ, and union among ourselves, and " that 
as fellow-commoners we eate and drink the same living 
bread and drink, to wit the flesh and blood of Christ to the 
salvation of our soules " (pp. 51-2). Such is the main 
purport of this " exhortation to brotherly communion " by 
a former Bishop of Salisbury, of which Durie was now the 
ambassador to Sweden. 

Durie was kindly received, and he worked hard and in 
a most sanguine temper to get his message a hearing in 
Sweden, where Axel Oxenstierna, whom he specially re- 
garded as his friend, had just returned from Germany. 
He could not, however, obtain from the chancellor a general 
letter of commendation to the Church, but the latter advised 
him to turn his attention to the pastor of the Great Church 
in Stockholm — Jacob Zebrozynthius, and his acquaintance, 
Johannes Matthias, to the theologians of Upsala, and the 
two strong Bishops of Strengnas and Vesteras. Zebroz- 
ynthius and Matthias, seemed to him to fall in with his 
plan. The Upsala professors received him with great 
kindness and consideration, but they did not really encour- 
age him, having different ideas of what was fundamental in 
point of doctrine, and they pointed out that compromise 
was unsafe and led to untruth on one side or the other. At 
Vesteras Rudbeckius also received him very kindly, but 
told him bluntly that his plan was unpractical. At 
Strengnas Laurentius Paulinus and his chapter agreed 
with the professors of Upsala. Later he went for a journey 
with the chancellor to his home, Tido, in Westmanland. 
He again visited Strengnas, Vesteras and LTpsala. He 


was then invited to attend a prest-mote in Stockholm, 
where, instead of a pleasant reception, he was subjected to 
a severe examination. This took the form of inquiries as 
to the real union of the reformed theologians with the 
Lutherans on fundamentals, and then on the debated ques- 
tions, including an inquiry into his own faith. At last it 
came to the point that Rudbeckius insisted on subscription 
to the Book of Concord, which, of course, was insisting on 
an impossibility even for liberal Calvinists. 

The Formula Concordice, I may remind you, was merely 
an attempt to unite the followers of Luther and Melanch- 
thon, and was, therefore, of no use in conciliating Cal- 
vinists. Indeed, it was an exposition of developed 
Lutheranism, coloured by references to all the controversies 
of the day, and, therefore, more hard for Calvinists than 
the vaguer language of the original confession. 47 

Durie was advised to return home. He complained to 
the Chancellor of Rudbeckius, and the latter lost his temper 
with him. Durie still held on, and put forward the opinion 
given in his favour by the famous six doctors of Aberdeen, 
dated 20th February, 1637. He made his last attempt at 
the Riksdag in Stockholm in 1638, but only to draw from 
the clerical estate an assertion that the difference between 
Lutherans and Calvinists was fundamental, and that not 
only the Augsburg Confession but the Apology for the 
Confession and the Formula Concordise must be subscribed 
by anyone who wished for union with themselves. They 
asked that he might be sent out of the kingdom. The 
Government thought it best that he should go, but testified 
to the honesty, peaceableness and prudence with which he 
had pursued his mission. The chancellor was vexed at the 
incivility with which the clergy described his guest as a 
" transmarinus," but he gave way to the general dislike 
with which Durie was now visited. The poor man was 
struck down with disappointment, and fell grievously ill, 

47 See Charles Hardwick : H. of the Church during the 
Reformation, ed. W. Stubbs, p. 163, Lond., 1880. 

2 9 S VI — GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

and was unable to leave before August. During his illness 
he vowed to continue his efforts to the end of his life, and 
he did so; but with no immediate result. His subsequent 
subservience to Cromwell, his acceptance first of Pres- 
byterianism and then of Independency, and other weak- 
nesses of character led to his being called many hard names. 
But he was a brave and persevering man, whose memory 
is worthy of grateful record by posterity. 

Almost his last attempt at conciliation was in the form of 
a commentary on the Apocalypse. 

Durie died at Cassel in 1680 (where the Princess Hedvig 
Sophia gave him a comfortable retirement), almost despair- 
ing of the cause to which he had devoted his life, but not 
the least doubtful of its righteousness. And as the broader 
work of conciliation with Rome which Cassander and 
Wicelius had championed, and to which Grotius in his 
later years inclined, and which Calixtus had (at least in 
theory) professed to desire, was carried on in Germany by 
Molanus and Leibnitz, so the narrower and more obvious 
project of uniting Lutherans and Calvinists was kept in 
view in the kingdom of Prussia, and promoted also by 
Leibnitz. Here the house of Brandenburg had accepted 
the reformed faith, while its subjects were mainly 
Lutherans, and such a union was eminently reasonable. 
The union, which was promoted and to a great degree 
effected by Frederick William III. of Prussia in 181 7, was 
the outcome of the previous efforts in which Durie had 
his share. 48 

48 Cp. S. Cheetham : H. of the Ch. since the Ref., pp. 423 
foil., Lond., 1907. I am glad to think that my friend, Arch- 
deacon Cheetham, was able before his death to complete the 
good work which Hardwick had begun of a short summary of 
the whole of Church history. Cheetham 's first volume on the 
Early Church, followed by Hardwick's two on the Middle Age 
and the Reformation, and Cheetham's final volume, H. of the 
Church since the Reformation, make up a compact series. 
This last volume is a particularly useful one. 

§ io.— syncretism. charles xl and absolutism. 299 

§ 10. — Matthias's writings. Influence of Comenius. 
Confirmation re-introduced. Syncretism. 
Charles X. succeeds (1654 — 1660). Favours 
Matthi^e and Terserus. They are accused of 
heresy and obliged to resign (1664). Absolu- 
tism under Charles XI. (1660 — 1697). New 


Church law of 1686. Liber Concordia*. 

After Durie's departure Matthias still continued to work 
somewhat intermittently and cautiously in the same direc- 
tion. About 1 64 1 he was cheered by a visit from the 
famous Moravian bishop and educationalist, John Amos 
Comenius (1592 — 1670), who had just been on a mission 
from Poland to England. Matthias received from him 
suggestions on many practical matters, which he embodied 
in his introductory address delivered at the first annual 
synod of his diocese of Strengnas, and published in 1644, 
under the title Idea boni ordinis in Ecclesia Christi, based 
on the usual text " Let all things be done decently and in 
order " (1 Cor. xiv. 40). The most interesting to us is the 
section De forma recipiendi Novitios. The form of receiv- 
ing adults from another communion is first described. 
They are to be examined as to their faith, to make promises 
of obedience to God and the Church, to be admonished as 
to perseverance, etc., and then to be admitted into fellow- 
ship. Juniors are to be received before admission to holy 
communion by reading of a suitable passage of Scripture, 
with a very short explanation, by examination as to 
whether they will renew their baptismal covenant with 
God, and renounce Satan, the world and the flesh, and by 
reciting the Apostles' Creed. Then they are to say a 
prayer for pardon, to be followed by an absolution, and a 
permission to partake of the Lord's table, to be followed by 
laying on of hands, and a further invocation upon them of 
the divine name to strengthen their hope of heavenly 
grace. 49 The Swedish form, which has also been pre- 

49 The Latin description and the form that follows in Swedish 
are given by F. N. Ekdahl : Om Confirmationen, pp. 98 foil. 

300 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

served, giving more details, shows that the blessing which 
accompanied the manual act was almost exactly that which 
is so used in the English service to-day. It was to be 
administered by the bishop, or his deputy. 50 

We cannot doubt that Matthias introduced this rite 
wherever it was possible in his own diocese, and it is in- 
teresting to know that in this he was in close agreement 
with another eminent prelate of the orthodox party, Olof 
Laurelius (1585 — 1670), who was Bishop of Vesteras from 
the year 1647, where he continued the good work of Rud- 
beckius. Like Matthias, he attaches the duty of confirming 
to the bishop or his official, and that publicly in Church, 
and he distinctly says the old term was " Confirmatio hoc 
est fermelse," but now is " examination and blessing of 
young people (ungdoms proffwen och welsignelse)." 51 
The rite consisted of the long " Collect " and blessing with 
laying on of hands, taken directly from the Nova 
Ordinantia of 1575, which has been already quoted (Lect. 
V., § 11). 52 

50 " Sedan skall biskopen eller hans fullmachtige lata barnen 
falla pa kna, liiggia handerne pa hvart och ett barn, och 
therpa saga att the mage altidh bliva och dageligen tillvaxa 
uthi tin helga Anda, in till thes the komma uthi titt eviga rijke. 
Amen." Ekdahl : I.e., p. 103. 

51 See H. Lundstrom: A'. H. Arsskrift, vol. viii. (1907); 
Meddelanden, etc., pp. 279 — 282, where the form is given. 

52 The form is given by H. Lundstrom in K. H. Arsskrift, 
viii., pp. 280-1. It is, therefore, remarkable that there is no 
reference to such a rite in the printed draft Kyrko-ordningar, 
esp. in that ascribed to Laurelius, which is connected with the 
work of the Committee of 1650. The seventh chapter Om 
Syndaboot, Skriftermal och Aflossning, part 2, § x., speaks of 
children or servants being sent eight days before they are ad- 
mitted to the sacrament to the pastor or his assistant " that they 
may well and perfectly know whether they are instructed in those 
mysteries and strengthened in their faith," K. Ordningar fore 
1686, II., 1, p. 171. But in a variant form of this K. O., quoted 
by Ekdahl : I.e., p. 107, the parallel passage runs, " They shall 
be publicly examined in the choir in the articles of their Christian 
faith, and with laying on of hands with prayer they shall be re- 


It is much to be regretted in the interests of the Church 
and of its hold over its young folk, that such good pre- 
cedents were not authoritatively followed. The rite went 
on in some sort under Svedberg, and later under Hallenius 
in Skara (1753— 1767), under Serenius in Strengnas (1763 
— 1776), and in the Danish form in the diocese of Lund, 
and probably it was used elsewhere. 

Matthiae, unfortunately, laid himself open to suspicion 
by his treatment of the rite and doctrine of baptism in his 
Idea boni ordinis. He omitted the sign of the cross and 
exorcism from the rite. He had a curious doctrine about 
its celebration, which was at once rigorous and lax. He 
held that it could only be administered by a priest, but. 
that it was not so necessary to salvation as to make its 
administration essential, and hence no layman could be 
allowed to baptize in case of necessity. This led to accusa- 
tions of Crypto-Calvinism, or as it then shortly after 
began to be called, " syncretistic heresy." This peculiar 
word "syncretism " is a Greek term, which is only once 
found in ancient literature, in Plutarch's little treatise On 
Brotherly Love (p. 490, b.). He tells us that the native 
tribes in Crete, who were usually at war with one another, 
were wont to " syncretize " against a common outside 
enemy. Erasmus seems to have been the first to introduce 
it into modern literature in his Adagia, and he employed it 
in a flattering letter to Melanchthon, in order to describe 
their possible relations. Hence it passed into the language 
of the reformers, especially of a union among Protestants 
against Romanists. Later in the seventeenth century it 
was frequently used with a false idea, or a punning sug- 
gestion, of its derivation from another Greek root, of a 
" mixture," generally in a bad sense, of discordant de- 

ceived into Jesus Christ's body and Church (och med hiinders 
palaggning och bon inympas uti Jesu Kristi kropp och forsam- 
ling "). See more in G. Mott Williams : The Ch. of Sw,, etc., 
pp. 69-72. 

302 VI— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 171S). 

ments of theology. 53 It was, I presume, in the latter sense 
that Matthias's enemies used it in regard to him. For the 
moment, indeed, the storm was stilled by the intervention 
of Queen Christina against the Chancellor Oxenstierna, on 
behalf of her old tutor. At one time the hopes of the 
" syncretists " were raised by the calling of a conference 
at Thorn in Poland by the more tolerant king, Ladislas 
IV. (1632 — 1648), in the year 1645, in which the aid of 
Calixtus was invoked, though Lutherans were much 
surprised to see him leading the Calvinists. 54 But the 
party of Calovius prevented the Lutherans from making 
any real concessions. On the other hand, the strict 
Lutheran party could point to the danger of laxity of faith 
as leading sovereigns to be reconciled to the Church of 
Rome, and this was emphatically the case in Sweden in 
the person of Queen Christina. 

Later in his life, in 1656, Matthias gave even greater 
offence by his Rami olivce septentrionalis, but he was also 
protected by the new king, Charles X. Gustavus, who suc- 
ceeded on Queen Christina's abdication in 1654. He was 
the son of Charles IX. 's daughter, Katarina, and of the 

53 See the careful article s.v. Synkretismus in P. R. E. 3 , Vol. 
19, by Henke and Tschackert. 

I find it used in titles of books, e.g., "Davidis Parei notae in 
Problema Theologicum, an Syncretismus fidei et religionis inter 
Lutheranos et Calvinianos, ideo iniri vel possit vel debeat ut 
antichristi tyrannis conjunctis viribus et studiis facilius et 
faelicius reprimi possit, a Leon. Huttero disputatum, apud Ion. 
Ros., 1616," and " Classicum Syncretismi Evangelici contra 
Papistas, 1631," and others of which the titles are given in the 
curious appendix or Syllabus Scriptorum at the end of Durie's 
little book (see note 44). 

54 See Chr. Remembr., Vol. 29, pp. 36-43 for a good de- 
scription of this conference between Roman Catholics, Lutherans 
and Calvinists, which lasted from August 28th to November 
21st. The writer says : "The best account of the Charitative 
Colloquy of Thorn is to be found in the Historia Ecclesiastica of 
John Wolfgang Jaeger, Vol. i., pp. 689-703. . . . Abraham 
Calovius in his History of Syncretism devotes no less than 360 
pages to the Acts of the Colloquy." 


Pfalzgraf, John Kasimir, whom I have mentioned as the 
patrons of the Heidelberg professor, Pareus, and he was, 
therefore, naturally in favour of the syncretism, which had 
its home in the Palatinate. He was long resident in 
Sweden before his coronation, and had been a persistent 
suitor for his cousin Christina's hand, and was much liked 
by her. His most permanent achievement for the country 
was the result of his invasion of Denmark in 1658, which 
had gone to war with Sweden during the king's absence in 
Poland. In this campaign nature helped him by freezing 
over the Great and the Little Belt so that his army was able 
to cross them. This was followed by the peace of 
Roskilde, by which the Southern provinces and Bohuslan 
were permanently united to Sweden. 55 

Matthias had an efficient allay in Johannes Terserus, who 
had come under the direct influence of Calixtus, and was 
theological professor at Abo, and afterwards at Upsala. 
He had done great service to the crown by his energetic 
leadership of the clergy at the Riksdag of 1650, when they 
joined with the burgher and peasant estates in their protest 
against the alienation of the crown domains to the nobility, 
and against various tyrannies and injustices exercised by 
the latter. 56 

Christina's word to him, " Now or never," is famous in 
history, and will always be associated with his name. 
Charles X. nominated him as Bishop of Abo in 1658. This 
king died in 1660, and during the minority of his infant 
son, Charles XL, both Terserus and Matthiae had to 
suffer as " syncretistic heretics" — a sad outcome of their 
efforts which were made in so excellent a spirit. They 
were obliged to ask leave to resign their offices at the 
Riksdag of 1664. Matthias, before his death in 1670, ex- 
pressed regret for what he had done. Terserus lived on, 
and in 1670 he was promoted again to a bishopric, that of 

55 On the religious condition of these provinces, about the 
time of the Union, see A. Hallenberg in K. H. Arsskrift, Vol. 
viii., 193-228, and ix., 65-136 (1907 — 1908). 

56 See Geijer : p. 338. 

3o 4 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.C. 1593—1718). 

Linkoping, and recovered his reputation amongst his 
countrymen. He was naturally in favour with Charles 
XL, who assumed the government in 1672, and he was on 
the king's side in the initiation of his policy of " Reduc- 
tion," by which he recovered to the crown the estates which 
had been lavishly granted away by his predecessors. 
Terserus died in 1678, and he was, therefore, not respon- 
sible for the severity and sometimes injustice with which 
this policy was afterwards carried out, nor for the 
absolutism which followed. 57 

" These conflicts (says Dr. Holmquist) within the 
Church were to cost it dear. Absolute monarchy was in- 
troduced by Charles XL, and he was not willing that the 
Church should continue an independent factor within his 
kingdom. Through its own fault the Church was without 
any organized Government which could defend its in- 
terests. The bishops were now, in general, less important 
men. Not without the fault of orthodoxy, and in conse- 
quence of the state of constant warfare, a deep moral decad- 
ence, and increase of superstition had got hold of the people 
and the lower clergy. For instance, the epidemic of trials 
for witchcraft raged about the year 1670. The belief in 
witchcraft was defended by the clergy, and attacked by the 
famous physician, Urban Hjarne. Nowhere was there 
power to resist the king's pretensions." 

In 1686 a new Church law, in which the king had been 
much assisted by Dr. Haquin Spegel, now Bishop of 
Skara, was issued by royal authority. It was accepted by 
the cathedral chapters in 1687. In one respect it fulfilled 
the desire of the Church by making the Liber Concordice 58 

57 There is a good popular account of Karl XL '5 personlighet 
och lifsgarning by Rudolf Fahraeus in Heimdal's Folkskrifter, 

68 These books are all conveniently printed in one volume by 
Dr. Karl August Hase, under the title of Libri Symbolici 
Ecclesia Evangelicce sive Concordia, ed. 2, Lipsiae, 1837. They 
are The Confessio Angustana (with the Conjutatio Pontificia as 
an appendix necessary to understand the Apologia), the Apologia 


that is the whole series of Lutheran books up to the 
Formula Concordice of 1580, a "confessional book," or 
formulary of the Swedish Church — not indeed on the same 
footing as the Augsburg Confession, but as an authorized 
explanation of it. The opening sentence of the first 
chapter of the Church law of 1686, which in substance is 
the law of Sweden to-day, runs as follows : — 

" Throughout our kingdom and the countries which depend 
upon it all shall confess, jointly and severally, their belief in the 
Christian doctrine and faith as it is founded in God's Holy 
Word, the prophetical and apostolic writings of the Old and 
New Testament, and set forth (forfattad) in the three chief 
creeds — the Apostolic, Niceneand Athanasian, as well as in the 
unaltered Augsburg Confession of the year 1530, accepted in 
the Council of Upsala of 1593, and explained (forklarad) in the 
whole, so called, Book of Concord." 

The Church Order that followed was based on two tenta- 
tive drafts that had been published, one by Olof Laurelius, 
Bishop of Vesteras (1647 — 1670) and the other by Erik 
Emporagrius, pastor primarius of Stockholm, and Bishop 
of Strengnas from 1664 — 1674. The Church Order of 
Charles XI. agrees (it is said) most with the work of 
Laurelius. 59 It contained, however, no section on con- 
firmation. The general result was that the cause of ortho- 
doxy triumphed, and the Church obtained a great deal 
more of unity and uniformity, but it lost its previous 
independence, and became a State Church, in which 
the superior power lay very largely in the hands of 
the king. Although the king never quite assumed the 
position of "summus episcopus," he had and has much 
more power of personal interference with the affairs of 
the Church in Sweden than the king has had in England 
since about the same period, the Revolution of 1688. It 

Confessionis (1531), the Articuli Smalcaldici (1537), Luther's 
Catechismus minor (1529, etc.), his Catechismus major (1529, 
etc.), and the Formula Concordice (1580). 

59 Cornelius: Handbok, § 116. For Laurelius' draft see 
Svenska Kyrko-ordningar, II., 1. (1882), and Emporagrius' ibid 
II., 2 (1887). 


306 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

is curious that at almost the same moment Sweden became 
an absolute monarchy, and England a thoroughly con- 
stitutional one. The greatest point of difference in favour 
of the Swedish Church is that the election of bishops and 
clergy has been on a more popular basis, while in England 
the same system of patronage has prevailed for both — the 
king having the nomination of the bishoprics, with com- 
paratively little check, and public and private patrons 
having the nomination to benefices, also with rather 
inadequate checks on the part of the instituting bishops. 
Each nation lives under the system to which it is accus- 
tomed, and does not find its difficulties so great as men 
of the other would imagine. To us the idea seems 
strange that the king should prescribe texts for sermons, 
while to the Swedes our system of election to bishoprics 
appears very imperfect. 

§ 11. — Imposing activity in Church matters. Church 
registers. catechism and prayer book. 
Eric Benzelius (archbishop 1700 — 1709) edits 
the Bible. His family. Family system in 
parishes. New hymn-book. Jesper Svedberg, 
Bishop of Skara (1702 — 1735). His connec- 
tion with New Sweden and England. His 
form of confirmation. Haquin Spegel of 
Skara, Linkoping and Upsala. His good 
work and patriotism. The two Gezelius' in 
Finland. Their " Bibel-verk." 

The activity which prevailed in the Church just before 
and after the year 1700 was indeed very imposing in its 
achievements. The system of Church registers which 
Rudbeckius had introduced was made universal in 1686. 
The system of private catechizing in families, both by 
bishops and clergy, was begun. In 1689 a common 
catechism was produced, and an edict of 1695 ordered uni- 
versal instruction in reading and in the catechism. In 
1693 a new hand-book or prayer book was published, and 


conformity to it was required. Both catechism and prayer- 
book owe their form to the new Archbishop Olof Svebilius 
(1681 — 1700). His successor, Eric Benzelius the elder 
(1700 — 1709), was tutor to the Crown Prince, who suc- 
ceeded as Charles XII. in 1697, and compiled for him a 
manual of Church history. He edited the fine Bible 
which was published in 1703 and known as Charles XII. 's 
Bible. Benzelius is even more remarkable as the father of 
three sons, who succeeded one another as archbishops (1) 
Eric, Bishop of Goteborg (1726 — 1731) and Linkoping 
(1731 — 1742), and for a few months archbishop, who died 
in 1743 60 — a literary man of great distinction, editor of 
Philo and Ulphilas, the friend and brother-in-law of 
Emanuel Swedenborg, and father of Karl Jesper, Bishop 
of Strengnas; (2) Jacob, Bishop of Goteborg (1731), and 
archbishop (1744 — 1747); and (3) Henrik, Bishop of Lund 
(1740), and archbishop (1747 — 1757). Two of the elder 
Eric's grandsons also became bishops, and five of his 
daughters and granddaughters married bishops. This is, 
perhaps, the most remarkable example of an episcopal 
family in Sweden, but it is only an example of a tendency 
towards the formation of a sort of clerical aristocracy which 
we meet with in all periods of Swedish history, both in 
mediaeval times and more pronouncedly from the time of 
Laurentius Petri Nericius onwards. 61 

A similar tendency is observable amongst the families of 
the parish clergy, where it was very common for a new in- 
cumbent to be expected or even required to marry his pre- 
decessor's widow or daughter, the term " konservera " 
being used for this act of respect for continuity. Svedberg 
on one occasion allowed a priest of poor abilities to take a 
benefice on the condition that he should marry his pre- 
decessor's widow. As a rule the country clergy were little 

60 There is a rather full life of Eric Benzelius the younger by 
H. L. Forssell in Svenska Akademiens Handlingar, part 58, 
pp. ri3-476, 1883. 

61 See more in the Ch. of Sw. and the AngL Comm. y pp. 62-5. 

3 o8 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

better than peasants; and, even in Spegel's diocese, 
Linkoping, which was probably one of the best, priests 
were found who were entirely without books, even, for 
instance, the Bible. 62 

Amongst the other books composed at the end of the 
seventeenth century an important place must be assigned 
to the new hymn-book, published in 1698, which was the 
work of a commission in which Jesper Svedberg (after- 
wards Bishop of Skara) collaborated with Haquin Spegel, 
bishop in succession of Skara (1685 — 1692) and Linkoping 
(1692 — 17 11) and then archbishop (1 71 1 — 17 14), and with 
the physician, Urban Hjarne, whom I have already named 
as taking a wise and reasonable line in the trials for witch- 
craft. Of these men Svedberg is well known as Bishop of 
Skara for thirty-three years (1702 — 1735), where he did 
much literary and educational work, and laboured ener- 
getically in building and rebuilding after several disastrous 
fires. He was father of nine children, of whom one, 
Emanuel, best known by the name of Swedenborg, is 
deservedly famous. 63 Svedberg is particularly interesting 
to us from his connection with the colony of New Sweden 
and the Swedish Church in London. As vice-president of 
the Chapter of Upsala, and its most efficient member in old 
Archbishop Svebilius' days, he was entrusted by Charles 
XI. with the oversight of the American colony, which had 

62 See I. S. L. H., r., p. 418: " Den, som ville hafva ett 
gall, ansags skyldig att . . . ' konservera ' (d.v.s. gifta sig 
med) foretradarens enka eller dotter," etc. 

63 Svedberg's life has been excellently written by Bishop 
Henry William Tottie of Kalmar, Jesper Svedberg's Lif och 
Verksamhet, in two parts, Upsala, 1885 — 1886. Svedberg's 
autobiography exists in MS., of which a copy is preserved in 
the library of the gymnasium at Skara. Extracts from it have 
been printed by Bishop Tottie in K. H. A., 1., pp. 87-106. A 
good deal about this bishop will be found in the early chapters 
of Wm. White's Swedenborg : his Life and writings. Lond., 
ed. 2, 1868. Of the 482 hymns in the 1698 collection Svedberg 
composed 16 and translated 20. See Tottie : Lif., part 1, 
pp. 97 foil. For Swedenborg see the next lecture. 


been almost wholly neglected, and he continued to exercise 
this oversight during the rest of his life. Amongst the 
priests sent out and encouraged by him was Andreas 
Rudman, whose name I have already mentioned as taking 
duty for the absent priest of the Church of England. This, 
no doubt, was with the goodwill of Bishop Svedberg, who, 
since his visit to England in 1684 had been closely attached 
to our Church. He was one of the earliest members of our 
great missionary society, " the Society for the Propagation 
of the Gospel in Foreign Parts," and he much admired the 
manner in which Sunday was kept in England. His work 
in New Sweden, and the good results which followed it, led 
the Swedes in London to turn to him in 17 10, when they 
felt themselves obliged to separate from the Danish con- 
gregation, with which they had previously worshipped, 
after Frederick IV. had declared war against their country. 
The Church in London was treated, under royal authority, 
and at its own request, as if it were a parish in the diocese 
of Skara, and that not in a perfunctory manner. Its most 
important pastor in the eighteenth century was Jacob 
Serenius (1724 — 1733), afterwards Bishop of Strengnas 
(1763 — 1776). A letter has been preserved from Svedberg 
to Serenius, in which Svedberg desires him to introduce 
that form of confirmation into the London Church, which 
he was already using in Sweden, .on the ground that it was 
even easier for him to do so, because that was a point of 
contact with the English Church. It seems to have con- 
sisted of public examination and blessing. 64 Serenius' 
own earnestness in reviving confirmation in the diocese of 
Strengnas is well known. 

The last of the Caroline bishops whom I shall name are 
Haquin Spegel and the two Johannes Gezelius'. Spegel 
was one of those who began his career as a court and 
army chaplain, under Charles XL, when not yet thirty 
years old. He was Bishop of Skara in 1685, and Lin- 

64 Letter of 19th November, 1710, quoted by H. W. Tottie : 
Lij. y p. 266. 

3 io VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593— 1718). 

koping 1692, where he spent seven and eighteen years 
respectively of energetic and successful work. He was 
then archbishop for three years (17 1 1 — 17 14). He was 
Charles XL's chief adviser in passing the new Church law, 
and he had a considerable share in the other epoch-making 
books of the period besides the hymn-book. 65 Of his 
hymns, as many as twenty-nine are retained in the present 
hymn-book, and they are still very popular. On the other 
hand, he was well known as a philologist, and as the 
compiler of a Glossarium Sviogothicum and a History of 
the Swedish Church, which are both evidences of his 
patriotism — a patriotism which he showed in his readiness 
to make personal sacrifices in the straits to which Sweden 
was reduced by war. He was of a less warm temper, and 
had less appearance of feeling than Svedberg, but he was a 
man of greater learning, good sense and piety. 

The two bishops, Johannes Gezelius, father and son, 
were benefactors, especially to the Church in Finland. The 
eldest was Bishop of Abo after Terserus for twenty-five 
years (1665 — 1690). He visited his extensive diocese seven 
times, and was in all respects a good bishop of the school of 
Rudbeckius. Amongst other things, he set up the second 
printing press in Finland. His son succeeded him, and 
remained in the see until 17 13, when he had to retire before 
the Russian invasion. Both were excellent officials, and 
useful to the Church, especially through their " Bibel- 
verk," a text and commentary for preachers. It appeared 
slowly, the New Testament after the death of the older 
bishop (171 1 — 1713)5 and the Old after that of his son (1724 
— 1728). 66 It was edited by David Lund, Bishop of 
Viborg, and then of Vexio. 

A third John Gezelius, son of the second, was afterwards 
bishop in Borga, which took the place of Viborg (1721 — 

65 Bishop Tottie has also written Haquin Spegel sasom 
kateket och homilet, 1890. 

66 For the Gezelius' see Finska Kyrkans Historia, pp. 1 14-12 1 
and 136-148, Helsingfors, 1892, by Elis Bergroth. 

§ i2.— hard type of religion in 17th century. 311 

§ 12.— Conclusion. Military character of the 
Swedish religion in this period. White- 
locke's conversations. Svedberg's criticism 
of the false lutheranism of his day. 

Thus the external fabric of the Swedish Church was 
completed, and the entire victory of Lutheran orthodoxy 
seemed secure. " Pure doctrine," without much freedom 
of thought or even feeling, was triumphant, and Luther's 
subjective teaching about the individual soul's justification 
by faith was turned into an intellectual assent to certain 
rather abstruse theological propositions, under the pressure 
of authority. Even these propositions were not developed 
with any originality within the country, but accepted from 
teachers mainly in the German Universities. It is im- 
possible not to admire those who had built up this fabric. 
They were men of undaunted energy, of deep piety and of 
thorough devotion to duty. They loved their country, and 
hated its enemies. Many of them had been court chaplains 
and field preachers in the army. They knew, and loved, 
and honoured their strong kings. They dreamt of a per- 
manent Swedish hegemony in Northern Europe. They 
hoped to spread Swedish Lutheranism all round the Baltic. 
At is impossible not to see the strong military spirit which 
was, through them, infused into the Church. The char- 
acter of mind thus fostered in the high places of the Church 
is well illustrated by some remarkable conversations which 
Bulstrode Whitelocke, Cromwell's ambassador to Sweden 
in 1653 — 1654, reports as taking place between himself and 
Archbishop Lenasus and the prince, afterwards Charles X. 

Whitelocke suggested to Lenagus that his Church went 
very near to claiming infallibility, and the archbishop came 
very near to acknowledging it. Karl Gustaf dwelt very 
much on the danger to the State of disunion in matters of 
religion. But neither of them showed any signs of admir- 
ing the toleration which existed (or was supposed to exist) 
in England. Svedberg, who outlived the Caroline age, 
and had all through his life something of the visionary 

3I2 VI.— GREAT KINGS AND BISHOPS (a.d. 1593—1718). 

spirit of his famous son, was, however, a severe critic of 
the idea that justification by faith alone meant faith without 
good works. To him faith was rightly a matter of the will 
and the heart, very different from the "fides historica " 
which many Swedes of his day regarded as a sufficient sub- 
stitute for it. Of such persons he wrote: " I sigh and 
lament at heart, as often as I think of it, how ill most 
Lutherans understand Luther's doctrine, how ill they 
understand what faith in our Saviour the Lord Jesus Christ 
is." ..." If they go to Church, and at certain times in 
the year to the Lord's Supper, and at the same time live »n 
all sorts of sinful works of the flesh — it's no matter : ' sola 
fides,' strong faith, shall do their business for them. No 
one shall say that they are not good Lutherans and 
Christians, and shall not be saved without any contradic- 
tion. My God, who hast called forth and equipped 
Luther with Thy spirit of freedom in order that he should 
restore the Christian doctrine about faith, raise up another 
Luther, who, with like freedom and blessed effect, may 
again restore a Christian life!" 67 

But, true as this is, it may be doubted if Svedberg and 
others of his generation sufficiently understood the real 
meaning of faith, as trust in the person of the Lord and 
intimate fellowship with Him. A more intimate and 
mystical faith was needed in order to break into the hard 
ground of the Swedish character. It was not a reconcilia- 
tion between faith and works, but the exchange of a hard 
faith for a living loving faith that was needed. 

The period that follows will show Sweden making many 
attempts in this direction, of which I shall endeavour to 
give some account in my next lecture. 

67 For Whitelocke's conversation with Lenaeus, see his 
Swedish Ambassy, Vol. I., pp. 410-8, Lond., 1772 ; for that 
with the Prince, ibid., 2, pp. 209-13. From the first it also 
appears that the diaconate was then recognized as a degree 
leading to the priesthood. Svedberg's own reflections are in 
his MS. Lefvernes Beskrifning, p. 137, and are quoted from 
H. W. Tottie's : Lif, pp. 28 foil., and his article in K. H. 
Arsskrift, i., p. 90, 1900. Cp. Schiick, /. 5. L. H. } i., 416-7. 



The Time of Freedom and the Period of Neology 
(1718— 1812 A.D.). 


§ I. — Consequences of the new terms of subscription 
in Sweden — Parallel movements on the Continent 
and in England — England fortunate in not 
accepting the Lambeth Articles 315 

§ 2. — Movements of protest against ultra-orthodoxy 
— Pietism — Spener and Francke — University of 
Halle — Three main objects of Pietism: (1) re- 
generation of theology by the study of Holy 
Scripture; (2) regeneration of the Church, a 
higher ideal of life for laymen and a development 
of home and foreign missions; (3) regeneration of 
morals — Pietism in Sweden — Friendly attitude of 
Bishop Svedberg, Bishop Eric Benzelius the 
younger and Rydelius — Murbeck, Tollstadius, 
Nils Grubb — Opposition : Decrees against con- 
venticles 317 

§ 3. — Offshoots of Pietism — School of Bengel and the 
Moravians — Salutary influence of the latter in 
Sweden 324 

§ 4- — The life in the Church in the so-called " time of 
freedom "—Political results of the death of 
Charles XII. — Weak reigns of Frederick of Hesse 
(1718— 1751) and Adolphus Frederick (1751— 
1771)— New life— Olof Dalin and the "Swedish 
Argus" — Linnasus, his joyful and reverent 
character— Sven Baiter— Rhyzelius— Jakob Sere- 
nius — Anders Nohrborg — Anders Elfving in 
Skane — Per Fjellstrom and Per Hogstrom in Lap- 
land — Irregularities in ordination by superinten- 
dents and others 326 



§ 5.— Emanuel Swedenborg (1688— 1772)— His early 
life — Friendship with Charles XII. — His dis- 
appointment in marriage — Two great works on 
inanimate and animate nature — Anticipation of 
modern theories of cosmogony and physiology — 
Transition to theosophy — Muggleton — Dippel — 
Strange conduct in 1743 — 1744 — His Gnostic and 
Sabellian theology — The "last judgment" in 
1757 — The "New Church" — His credentials ... 333 

§ 6. — Gustavus III. (1771 — 1792): his double char- 
acter — Progress and degeneracy — The period of 
neology — Foundation of the Vasa-order (1772) 
and the Swedish Academy (1786) — Bishop Olof 
Wallquist (1755 — 1800) — Contrast between Gus- 
tavus IV. (1792 — 1809) and his father — His hatred 
of Napoleon and support of England — William 
Wordsworth's two sonnets — Deposed in 1809 
—Charles XIII. (1809— 1818) — Marshal Jean 
Bernadotte (Prince Karl Johan) adopted as 
his heir and successor — His services to Europe — 
Political changes in Finland, Pomerania and Nor- 
way — The Church of Finland — Its later history ... 348 

§ 7. — Unfortunate revision of the Prayer Book and 
Catechism in the time of neology (1772 — 1818) — 
Archbishops Uno von Troil (1746 — 1803) and 
Lindblom (1746 — 1818) — Revised Prayer Book 
issued in 181 1 — Confirmation service prescribed 
— Its character — New form of 1894 — Unfortunate 
change in the ordination of priests — Improvement 
in 1894 — Forms of confirmation in U.S. A 354 



The Time of Freedom and the Period of Neology 
(1718 a.d. — 1812 A.D.). 

§ 1 . — Consequences of the new terms of subscription 
in Sweden. Parallel movements on the 
Continent and in England. England fortu- 
nate in not accepting the Lambeth Articles. 

In my last lecture I explained how the dangers of in- 
difference and disintegration apprehended from syn- 
cretism led to a tightening of the terms of subscription in 
the Church of Sweden, and to a narrowing of its whole 
system by what we should call a strict Act of Uniformity. 
It seemed inevitable at the time that the " Book of 
Concord," including the "Formula Concordiae," should 
become a standard of the Church, though happily it was 
not set on the same level as the Augsburg Confession. 
But, none the less, this tightening of the system was in 
many respects a misfortune. It was part of a tendency 
which was felt almost equally by Lutherans and Calvinists, 
and in England as well as on the Continent — a tendency 
to measure the soundness of the position of a Church one- 
sidedly and almost exclusively by the supposed " purity " 
of its doctrine, and to think comparatively little of the fruits 
of the Spirit as a test by which it should be tried. Men 
were apparently unable to distinguish between the truths 
of revelation and those which were acquired by laborious 
and hazardous inference, between the dogma necessary to 
the existence of a Church and the doctrine which might 
be advisable or permissible in catechizing, lecturing, or 
preaching; nay, they were apt— as the Roman Church 
had so disastrously done in the case of the doctrine of 


" transubstantiation " — to confound the speculations of 
the schoolmen with the just requirements for Church com- 
munion. The result of the adoption of the " Book of 
Concord " was to emphasize the tendency to contempla- 
tive intellectualism and a barren Lutheran scholasticism 
both in Germany and Sweden. 1 

In the Reformed or Calvinistic Churches the same ten- 
dency to over-definition was apparent in the Dort decrees 
of 1618; which drove out the Arminians, although, 
happily, these decrees were not received by all Calvinistic 
bodies. A similar movement had been made in England 
in the attempt to enforce " The Lambeth Articles " of 1605. 
It is true that Archbishop Whitgift took from them their 
most Calvinistic extravagances, and replaced them with 
Augustinian propositions, 2 but, happily for our Church 
and its position in the world, this movement met with such 
resistance that the Thirty-nine Articles, with their 
moderate and restrained statements, remained without 
any authorized appendix. If we have, as I believe, a Pro- 
vidential call to be a mediating and reconciling body in 
Christendom, it is because our formularies do not err on 
the side of over-definition. The promoters of syncretism 
in England in the seventeenth century saw this advantage ; 
but the time was not then ripe for more than a strong 
appeal for peace abroad and simplicity of doctrine at home, 
an appeal which could be afterwards remembered and en- 
forced. It is important in this connection to recollect that 
the Church of Denmark and even more that of Norway have 
retained the simpler position which Sweden left in the reign 
of Charles XL, and may, therefore, in that matter, co- 
operate with ourselves in days to come. 

x Cp. I. A. Domer : Hist, of Protestant Theology, E. T., i., 
p. 383, Edinburgh, 1871. 

2 One of our clergy, the Rev. W. D. Sargeaunt, of Stoke 
Abbot, Dorset, has recently done good service in calling atten- 
tion in detail to this point, to which Hardwick had given a general 
reference in his book on The Reformation, chap, iv., p. 241, 
n. 4, and details for comparison in Hist, of the Articles, App. v. 


Both in Germany and Sweden the strictness of 
Lutheran orthodoxy led to the appearance of frequent 
movements of protest in favour of the rights and duties of 
the individual, and in defence of a truer conception of 
faith, and of an emphasis on the need of hope and love in 
the Church as a whole. The first and the most far-reach- 
ing of these movements was that of Pietism, to which all 
that have followed have been more or less indebted. 

§ 2. — Movements of protest against ultra-ortho- 
doxy. Pietism. Spener and Francke. Uni- 
versity of Halle. Three objects of Pietism : 
regeneration of theology by study of Holy 
Scripture; regeneration of the Church, a 
higher call for laymen in home and foreign 
missions; regeneration of morals. pletism 
in Sweden. Friendly attitude of Svedberg, 
Eric Benzelius jun., and Rydelius. Murbeck, 
tollstadius, nlls grubb. opposition. de- 
crees against conventicles. 

The first leader of Pietism in Germany was a very good, 
wise and moderate man, Philipp Jakob Spener (1635 — 
1705), an Alsatian, who was one of the leading Lutheran 
clergy of Frankfort-on-the-Main from 1666 onwards, and 
afterwards worked in Dresden and Berlin. In his youth 
he was not only much influenced by the writings of 
Johann Arndt, especially his celebrated book, True 
Christianity, but also by those of some of the English 
puritans, such as Richard Baxter, Lewis Bayly (Bishop 
of Bangor), author of a very popular book, The Practice 
of Piety, and one or both of the brothers, Daniel and 
Jeremiah Dyke. Pietism lay, historically as well as 
spiritually, between the early puritanism of England and 
the evangelical movements in our own country — both in 
its principles and in many of its outward forms and ex- 
pressions. It began in private meetings for devotion and 
discussion, which were attended by like-minded persons. 


who were dissatisfied with the dryness of the Church life 
of the day — the so-called collegia pietatis. It exhibited 
itself especially under its second great leader, August 
Hermann Francke, at Leipzig, in a renewed study of the 
Bible, in the so-called collegia philobiblica. It obtained 
for itself a refuge, and something more than a refuge, 
from the ill-will, and, indeed, persecution from which 
its adherents suffered, in the newly created University of 
Halle, in the electorate of Brandenburg, of which Spener 
may almost be called the founder. It set before itself 
three noble objects : the regeneration of theology, the 
regeneration of the Church, and the reformation of 
morals. 3 

Let me say a few words upon each of them. 

The first of these objects, the regeneration of theology, 
was to be mainly effected by a return to Holy Scripture, 
and by the requirement of a new spirit in theological 
teachers. It was held that they must themselves be re- 
generate in order to have a saving influence on others. 
There was little or no attempt, at any rate at first, to alter 
the current doctrines of Lutheranism. It is clear, how- 
ever, that these two principles, admirable as they are in 
themselves, might easily become mischievous in the hands 
of conceited or narrow-minded men. Bibliolatry was one 
danger of Pietism ; cant, hypocrisy and rash judgment 
another. Even in the hands of more cautious and 
humble-minded men restriction of theological study to 
Holy Scripture might be injurious to the proper Claims of 
reason, history and science, which assuredly are also chan- 
nels of revelation by which God makes himself known to 
man. Conformity to Scripture is the test of truth, but all 
truth open to men is not in Scripture. 

The second great object of Pietism, the reformation of 
the Church, was of even greater moment, and led Church- 
men into paths of hope which will extend before them to 
the end of time. It restored much of the spirit of primi- 

3 See esp. I. A. Dorner : Hist, of Prot. Theol. y E. T. x iu, 
pp. 203-227. 


tive Christianity, and led men to dwell on the world-wide 
mission of the kingdom, and on Christ's second coming. 
Hence it was in many minds connected with Chiliasm, 4 a 
doctrine of some sort of millennium. 

The new idea of the Church was that of an active body 
of believers, all of whom were alive to their duty, all in 
conscious possession of the Holy Spirit, each feeling it 
right to take part in spreading the kingdom of God. 
Hence arose, as I have said, the first interest in home and 
foreign missions in the Protestant Church of Germany, 
and the call to laymen to take a much more prominent part 
in Church affairs than they had been used to do amongst 
Lutherans. According to the teaching of Pietism, says 
Dorner, " the abyss between clergy and laity must become 
simply a distinction between those who teach and have the 
care of souls entrusted to them, and their brethren who 
are to be, or who have already been, instructed in prac- 
tical Christianity, that they may be their fellow-workers. 
The Christian laity possess not only the right of offering 
to God the sacrifice of prayer, both for themselves and 
others, they may also exercise their priestly office, whether 
at home or among friends, may help to edify the Church 
in their house, have the right mutually to edify each other 
— especially under the direction of their minister — from 

4 Cp. I. A. Dorner : System of Christian Doctrine, E. T., iv., 
p. 392, Edinb., 1882: — "As there was no thought of a new 
world-historical mission of the Evangelical Church [in the 16th 
and the first half of the 17th century], so especially there was no 
thought of the conversion of heathens and Jews, despite the 
words of Christ and His Apostles. It is sufficient, the Dog- 
matists thought, if only a sample is saved from every nation. 
A different tone of thought has prevailed in the 
Evangelical Church only since Spener's days. In his case, 
Evangelical faith, inspired with new life, advanced, as in early 
Christian days, to hope ; and since hope sketches for itself 
ideals of the period of consummation, this hope kindled the mind 
for the world-historical mission of the Church, and, as in the 
beginning, the Christian spirit turned from eschatology to the 
Church's work of love in the earth, to Foreign and some also 
to Home Missions." 


the Word of God, and to open their mouths, both in ques- 
tion and answer, in devotional meetings." 5 Nothing, you 
will observe, is said as to the ministering of the sacra- 
ments, or as to preaching in Church. Spener was 
apparently too orthodox a Lutheran to think of that. But 
the germ of much that followed both inside and outside 
the Church is here in principle. 

The new impulse given to foreign missions by Pietism 
is also most important. For reasons, which I have not 
time to explain, neither Luther nor Melanchthon, nor, on 
the other hand, Calvin or Beza, felt the call to follow the 
example which the Roman Catholic Church, to its credit, 
had never wholly ceased to set. On the contrary, they 
were rather cold and critical towards such efforts, when 
they did not actually oppose them. Happily, the 
founders of our English colonial empire were not of this 
mind, and the Elizabethans, at any rate, were in favour 
of carrying the Gospel with them, both for the sake of 
their own explorers and the natives to whom they came. 
The names of " Maister Wolfall " and Thomas Harriott — 
the latter very remarkable as a mathematician and astron- 
omer — do honour to the voyages of Martin Frobisher and 
to Sir Walter Raleigh's first settlement of Virginia. 6 

It is also specially interesting to members of the 
Anglican Church to observe that perhaps the earliest 
defence of the principles of foreign missions, from the 
pen of a Protestant theologian, came from the excellent 
Adrian Saravia, the friend of Hooker, who was naturalized 
in England, and who dedicated his book, On the Divers 
Degrees of Gospel Ministers, to the English bishops in 
1610. He first defends the thesis that "the form of 
apostolic government was not brought to an end by the 

5 H. of Prot. Theol., E. T., ii., pp. 209-10. 

6 See Digest of S. P. G. Records, p. 1 (1893), and Hakluyt's 
Voyages, ed. 1588, pp. 760-1 for Harriott, and p. 816 for Sir 
W. Raleigh's endowment, when he assigned his rights to others. 
Raleigh was never himself in Virginia, though he had been in 


death of the Apostles and Evangelists " (c. 16), and then 
" that the command to preach the Gospel to all nations 
continues to bind the Church .... and that apostolic 
authority is necessary for it" (c. 17). 7 

It is noticeable how naturally these principles were 
associated with the episcopal polity which Saravia found 
and admired in England. The same spirit, however, 
continued during the time of the Commonwealth in which 
our first missionary society was founded, generally called 
" The New England Company," a society which still 
exists and administers a small income. In Sweden the 
missions to Lapland and Finland and the work done in the 
colony of New Sweden, both early in the seventeenth cen- 
tury and at its close, are interesting parallels. How far 
either country directly contributed to foster the missionary 
spirit of the pietistic movement in Germany I cannot say, 
but certain it is that some of the leading continental 
Pietists were associated with the missionary movement in 
England at the end of the seventeenth century. That 
movement arose from the " Religious Societies of London 
and Westminster," which were founded in 1678, and the 
" Societies for Reformation of Manners," founded in 
1691, which must surely have owed some part of their im- 
pulse to Spener's collegia pietatis. These societies were 
the direct antecedents of our first great comprehensive 
society, " The Society for Promoting Christian Know- 
ledge " (S.P.C.K.), founded in 1698, and its offshoot, the 
more distinctly missionary society, "The Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts " (S.P.G.), 
founded in 1701. The " Religious Societies " were more 
closely allied to the Church than those for the " Reforma- 
tion of Manners " and were of more abiding value. The 
latter became offensive because of their inquisitorial spirit 
and the encouragement given by them to informers. 

Amongst the earliest corresponding members of the 

7 See Saravia's Diversi Tractatus Theologici, pp. 171-178, 
London, 161 1. 

322 VII.— TIME of freedom and neology. 

Christian Knowledge Society were Professor A. H. 
Francke, of Halle ; the much-loved pastor, John Frederick 
Osterwald, of Neuchatel ; the great scholar, Dr. John 
Ernest Grabe, who became a clergyman of our Church, and 
Dr. Brinck, a Danish minister of Copenhagen. 8 The con- 
nection of England with Denmark in evangelistic work 
was very close, especially through B. Ziegenbalg and C. F. 
Schwartz, who worked in the Danish colony of Tranque- 
bar in India, but were supported also from England. We 
do not, I think, know of Swedes who worked in distant 
missions at this date, but Svedberg was much struck with 
the missionary zeal of his friend, Edzardus, 9 at Hamburg, 
and I have already noticed that Serenius was an early mem- 
ber of the S.P.G. None of those who came within the 
Halle circle of influence could fail to be aware of the 
missionary activity which flowed from that centre. Prob- 
ably the first Swede to propagate mission work in India 
was Johan Zakarias Kjernander. As a student he had 
been sent away from Upsala for some fault and migrated 
to Halle, whence he went out to Calcutta in 1758. He 
married there and acquired great wealth in commerce, 
which he used to good purpose (Cornelius: Hist., § 193). 

The third great object of Pietism was the regeneration 
of morals. It was here, perhaps, that greatest effort was 
needed, but here also that it was most easy to go wrong 
and to excite criticism, jealousy and opposition. Though 
Spener was a wise and circumspect man, many of his fol- 
lowers were not so; and Pietism soon became identified 
with a narrow code of morals, in which strict rules as to 
dress, expenditure and amusements and a forced distinc- 
tion between the " world " and the Church, seemed to take 
the place of moral principles. It was also found to be 
narrow in its range of studies and narrow in its sympathy 
with art and science, and even in its enjoyment of natural 
beauty. These were the extravagances of the movement, 
but, on the whole, it was an incalculable blessing to the 

8 See Hist, of S. P. C. K. t p. 2, Lond., 1898. 

3 See H. W. Tottie : Jesper Svedberg' s Lif. t etc., i., p. 40. 


whole Church, to be sent back to the devotional study of 
Scripture, to be reminded of the duties of individual piety 
and corporate missionary activity, and to have the idea of 
self-denial restored to its proper place in Christian life. 
Sweden profited not less than Germany by its endeavours 
to attain these objects. 

At first Pietism was rather favourably received in 
Sweden. Light is thrown upon it by a study of Bishop 
Svedberg's life, to which I have already referred, and, 
although he did not work directly with it, he recognized 
what was good in it. It entered Sweden in force about 
1702. Its new hymn-book, " Songs of Moses and the 
Lamb," first printed in 17 17, and often since republished, 
gave the Pietists a bond of union which was very useful to 
them, though it excited some contempt from the simplicity 
of its language. A new element was introduced into the 
movement on the return of the Swedish prisoners of war 
taken in Charles XII. 's unsuccessful war in Russia, especi- 
ally from Siberia, about 1721. Francke, personally, had 
done much to soften their painful existence in captivity, 
and his spirit had taken great hold of the troops, though 
even there it was not wholly welcome to the military chap- 
lains who were among them. In Sweden itself, however, 
it was at first rather encouraged by the two greatest re- 
ligious leaders of the age, Eric Benzelius, junior (1675 — 
1743), Bishop of Linkoping, and then archbishop, and 
Professor Andreas Rydelius (167 1 — 1738), 10 the first inde- 
pendent philosopher of Sweden, who died after a four 
years' episcopate as Bishop of Lund. Rydelius was 
particularly friendly to Peter Murbeck in Skane (1708— 
1766), who has been called " the Francke of Sweden," 
though he was a harder man than Francke. 11 At the same 
time Eric Tollstadius was working effectually in Upper 

10 There is a short and interesting biography of Rydelius, by 
J. A. Eklund (Bishop of Carlstad), Stockholm, 1899. 

11 There is a sketch of Murbeck's life and work in Hjalmar 
Lyth's Ropande Roster, Stockholm, 1908. A fuller treatment 
of the life is published by Rydberg. 


Sweden, especially in Stockholm (t 1759). On the other 
hand the Pietists were in many places subjected to great 
suspicion, and even to persecution, of which Tollstadius 
had a considerable amount to suffer, as well as the excel- 
lent Provost Nils Grubb, of Umea, farther north. 12 The 
general feeling, which was voiced by Gustaf Adolf 
Humble (1674 — 1741), who became Bishop of Vexio in 
1730, was against the movement, and the edicts against 
Conventicles of 1706, 17 13, 1721, and especially the severest 
of all, that of 1726, were intended to check and suppress 
it. We must remember, however, that these were govern- 
ment edicts, not laws freely passed by the Church. The 
last of these, forbidding all public gatherings for worship 
except under the parish priest, was not repealed till 1858. 

§ 3. — Offshoots of Pietism. School of Bengel and 
the Moravians. Salutary influence of the 
Moravians in Sweden. 

Pietism gave birth to two other very important move- 
ments — the revival of the Church of the Moravian 
Brethren by Count Zinzendorf at Herrnhut, and the 
theological school of John Albert Bengel, whose Gnomon 
of the New Testament is a classic even in England, and 
who is recognized as the founder of textual criticism of the 
New Testament in Germany. Of these two Dorner says 
that they agreed in their rejection of the real defects of the 
older Pietism, and in their appropriation of those genuine 
elements of Churchmanship which it had neglected to 
adopt. They resembled each other also in their full appre- 
ciation of Christian liberty and of the loveableness of 
Gospel truth, and their intense perception of its creative 
originality. Where they differed was in this: Zinzendorf 
founded a Church, with something of the defects which 

12 There is an extensive life of N. Grubb in K. H. Arsskrift, by 
E. Wermcrantz, Vols. 4, 5, 6, 7 for 1903-6. On Bishop Humble 
see Cornelius : Hist. § 157. 


cling to a small community, however large-hearted and 
free from sectarianism. Bengel only founded a school 
which penetrated and elevated a larger body, to its great 
advantage. 13 

In reading the pages of Dorner on the Church of the 
Brethren, 14 in which he writes with unaccustomed warmth 
and almost unstinted praise of their belief and worship, I 
cannot but be carried back to days long past — forty-five 
years ago — when J had the privilege of some acquaintance 
with this honoured leader of theological study at Berlin, 
when I attended with him on one or two occasions the 
services of the Moravian Church, where, I believe, he 
found his own most congenial home of worship. 

Moravianism had a very early connection with Sweden. 
When Zinzendorf founded his community at Herrnhut in 
1727 he had a fellow-worker in Assessor C. H. Grundel- 
stierna, who was also of use to himself in his own religious 
development. Through him and through other Swedes 
the Church of the Brethren was introduced into the 
country in the years 1739 — 1744, when two centres were 
established, one in Stockholm, and one in West Goth- 
land. Its influence was great, salutary and opportune, 
for Sweden was at this period disturbed in many quarters 
by fanatical separatists and mystic visionaries. Mora- 
vianism itself was for a time drawn into some of these 
extravagances, but it recovered about 1760, and continued 
to be a rallying point for those who did not find the estab- 
lished Church sufficiently warm in its life and its attitude 
towards our Lord and to His religion. 

13 I. A. Dorner: Hist, of Prot. TheoL, ii., pp. 226-7. 
14 L.c, pp. 245-8. 

326 vii.— time of freedom and neology. 

§ 4. — New life in the Church in the so-called m time 
of freedom." Political results of the 
death of Charles XII. Weak reigns of 
Frederick of Hesse (17 18 — 1751) and Adol- 
phus Frederick (1751 — 1771). New life. 
Sven B alter. Jakob Serenius. Anders 
Nohrborg. Anders Elfving in SkAne. Per 
Fjellstrom and Per Hogstrom in Lapland. 
Irregularities in ordination by superinten- 
dents and others. 

The death of the heroic Charles XII. in 17 18, at the 
early age of thirty-six, made a very great change in the 
political situation. Sweden, from being one of the lead- 
ing powers of Europe, sank back exhausted to take a lower 
place. It lost in a short time nearly all its new possessions, 
and only retained the southern provinces, which it had re- 
covered from Denmark, and Swedish Pomerania, which 
it kept until 1815. 15 Finland, an older possession, also 
remained in great part Swedish up till 1809, when the 
necessity of an alliance with Russia against Napoleon 
forced the cession of the Grand Duchy and the island of 
Aland, right opposite Stockholm, to that powerful neigh- 

The death of Charles not only left Sweden without a 
king and leader, it left it without a proper heir to the 
throne. This was an opportunity for the nobility, or 
rather the Council of State, to regain something of the 
power of which Charles XI. had deprived them. They 
made a compact with the younger sister of Charles XII., 
Ulrica Eleonora, the younger, that she and then her hus- 
band, a Hessian prince, should reign in the place of the 
dead elder sister's (Hedvig Sophia's) son, another German 

15 Cp. Betydelsen for Sveriges utveckling af 1600-talets 
Krigspolitik af Ellen Fries, Fil. Dr., in Heimdal's Folkskrifter, 
1898. This is an interesting sketch which I wish I had room 
to quote. 


prince. This was a natural arrangement under the cir- 
cumstances, since Ulrica had been practically regent, in 
her brother's absence in Russia, Turkey and elsewhere, 
and was the only adult member of the family resident in 
Sweden. She had, however, to give up her hereditary 
right, and submit to election, and the government, during 
the whole reign of her husband (Frederick of Hesse) 
(1718 — 1751), and that of another German prince, Adol- 
phus Frederick of Holstein-Gottorp (1751 — 177 1) — a 
period of over forty years — was in the hands of an olig- 
archy. The return of Sweden to an elective monarchy on 
these two occasions is, of course, a very important political 
fact. It facilitated the change of dynasty by which the 
present royal family came to the throne in the early years 
of the last century. 

The period was one of humiliation for the crown and of 
great political unrest within, but, on the whole, it was a 
time of growth both for literature and science and for the 

Even in these lectures it seems right to take some 
notice of the general progress of culture in Sweden, 
and I cannot omit to draw your attention on the one hand 
to Olof Dalin, as a representative of literature, and on the 
other to the great botanist, Karl von Linne or Linnaeus 
(1707—78), founder, with others, of the Swedish Academy 
of Science, such as the astronomer, Anders Celsius, and 
the chemist, Torberg Bergman, and his pupil, Scheele. 
Dalin's Swedish Argus, which appeared in 1732, was pro- 
duced when he was quite a young man, aged twenty-four. 
It had the same objects as Addison's Spectator and other 
similar periodical essays, the improvement of morals and 
style ; but it was also intended to spread useful information. 
Dalin himself wrote much better and more naturally than 
his predecessors, and was popular both as a poet and a 
historian. Of his History of the Kingdom of Sweden : t 
was said that he had brought down history from the book- 
shelves into the hearts of the people. His little poems 
were sung all over the country, and it was his greatest joy 


to hear them trolled from the lips of a postillion or hummed 
by any youngster in the streets. 16 

Linnaeus touches Church life more closely, as he was the 
son of a country curate and never forgot his home and its 
teaching. He was first a student at Lund, and then for 
many years a teacher at Upsala, where his influence was 
most wholesome and inspiring, especially to his pupils. 
His whole life was, as it were, a song in praise of the beauty 
of nature and of the wisdom of the Creator. The opening 
sentences of his great book, the Systema Natwrce, reveal 
at once his simple and reverent character : — 

" I saw the back of the infinite, all-wise and all-mighty God 
as He went from me — and I was appalled. I traced out His 
footsteps over the field of nature, and I remarked at every ex- 
tremity of it an infinite wisdom and power. I saw there how 
all animals are nourished by plants, plants by the earth, how 
the earth-ball is turned night and day round the sun, which 
gave it life, how the sun with the planets and the fixed stars 
are held up in their empty nothing by the motive and director 
of universal existence, of all causation, this world's Lord and 
Master. If one should call Him Fate, one is not wrong, for all 
things hang on His finger. If one should call Him Nature, one 
is not wrong, for from Him all things have come. If one 
should call Him Providence, one speaks rightly too, for all 
things are done according to His will and pleasure." 

Over the door of his bedroom was written in his own 
hand : " Live without reproach ! God sees thee !" 17 

There were no very great men in the Church in this 
period, but there was no lack of good ones. The Pietistic 
and Moravian movements, and others of more local origin, 
stimulated the energies of the Church within, and a 
remarkable succession of bishops and clergy adorned 
the Swedish Church in the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
tury. We may mention first Sven Baiter, Provost of 
Vexio (17 13— 1760), a great and attractive preacher, whose 
book on " Church ceremonies amongst the first Christians 
and in the kingdom of Sweden " is indispensable for our 

16 C. Grimberg: Sveriges Historia, p. 394, Stkh., 1908. 
17 See Grimberg: I.e., p. 405. 


subject. 18 With Baiter it is natural to associate the name 
of Andreas Rhyzelius, Bishop of Linkoping from 1743 to 
1761, whose lives of Swedish bishops and description of 
Swedish monasteries are of no slight value to the 
historian. 19 Jakob Serenius (1700 — 1776), Bishop of 
Strengnas from 1763 to his death, has been already inci- 
dentally named as having been pastor of the Swedish 
Church in London, and as having done much to introduce 
confirmation into Sweden, after the English and Danish 
manner. His residence in England also led to his writing 
two important philological works, an English, Swedish 
and Latin dictionary, and a dissertation on the early rela- 
tions between the Sveogoths and the Angles. He was 
zealous for order and education in his diocese, and had 
something, I suppose, of the masterful spirit of Rud- 
beckius. The court preacher, Anders Nohrborg (1725 — 
1767) is best known as the author of that most popular 
book of postils or sermons, entitled The Way of Salvation 
for fallen Man, which for many Swedes has come next to 
the Bible and the hymn-book as a help to devotion. 20 It 
is remarkable as being the work of a strict Churchman, 
and one opposed to all sectarianism. In this way it did 
much to maintain the position of the National Church. 
An even more popular preacher in his own life time was 
Anders Elfving (1745 — 1772), "the man with the spirit 
and power of Elias," on whom Murbeck, the Pietist, had 

18 Historiska Anmarkningar om Kyrko-ceremonierna sd wal 
wid den offenteliga Gudstjensten, som andra tillfallen, hos de 
forsta Christna, och i Swea Rike ; i synnerhet efter Reforma- 
tionen, etc. It was published first in 1762. I have used the 
third edition "with appendix and alterations in accordance with 
the Hand-book of 1809," by Professor A. E. Knos, Orebro, 

1Q Episcoposcopia Suiogothica, two parts, Linkoping, 1752, 
Monasteriologia Suiogothica eller Kloster-beskrifvning, 1740. 

20 Den fallna menniskans salighets ordning, published after 
his death by his brother Daniel, in 177 1. The 17th edition 
appeared in 1877. 


exercised an abiding influence. 21 Although he died at 
the age of only twenty-eight, he had made an immense 
impression on the people, especially in Kalmar and Skane, 
and legends of him, like the legends of the saints, were 
still current a short time back in places where he worked. 

For instance, it is said that a servant in his household 
determined to find out whom Elfving had to help him in 
preparing his sermons, inasmuch as he spoke so much 
better than other priests. One Saturday night this man 
laid himself under Elfving's bed, knowing that his master 
had been so much occupied during the week as to have 
been unable to prepare his sermon. When Elfving came 
into the room he sat down to write like anyone else, but 
he was not satisfied with what he had written. He then 
knelt down and began to pray aloud, at first in a faltering 
voice, but in the end with such a burning torrent of words 
that his auditor under the bed was deeply moved. When 
all was still, he crept out and saw an angel standing by his 
master's side, and whispering to him what he was to 
write. 22 

It is also a happy thing to notice that mission work 
among the Lapps was carried on vigorously and affection- 
ately by Per Fjellstrom (1697 — 1764) and Per Hogstrom 
(1714 — 1784). The former produced a grammar and 
dictionary of their language as well as school books and 
Church books ; the latter was a great traveller and observer, 
as well as a translator of useful books, and a benefactor in 
many ways to the people of the North, especially in the 
town of Skelleftea in Vesterbotten, where he worked as a 
pastor for nearly forty years. 

Although on the whole the so-called period of freedom 
may have been favourable to the progress of the Church, 
it witnessed certain irregularities which are accounted for 
by the weakness of the crown. The most important of 

21 There is a sketch of Elfving's life in Hjalmar Lyth's 
Ropande Roster, Stockholm, 1908, which also contains sketches 
of P. Murbeck, Lars Linderot, and P. L. Sellergren. 

22 Ropande Roster, p. 42. 


all would be, if it could be proved, an irregularity or 
failure in the consecration of Johannes Steuchius, Arch- 
bishop of Upsala (1730 — 1742). He had previously been 
Superintendent of Carlstad (1723 — 1730), and was then 
appointed Bishop of Linkoping, where, however, he does 
not seem to have resided. It has been remarked that no 
mention of his consecration to Carlstad, Linkoping or 
Upsala is made in his funeral sermon, and it is known that 
superintendents were not always consecrated. But since 
Rhyzelius, who was Provost of Linkoping (1720 — 1743) 
and then bishop (1744 — 1761), asserts that he was conse- 
crated to Linkoping by Bishop Jesper Svedberg at Skara, 
15th November, 1730 (the archbishopric being then vacant 
by the death of Steuchius' father, Mathias), there seems 
every reason to believe the statement. It is also to be 
noticed that the learned Eric Benzelius the younger, who 
succeeded Johannes Steuchius both at Linkoping and 
Upsala, left in manuscript a treatise on the Apostolic suc- 
cession, still existing in the diocesan library at Linkoping, 
in which there is no reference to any anomaly in the case of 
Steuchius. Nor is there any reference to it in the disserta- 
tion On the Canonical Succession and Consecration of the 
Bishops of Sweden by the historian, E. M. Fant, pub- 
lished at Upsala in 1790. This difficulty may, therefore, 
be dismissed. 

The serious irregularities that are known are generally 
of the nature of royal permissions given to superinten- 
dents and deans to ordain priests on account of distance, 
and the difficulties which candidates had of attendance on 
a bishop— as, e.g., in the army, in the colony of New 
Sweden, and during a vacancy, etc. 23 Such irregularities 

23 The following are the instances kindly furnished to our 
Commission by Dean Lundstrom (21st September, 1910) : — 

1 i 1 ? ^ — 17°°)- — Superintendents of the Forces ordained 

priests at Jarislov (outside Sweden) according to Olof 
Wallquist (Eccl. Coll., 2, 131). 

2 (1709— 172 1). — General Superintendent Norberg, when a 

captive in Russia, ordained two ministers at Moscow, 
13th March, 1713 (ibid., p. 130). 


were due, not to the desire of the crown to increase its 
prerogative, but to its weakness and inability to resist the 
pressure put upon it by influential persons. This laxity 
ceased on the restoration of personal government under 
Gustavus III., who wrote on 25th June, 1786, to the Dean 
of Upsala refusing to give him liberty to ordain, saying : 
" We have found that ordination belongs to bishops 
alone." A similar refusal was made to Olof Celsius of 

3. — Jakob Serenius, when chaplain in London, obtained per- 
mission from Bishop Svedberg of Skara to ordain for him 
a minister for New Sweden. It is not known whether 
he acted on it (Letters of E. Benzelius, jun., at Linkop- 

in g)- 
4. — The Dean of Upsala, Matthaus Asp, at the request of 
the Chapter, obtained a letter from King Adolphus 
Frederick, during the vacancy of the see after the death 
of Archbishop Henricus Benzelius (t 20th May, 1758), 
under which he ordained twenty priests, 20th June, 1758 
(Baiter, p. 678, ed. 1838). 
5. — Similarly, Lars Hydren, Dean of Upsala, obtained the 
"jus ordinandi" from the same king, under which he 
ordained sixteen priests, 16th December, 1764, during 
the vacancy caused by the death of Archbishop Samuel 
Troilius (f 16th January, 1764). [I do not quite under- 
stand the date, as Beronius, Bishop of Kalmar, is said 
by Hollander to have become Archbishop 26th June, 
1764. Perhaps he had not been enthroned.] 
6. — The same dean held a similar ordination of thirteen 
priests under similar circumstances 21st July, 1775. 
Beronius had died 18th May, 1775. 
The ordinations of Hydren seem to have been limited to these 
two cases in 1764 and 1775 : see Archbishop U. von Troil's 
Life of Lars Hydren, p. 64, Upsala, 1890. 

I may add under this head that about 1700 the three Swedish 
pastors of the Delaware, Rudman, Bjork and Sandel, ordained 
Justus Falckner, a Halle student, to the priesthood. When this 
act was cited as a precedent for presbyterian ordination, twenty- 
four years later, " the four Swedish pastors disclaimed the 
authority to ordain, and explained the ordination of Falckner 
upon the ground that Rudman had been made by ' the Archbishop 
of Sweden ' 'suffragan or vice-bishop' " (H. E. Jacobs: The 
Evangelical-Lutheran Church in U.S.A., p. 97, ed. 1907). A 
similar commission, not carried out, was given by the arch- 
bishop, and consistory of Upsala, 7th November, 1739. 


Lund, who wished his dean to ordain for him on account 
of his old age, in a royal letter of 31st August, 1792, "as 
both the Church law and the dignity of such a ceremony 
demands that it ought to be performed by a bishop." 

None of the persons so irregularly ordained became 

I must now turn from these details to draw a picture — 
however slight — of a single person, whose career and char- 
acter exhibit something of the same restless and audacious 
genius in exploring the mysteries of the unseen world, as 
that of St. Birgitta in the mediaeval period — I mean, of 
course, Emanuel Swedenborg. 

§ 5.— Emanuel Swedenborg (1688 — 1772). 24 His early 
life. Friendship with Charles XII. His 
disappointment in marriage. two great 
works on inanimate and animate nature. 
Anticipations of modern theories. Transi- 

Strange conduct in 1743 — 1744. His Gnostic 
and sabellian theology. the last judgment 
in 1757. The "New Church." His creden- 
tials. Criticism. 

One of the most striking figures in the whole history of 
Sweden, and particularly in the religious history of that 
country in the eighteenth century, is that of Emanuel 

24 There is a good and popular biography of Swedenborg by 
James John Garth Wilkinson, M.D. (1812 — 1899), a surgeon 
and physician, a homoeopathist and anti-vaccinationist, himself 
a mystic and a disciple of Swedenborg, an admirer of Blake, and 
a friend of R. W. Emerson — isted. 1849, 2nd ed. 1886. Wilkin- 
son translated as many as eleven works of Swedenborg into 
English ; for the list see D. N. B., s.n. /. /. G. Wilkinson. His 
presentation of Swedenborg won the praise of Emerson. Less 
sympathetic and somewhat vulgar, but much fuller and more 
critical, is the life by William White : Emanuel Swedenborg : 
his Life and Writings, 2 vols., London, 1867, 1 vol., ed. 1868. 
Cp. the review of it in the Christian Remembrancer, Vol. 54, 
pp. 305-25, 1867, and Wilkinson, ed. 2, p. viii. E. Paxton 


Swedenborg (1688— 1772). He was third child and 
second son of the famous Jesper Svedberg, Bishop of 
Skara, already several times mentioned, and his first wife, 
Sara Behm. He inherited from his father the visionary 
temper, which had such strange manifestations in the last 
thirty years of his long life. But this was only one side of 
his character. Both father and mother came from the Stora 
Kopparberg, the mining district of Dalarne, and Sweden- 
borg inherited from his mother and maternal grandfather, 
not only mining property, but in all probability his re- 
markable interest in and intelligence of all matters there- 
with concerned. Swedenborg is certainly one of the most 
extraordinary combinations of the speculative, and the 
practical, the visionary and the materialist characters that 
the world has ever seen. He is the greatest of the 
encyclopaedic geniuses produced by his native country, or 
as one of his admirers calls him, " the most grandly super- 
ficial writer who had then arisen — a rare qualification in 
its good sense" (Wilkinson : p. 53). 

For the first ten or twelve years of his life he had marked 
religious instincts, and he was happy to remember in his 

Hood : Swedenborg : a Biography and an Exposition, London, 
1854, ls wordy and diffuse, but rather interesting. I have not 
seen Tafel's works. The other books I have consulted are the 
article in P.R.E. Z , Vol. 19, by W. Kohler, and older articles in 
biographical dictionaries; Schiick and Warburg : I.L.S.H., ii., 
234-9 1 ar, d particularly Hjaimar Holmquist : Swedenborgs 
forsta Verksamhet-s period in the Bibeljorskare, February, 
1909, and Alfred H. Stroh : Grunddragen af Swedenborg'* s Lif, 
Stockholm, 1908. I have used Dorner's H. of Prot. TheoL, 
E. T., ii., 240-5, as a criticism of S.'s theological position. 
R. W. Emerson's essay on Representative Men, provides 
criticism of another kind. 

Of Swedenborg's own works I have The true Christian 
Religion, containing the Universal theology of the New Church 
(translated from the Latin published at Amsterdam, 177 1), 
London ; Swedenborg S. B. and F., 1890, and Rev. Augustus 
Clissold's 4 vols. : Spiritual Exposition of the Apocalypse, 
Lond., 185 1. William White's analyses are sufficient for most 
purposes. I quote the second edition of both White and 


latter years that his parents talked of him as a child 
through whom angels spoke. Angels were doubtless 
often the subject of conversation in Swedenborg's home, 
and the father may have often spoken of his own inter- 
course with them. Bishop Svedberg, however, left his 
son's mind free from the theological conceptions of ortho- 
dox Lutheranism which he indeed himself freely criticized. 
"I knew of no other faith or belief," wrote Swedenborg 
late in life, " from my fifth to my twelfth year than that 
God is the creator and preserver of nature; that He en- 
dues man with understanding, good inclinations and 
other gifts derived from these. I knew nothing at that 
time of the systematic or dogmatic kind of faith . . . and 
had I heard of such a faith it would have been then, as 
now, perfectly unintelligible to me" (Wilkinson: p. 5). 
As a young man Swedenborg had some inclination to 
literature, but his taste was directed to mathematical and 
scientific studies by Eric Benzelius the younger, husband 
of his beloved sister Anna, and then the influential 
librarian of the University of Upsala, who was dearer to 
him than his own brothers. 

After assisting his elders in founding a learned society 
at Upsala — the "Collegium curiosorum " — Swedenborg 
travelled for five years (17 10 — 17 15), the first two of which 
he spent in England. Here he made many friends and 
acquaintances, especially the great trio, Isaac Newton, 
John Flamsteed and Edmund Halley. But he was taking 
in on all sides the influences of the great men who adorned 
the latter years of the reign of Queen Anne (Holmquist : 
I.e., 12-19). He then passed through Holland, where the 
Congress of Utrecht was in session, and he had the assist- 
ance of the Swedish representative, Palmqvist, in making 
use of his opportunities. He spent some time in Paris, 
where he met the astronomers, Delahire and Varignan, 
and Germany, where he made the acquaintance of Leibnitz 
and the mathematician and physicist, John Christian Wolff. 
He returned to Sweden in July, 1715. His head was full 
of ideas, and plans, and projects, particularly of a mathe- 


matical and mechanical nature, amongst which we observe 
a submarine vessel to be used in war, a system of locks for 
canals, a universal musical instrument and a flying 
machine (Holmquist : p. 22). He then published the first 
scientific periodical ever issued in the country, the 
Dcedalus Hyperboreus, in which he co-operated with his 
elder friend, Christopher Polhem, a great engineer, whom 
he named the Archimedes of Sweden. This periodical 
attracted the king's notice, and further acquaintance 
ripened into friendship between himself and Charles XII., 
who aspired, among other things, to be a mathematician. 
The king, who recognized his powerful genius, made him 
an assessor of the College of Mines — the board of directors 
who governed this side of Swedish industry — an office 
which his mother's father had held. The king employed 
him with Polhem in the construction of the docks at Carls- 
crona, in the development of the salt industry, and in the 
project for a canal through the lakes across the peninsula, 
which Hans Brask had suggested long before, as well as in 
the usual mining operations. Swedenborg's mechanical 
genius enabled him even to help the king directly in his 
campaign against Norway in June, 17 18. The direct 
approach to Fredrikshald and the fortress of Fredriksten 
up the Svinesund was blockaded by the Danish and Nor- 
wegian fleets, supported by English vessels. Sweden- 
borg, who was at Stromstad with the Swedish fleet on the 
coast of Bohuslan, either accidentally or summoned for 
the purpose, devised machinery by which a number of 
vessels were drawn across the mountains of Bohuslan, 
some fifteen to seventeen English miles, to the upper end 
of the Idefjord, where they served to draw the pontoons on 
which the artillery was placed, and to set it in the 
desired position against the fortress. But this siege was 
destined to be the end of the friendship with the king, 
which promised so great a career for Swedenborg. On 
the 30th November, 17 18, the king was shot down by an 
unknown hand as he was inspecting the works on the east 
side of the Fredriksten. Swedenborg, in one of his later 


books, makes this striking reference to him. 25 Speaking 
of courage in man, he writes: "We may see genuine 
courage illustrated in the person of the dead King of 
Sweden, that hero of the North, who never knew that 
which others call fear, nor that fallacious courage and 
boastfulness which is excited by intoxicating drinks; for 
he touched no other than water. Of him we may say that 
he lived a life farther removed from death than others, and 
that he had in reality lived more than other men." 

This death not only closed a period in Swedenborg's 
life, but it was followed shortly after by another blow, his 
disappointment in the only love affair which is known 
to have seriously touched his heart. He was greatly 
attracted by Emerentia Polhem, his dear friend's younger 
daughter, and Polhem made her promise in writing to 
marry Swedenborg. But the young lady could not dis- 
guise her sorrow and distress, and Swedenborg was forced 
to give her up, and swore that he could never think of 
another woman. Thus it came to pass that one who wrote 
more warmly than anyone else of the honourable estate of 
matrimony, and who afterwards taught as a matter of re- 
velation that it was (in a spiritual manner) to be part of 
human life in another world, was himself debarred from 
entering it. 26 

25 In his CEconomia regni animalis, quoted by Holmquist, 
I.e., p. 38. 

26 Swedenborg's own moral character is a matter of debate. 
On the one hand (1) his writings shew a coarse habit of mind, 
and a great familiarity with vicious thoughts, and (2) in his 
moral teaching he allowed great laxity to men, especially in 
the unmarried state. He seems to view woman chiefly from the 
man's standpoint, and to have had no ideas of the elevation 
which she then so sorely needed. On the other hand, the actual 
lapses of conduct attributed to him do not appear to be made 
out. Holmquist, I.e., p. 39 n., criticizes the story that he had 
an alskarinna in Italy. On the coarseness of his diary in 1743 — 
1744, see White, chapter xi., and Chr. Rembr., I.e., p. 318. On 
the laxity which he allowed to men, either unmarried or living 
apart from their wives, see White, pp. 554-62, and Wilkinson, 
pp. 180-1. His works are in parts anything but pleasant 


In 1 7 19 the Svedberg family was ennobled and took the 
name of Swedenborg. The bishop died in 1735. His 
son, who inherited some fortune from both his mother and 
his stepmother, was able to live comfortably and to travel 
largely and spend much money in printing books which did 
not sell. 

Shortly after his father's death Swedenborg began to 
publish his great works on natural philosophy, in which 
the critics see the influence of Descartes and Newton, 
Leibnitz and John Christian Wolff (1679 — 1754). 

The first of these was the collection called Opera 
Philosophica et Mineralia in three folio volumes, pub- 
lished at Dresden and Leipzig (1738 — 1 741). The first 
and most important volume contained the Principia, or 
cosmogony, the fundamental position of which is that the 
groundwork of nature is the same as the groundwork of 
geometry — the point or infinitesimal atom. The most 
perfect motion is that of the spiral, a thought apparently 
borrowed from the " vortices " of Descartes. The other 
volumes are of a more practical nature, and include 
Swedenborg's personal experience of mining, smelting 
and metallurgy. 

His second great work was one on animate nature, the 
Regnurn Animale, which dealt with anatomy, physiology 
and biology, the first two parts of which were published 
at the Hague in 1744, the third in London, 1745 — that is, 
just at the time of his great change. 

In these printed books and in the large mass of manu- 
script material, which contains corrections and develop- 
ments of great extent, scientific men of our own day have 
noticed amidst much that is prolix, diffuse and fanciful, a 
wonderful anticipation of later and modern theories and dis- 
coveries. For instance, Swedenborg gave currency to the 
following notions: (1) That the planets of our solar system 
have their origin in the material of which the sun is made; 

reading. Emerson says of him : " Except Rabelais and Dean 
Swift nobody ever had such science of filth and corruption." 
Representative Men, p. 102 (Temple Classics). 


(2) that the earth and the other planets have gradually 
separated themselves from the sun, and, therefore, have 
acquired a gradually lengthened orbit; (3) that the earth's 
period of rotation has gradually increased; (4) that the 
solar systems are arranged round the Milky Way, in the 
central line of which they lie most closely; (5) that there 
is an even greater system in which the milky ways are 
arranged together (A. H. Stroh : I.e., p. 40). In his 
" animal kingdom " modern physiologists are particularly 
struck with his anticipations of recent conclusions as to 
the anatomy and functions of the brain. In the first place, 
they say, he had the courage to defend the coincidence of 
the movement of the brain with that of the lungs in 
respiration, on the ground of observations made by him- 
self and with reference to experiments made by others on 
animals. He was also the first to make clear that the 
cortex of the brain is the seat of the higher psychical 
activity, the point of contact between soul and body. 
Swedenborg also recognized that the grey substance of 
the cortex of the brain is connected with the will and with 
the voluntary motions which the will originates. He 
further postulated the existence of different motor areas in 
this part of the brain, and their connection with the 
activity of different muscles (P. R. E. s 19, 182). It was 
unfortunate for Swedenborg's reputation as a man of 
science, in his own day, that the great change took place 
in 1743 — 1745, which turned him from an inquirer into a 
seer, from a philosopher and man of science into a 
theosophist. The change was indeed an immense one, 
and he seems to have quickly lost almost all interest in his 
previously absorbing studies. The change was, however, 
not wholly unnatural. He had worked up from inanimate 
to animate nature, from mathematics and physics in its 
different branches, from geology, chemistry, and astro- 
nomy to physiology, biology and psychology. He was 
in his last book busy with the question of the relation of 
soul and body, of the infinite and the finite, and with the 
thought of God. " I have gone through this anatomy (he 


writes) with the single end of investigating the soul. It 
will be a satisfaction to me if my labours be of any use to 
the anatomical and medical world, but a still greater 
satisfaction if I afford any light towards the investi- 
gation of the soul" (Wilkinson: p. 48). He had 
started from geometry and mechanics, and he had, like 
Comte afterwards, found the highest sphere of nature in 
man. But, unlike Comte, he felt that the presence 
of something higher was postulated by the pheno- 
mena of human life and thought. He was an evolu- 
tionist, like Darwin afterwards, but his evolution led him 
to The Worship and the Love of God, the title which he 
gave to the book, which was the expression of his highest 
thoughts in his period of transition. What influences 
were exercised on him in his religious development have 
not, I think, been clearly investigated. In some of his 
speculations, particularly in his anthropomorphic idea of 
God, he had a predecessor in Ludowicke Muggleton (1609 
— 1698), who, like himself, circumscribed the God-head in 
the person of our Lord Jesus Christ and retained the 
human form in heaven. 27 

He seems to have met that strange restless being, 
John Conrad Dippel (1673— 1734), the so-called Demo- 
critus Christianus, on the occasion of his visit to 
Sweden in 1729, where he was invited to cure the king. 28 
Dippel was a physician of considerable ability, but he was 
also an alchemist, an astrologer, and a charlatan — a sort of 
eighteenth century Paracelsus. His interests were largely 
theological, and especially in the direction of the less 
worthy forms of Pietism. In his Papismus Protestan- 
tium vapulans (1698) and his Vera D emonstratio Evan- 
gelica (1729) he attacked the prevailing orthodoxy. He 
substituted a divine inward light for the revelation of Scrip- 
ture ; he denounced the teaching of the wrath of God, whom 

27 Cp. White, I.e., p. 704. See also D.N.B., s.n. Muggleton. 

28 Holmquist: I.e., p. 45. On Dippel, see Cornelius: Hist., 
§§ 165-6, Dorner : H. of P, Theol, ii., 262, P.R.E. 3 4, 703-7, 
art. by F. Bosse. 


he described as entirely love. God (he says) needed not to 
be reconciled to us, but we to Him. Christ came into the 
world not to make satisfaction for our sins and to earn 
salvation for us, but to lead us from love of the creatures 
to love to God. He is our example rather than our Re- 
deemer. His death was not an atoning sacrifice, but an 
encouragement to self-sacrifice. Dippel also attacked the 
orthodox doctrine of the Trinity. 

It is easy to see the points in which Dippel's theology 
coincides with that of Swedenborg, and probably Dippel's 
pretensions to supernatural power were not without attrac- 
tions to the young Swede. There is, however, I think, no 
evidence that they met in later years, and the great re- 
ligious crisis in Swedenborg's life occurred much later, in 
the year 1743, when he was in London. What the nature 
of that crisis was is not exactly known. 

According to the narrative of Brockmer, with whom he 
was then lodging in Fetter Lane, Brockmer was called up 
one evening by Swedenborg, who had gone to bed, and 
found him in a very wild state, in fact quite insane. 
Swedenborg, who was foaming at the mouth, and spoke 
with difficulty, confided to him that he was the Messiah, 
that he was come to be crucified by the Jews, and wished 
Brockmer to go with him to the synagogue on the morrow 
to be his interpreter. According to this account he did 
many other wild things at this time, and had to be taken 
care of in another house. 29 Details of his outer life are 
otherwise wanting for this period. 

Swedenborg (perhaps naturally) gives no such account 
of what happened to him, but relates many dreams, some- 
times quaint, strange and irreverent, and sometimes coarse 
and vulgar, which befell him about this time. He 
describes in particular the way in which he was able, by 
holding his breath, to enter into close relations with the 
invisible worlds. I believe that in this he had a supposed 

29 See W. White : I.e., ed. 2, pp. 129 foil., also quoted in Chr. 
Remembrancer, 54, 315-7. 


experience parallel to that of many Indian ascetics. 30 
There is no doubt that long practice in holding the breath 
does enable a man to hypnotize himself in a certain degree. 
The physical account (suggested to me by a medical friend, 
Dr. Donald Coles, now of Haifa, who has paid much atten- 
tion to such subjects) seems to be this: Restraint of 
ordinary breathing deprives the lungs of the amount of 
oxygen which they need to purify the blood. The blood 
sent to the brain becomes darker, and is in an impure con- 
dition, being overcharged with carbonic dioxide, and this 
produces a state of coma or trance — sometimes ecstatic, 
sometimes passive, in which a train of thought already 
begun may be carried on, or a suggestion be received from 
the outside and developed without the control of the rea- 
son. It was in such a condition as this that Swedenborg 
received the revelations which have filled his later books — 
revelations only differing from those of other seers in their 
fulness and in a certain degree of power and grandeur, 
such as the man's large and active mind would lead one to 
expect, but thoroughly tinged with his own passions and 
prejudices, and suffering from the limitations of his 
religious experience. 

He also described his special call to a holy office in a 
vision of the Lord Himself, which apparently took place 
in London in April, 1745 (Wilkinson: p. 77). Some of 
the Lord's words were: " I am God the Lord, the Creator 
and Redeemer of the world. I have chosen thee to unfold 
to men the spiritual sense of Holy Scripture. I will my- 
self dictate to thee what thou shalt write " (I.e., 75-6). 
Certainly it would appear from his diary that he was in a 
very strange and excitable condition during these years, 
assailed by manifold inward temptations and with a brain 
working beyond its natural activity. We have to think of 
one who had made intense efforts to understand the prob- 
lems of the universe, and that apparently with an increas- 
ing moral purpose. With a mind of extraordinary pene- 

30 See for a fuller account of this method of breathing or 
not-breathing, Wilkinson, I.e., 77-83. Cp. White, 150-1. 


tration, yet without the control of dogmatic belief or strong 
Christian experience, he had surveyed the whole of nature, 
and in his own mind brought it into unity. 

Everything in his past experience moved him to seek 
and expect to find some solution of spiritual problems 
which would be of something the same nature as his pre- 
vious solutions of natural problems — in one word some- 
thing simple, and, if I may use the word, geometrical. 
He has had sufficient success in life to take a comfortable 
view of the universe. He has had money, friends, hon- 
our and recognition. Though tempted inwardly he has 
been able to struggle against temptation, and he is 
thoroughly imbued with the Pelagian view of morals : 
free-will can do anything, and a man's destiny is what 
he makes it. He has now come to that point in his in- 
quiries when he must be either an atheist or a theist. The 
former alternative seems to have no attractions for him, 
and it is contradicted by the whole tendency of his child- 
hood to expect and to attend to visions. He recurs to the 
habit of dreaming, and he carefully observes and cultivates 
it, by holding his breath in expectancy of entrance into the 
spiritual world, a habit which quickly develops into one 
of seeing waking visions and hearing angelic or other 
voices. He begins to study the Bible, as if it were a new 
book, and he expects to find in it help towards the solution 
of the problems of existence, though he is far from thinking 
of taking it in its literal sense. 

His attitude towards Holy Scripture is a peculiar one. 
He uses grand language about it, but he deals with it very 
freely after the manner of the ancient Gnostics. Like 
Marcion, he has a canon of Scripture of his own : roughly 
speaking, it contains the historical and prophetical books 
and the Psalter, the four Gospels and the Apocalypse. 
But he drops the Hagiographa, the Acts and the Epistles of 
St. Paul, and the other Apostles, 31 which seemed to him 

31 " The following books are the present Word : The five books 
of Moses, the book of Joshua, the book of Judges, the two 
books of Samuel, the two books of Kings, the Psalms of David, 


wanting in the spiritual sense. Indeed, he puts both 
David and St. Paul among the lost. Holy Scripture, 
according to his teaching, is divine, and, in fact, an Incar- 
nation of the Son of God. But, starting with this principle, 
he rejects from it all that does not seem to him divine — that 
is, all that does not fit in with his theory of the other world. 
The human instruments who convey it are not necessarily 
important people. This theory is made further possible by 
the doctrine of the spiritual sense of Scripture, and by that 
of correspondences which teaches that everything on earth 
has its counterpart in the other worlds. This, of course, 
has its partial justification in our Lord's parables and in 
the teaching of the Fathers as to the mystical sense of 
Scripture (Cp. True Christian Religion, §§ 199-207). The 
Memorable Relations with which Swedenborg illustrates 
the larger sections of his book indeed often remind us of 
the Similitudes of Hermas. 

As might be expected from the manner in which he 
approaches his subject, that is from the pursuit of unity in 
nature, his doctrine is essentially monistic or pantheistic 
and also rationalistic. He is by his own showing a hater 
of philosophy, and declared that the more a man had of it 
the blinder he grew. He trusts then not really to Scrip- 
ture or to any definite system of scriptural interpretation, 
or to any system of philosophy, but to his own visions, 
which, according to the long habit and bent of his mind, 
give him the image of an invisible kingdom or kingdoms 
of the same sort as the kingdom of nature. It is con- 
ceived, like the vision of Dante, in a thoroughly concrete 
form and under geometrical figures. 

" He represents the universe of being" (says Dorner: 
I.e., p. 243) "under the figure of three concentric circles, 

the Prophets" (4 and 12), "and Lamentations" . . . "and 
in the New Testament, the four Evangelists . . . and, lastly, 
the Apocalypse (Wilkinson, 145)." But Job and the Acts are 
not infrequently quoted, and some of the other books of the 
New Testament. Cp. Kohler, P.R.E. 3 19, Swedenborg, p. 189 
for the canon. 


in the innermost of which is the Lord as love, surrounded 
by the various orders of that world of exalted spirits of 
whose actions love is the spring. In the second circle the 
Lord appears as Divine truth; and this circle also is a 
realm of spirits, but of those whose characteristic is 
thought. The visible sensible world, including our 
nature, forms the third circle." 

But these circles, though concentric, are not in the same 
plane. They are best conceived in the form of a cone, the 
apex of which is the love of God, the source of all exist- 
ence. From this apex a downward movement takes place 
through the circle of knowledge and truth to that of nature. 
This movement begets by emanation the inhabitants and 
other contents of the surrounding and subordinate circles. 
In this way God himself advances from being (esse), 
through development (fieri), to existence and reality 
(effectus), until He at last is adequately realized in man. 
The likeness of this thought to that of Hegel is obvious. 

Besides this very Gnostic theory of the universe the 
chief peculiarity of Swedenborg's theology is the position 
which he (in company with Muggleton) assigns to our 
Lord Jesus Christ. As is well known, he has what is 
called a Sabellian, or Unitarian, doctrine of the Trinity. 
But to him the only God is God becoming man in the person 
of our Lord. Christ is the true one Man in whom dwells 
the true Trinity — God as divine existence, the idea of God, 
and the sensible reality. We may, perhaps, find in this 
peculiarity the special attraction which this doctrine has 
had for a number of persons. It certainly enables the 
followers of Christ to differentiate themselves from the 
followers of all other religions, and to regard them as purely 
heathen. 32 Yet this is a philosophical rather than a theo- 
logical notion. He has but little reference to or interest in 
the historical Christ, the Christ of the four Gospels. He 
rejects as unnecessary the Atonement and the principle of 

32 See Nathan Soderblom : Vater, Sohn und Geist unter den 
heiligen Dreiheiten und vor der religiosen Denkweise der 
Gegemvart, pp. 63-4, Tubingen, 1909. 


mediation. Christ appears and disappears. He cannot 
descend to earth again, and his place is taken by the 
Word, an idealized revelation, of which the Bible is a sort 
of symbol, the reality being found in Swedenborg's inter- 
pretation of it after he has rejected what he holds to be 
unspiritual from it. 

The whole character of Swendenborg's religious system 
is rationalistic. It deprives everything as much as 
possible of mystery. God has no fulness of life apart 
from creation. As there is no Trinity of persons there 
is no interior life of love in the God-head. God necessarily 
finds Himself in man. The invisible world is as much 
as possible — after the old Scandinavian Valhalla tendency 
— an extension of the present life with marriage, society, 
houses, gardens, entertainments and discussions. Angels 
and demons are good and bad spirits of departed men. 
They may be said to make their own heaven and hell by 
their characters, choosing their associates and living apart 
from one another with like-minded beings. The "last 
judgment " prophesied in Scripture is not a great and 
awful assize to which we are to look forward, a magnifi- 
cent consummation which is to shake heaven and earth, 
but it is a transaction in the invisible world which took 
place in the year 1757, of which nobody but Swedenborg 
was aware (Wilkinson: pp. 104-m). 

This was a sufficiently startling anti-climax. It cul- 
minated in another which was even more remarkable, the 
declaration that " the Church of the New Jerusalem " was 
about to descend from heaven. Swedenborg does not 
seem to have supposed that it was established before his 
death, which took place early in 1772, and in London, 
where his previous revelations had begun. The " New 
Church " gradually came into being, and with very little 
observation. Swedenborg's doctrines were accepted by 
many Methodists, some Quakers, and some members of 
the Church of England, especially by the Rev. John 
Clowes, long Rector of St. John's, Manchester. The 
" New Church " was, however, actually founded by 


Robert Hindmarsh, a Clerkenwell printer, in 1782. It 
was joined by the sculptor Flaxman, and had some in- 
fluence on William Blake. Its formation as a community 
was discouraged by Clowes, and it is very doubtful 
whether Swedenborg himself would have desired it. It 
exists chiefly as an English and American sect, and is 
more common in Lancashire and Yorkshire than in any 
other part of England. 

Swedenborg's credentials, besides the general effect of 
his writings, are certain cases of telepathy and thought- 
reading. We cannot explain how he came to know of the 
fire which took place at Stockholm while he was at 
Goteborg in July, 1759, or how he discovered Marte- 
ville's fire insurance receipt, or the secret about which the 
Prince of Prussia had written to his sister, Queen Louisa 
Ulrica of Sweden, just before his death. 33 But we are 
more accustomed to such strange phenomena now than 
people were in the last half of the eighteenth century, and 
we have no reason to think that any persons who seem to 
possess such powers are necessarily more acquainted with 
the really important secrets of the universe than others. 
Indeed, it is not unfair to say that the apparently success- 
ful "spiritualist" is almost the last person to whom an 
inquirer after truth would look for aid in attaining the 
knowledge of God. 

Swedenborg is interesting as a man rather than as a 
seer. There are beauties in his writings and there are 
grave defects, especially their occasional coarseness, their 
frequent triviality and their abundant tediousness. His 
theology is only explicable and in a measure defensible as 
a reaction against the sterile orthodoxy of his day. It may 
help the Church historian to understand the better 
Gnostics of the primitive Church, and so to obtain a juster 
view of a long past period by the aid of a recent and 
familiar experience. But it has clearly no future inside 
Christendom itself. Swedenborg has no poetry, no 

33 See White : I.e., pp. 343 foil. 


music, no humour, no sympathy, though he tells us that 
he delighted in children. He tells us that he walked and 
talked with angels, but their conversation was usually some- 
what trivial. Emerson well sums up his characteristics: 
" Swedenborg is disagreeably wise, and with all his 
accumulated gifts paralyzes and repels " (I.e., p. in). He 
is naturally compared with his contemporary, Linnasus, 
who died six years later. The contrast is sad and striking 
between the selfish self-centred theosophist, who had re- 
duced heaven and hell to commonplace, but had never 
found a home on earth, and the warm-hearted, joyous and 
reverent man of science, surrounded by loving pupils and 
a happy family, and looking with mingled awe and glad- 
ness at the footprints of the Creator in the field of nature. 

LOGY. Foundation of the Vasa-order (1772) 
and the Swedish Academy (1786). Bishop 
Olof Wallquist (1755 — 1800). Contrast be- 

Deposed 1809. Charles XIII. (1809 — 1818). 
Marshal Jean Bernadotte (Prince Karl 
Johan) adopted as his heir and successor. 
Political changes in Finland, Pomerania and 
Norway. The Church of Finland. 

Swedenborg's death in 1772 coincided with the coup 
d'etat by which the young king, Gustavus III., the nep- 
hew of Frederick the Great of Prussia, brought the period 
of freedom to an end, and restored personal government. 
Unlike his father, Adolphus Frederick, he was himself 
born in Sweden, and his talents and his imaginative 
powers, his openness and ease of manner, and his hard 
work to restore his country to a high place in Europe, 
made him at first deservedly popular. He thought of 


himself as one of the old Vasas returned to lead his 
people on a triumphant progress. Many valuable in- 
ternal reforms took place in his reign. Torture was 
abolished. Laws affecting punishment, especially the 
death penalty, were made milder. Freedom was given to 
the press. An attempt, though a very blundering one, 
was made to deal with the prevalent vice of drunkenness. 
The stringency of the old rules of the trade-guilds 
was relaxed. The currency was put on a better foot- 
ing and commerce prospered, particularly during the time 
of the war between England and her North American 
colonies. Finally, foreigners professing another faith were 
allowed to exercise their religion, and Jews were permitted 
to settle in three Swedish towns and enjoy certain civil 
rights (Odhner : pp. 342-3). On the other hand, the young 
king was vain, frivolous, profligate and deceitful. " The 
king with two faces," 34 as he has been called, had a French 
education, and brought much of the pleasure-loving, 
pleasure-making, festive atmosphere of the French court 
into Sweden, especially into society in Stockholm. Here 
and in his numerous country seats amusement was made a 
regular business. He was also an apt pupil of the infidel 
and rationalistic school which had spread from England, 
France and Germany over Northern Europe ; and his 
reign of twenty-one years (1 77 1 — 1792) ushered in what 
has been justly called the "period of neology." " Two 
things (he used to say), love and religion, are free in my 
kingdom," and infidelity and libertinism were indeed 
widely propagated by the bad example of the court, 
especially among the higher classes. Yet superstition 
also prevailed. The king, who mocked at his son's 
confirmation, used to spend hours of the night in the 
Riddarholm Church at Stockholm in the hope of obtain- 
ing omens from the graves of his ancestors, while his 

34 This is the title of the late Miss M. E. Coleridge's remark- 
able novel (3rd. ed. 1897). The writer acknowledges her debt 
" to Mr. Nisbet Bain's most interesting work, Gustaf III. and 
his contemporaries ,," 


brother, Duke Charles, promoted the secret societies of 
Illuminati, Freemasons, Rosicrucians and the like which 
spread largely over Europe during this period. 35 The doc- 
trines of Swedenborg also made a number of converts, some 
of them men of piety and ability. But no Swedenborgian 
society was recognized in Sweden until the year 1885, and 
only a small one now exists. The period of neology 
was nevertheless also a time when, not only law and jus- 
tice, but art and literature made considerable progress. 
There was a spirit of chivalry as well as of frivolity, of 
research into, as well as of superficial interest in, the great 
problems of life. It was a time also of foundation in two 
directions. The orders of knighthood, like those of the 
Garter and the Bath in England, do not appear to be very 
old in Sweden. The statutes of the orders of the Serafim, 
of the Sword and the Northern Star date from 
1748. Gustavus III. dignified them by giving them 
an Ordens-Biskop as their chaplain. To these older 
orders he added the Vasa-order in the year of his 
coup d'etat (1772), for the useful purpose of rewarding 
merit of a more civil character " in regard to agriculture, 
mining, fine arts and commerce, or through writings 
which have done eminent service to the State in these 
directions." There can be no doubt that there was a 
revival of something more than mere romanticism, which 
might have led to much greater things if the king's char- 
acter had not been perverted by evil influences around 
him. The latter part of his reign saw the foundation of 
the Swedish Academy, in imitation of that of France, in 
the year 1786. Its motto, "genius and taste " (snille och 
smak), shows that it was intended to be literary rather than 
scientific; in fact, it was designed mainly to concern itself 
with languages. But it has been of great service to 
vSweden, though the taste which it promoted in its early 
years was not always the best. It has, unlike English 
institutions of the same kind, administered a considerable 
income, which is used for the encouragement of literature* 
35 See Sv. Hist. 1 , VI., 284-307, Gustaf IIL's hof. 


The most prominent ecclesiastic in this and the next 
reign was Olof Wallquist (1755— 1800), Bishop of Vexio, 
a politician and a financier, who, when scarcely more than 
thirty years old, became leader of the Riksdag and the 
Church. Under him a new office was created, the 
" Ekklesiastik expedition," intended to prepare all Church 
business for the consideration of the king. It did not last 
very long, but it paved the way for the ministry of public 
worship which was afterwards created. Wallquist, who 
was a man of literary ability and piety, an effective 
preacher of the school of Baiter, was an opponent of 
neology. He died worn out with hard work at the early 
age of forty-four in the year 1800. His autobiography has 
been published, and gives the picture of a very modern 

When Gustavus III., who had made himself absolute 
in 1789, and had thereby earned the hatred of the nobility, 
was assassinated at a masked ball in 1792, he left his 
brother, Duke Charles, as regent for his young son, 
Gustavus IV. Gustavus III. was naturally a supporter 
of the Bourbons, and was preparing to go to war to restore 
them to the throne. Duke Charles entirely changed this 
policy. He favoured the French Republicans. He also 
at first sought an alliance with Russia by agreeing to 
betroth his nephew to a young Grand Duchess. But 
when the hour arrived the young king was absent, and the 
reason was given that he was unwilling to allow his future 
bride a chapel for her own religion, which was one of the 
articles of the contract. But the stronger reason was, I 
presume, a political one. 

Gustavus IV., when he became responsible for the 
government, was a great contrast to his father. He was 
simple in his tastes, averse to extravagance, and upright 
in private life. But he was narrow, obstinate and barren 
in conception and initiation, and dreamy in his religion. 
His great principle was hatred of Napoleon, whom he 
regarded as the Beast of the Apocalypse. 

Englishmen have reason, indeed,, to speak and think 


well of Gustavus IV. You will remember how, in 1807, 
Napoleon fascinated the young Emperor of Russia, 
Alexander I., and, by the peace of Tilsit and the secret 
conventions that accompanied it, appeared to have reduced 
the whole Continent of Europe to obedience to his single 
will. You will remember how the supreme necessity of the 
situation justified Nelson's attack on Copenhagen, which 
prevented Denmark from joining in the so-called " Conti- 
nental system," Napoleon's plan for excluding all British 
trade with the rest of Europe. Sweden, under Gustavus 
IV., in the extreme north, and Portugal, in the extreme 
west, were then our only allies, for Prussia was humbled, 
and Russia was bribed by hopes of extension to the east 
and in Finland. You will not, then, be surprised that I 
recall with pleasure the tribute paid to the last sovereign 
but one of the Vasa line by a contemporary poet, William 
Wordsworth, who wrote two sonnets in his praise in the 
series of Poems dedicated to National Independence and 
Liberty. The second and finest of them thus begins: — 

Call not the royal Swede unfortunate 
Who never did to Fortune bend the knee ; 
Who slighted fear ; rejected steadfastly 
Temptation ; and whose kingly name and state 
Have " perished by his choice and not his fate." 

Unfortunately the King of Sweden had no military 
genius, and, when the Russians overran Finland, and both 
Russians and Danes were ready to invade Sweden, his 
countrymen deposed him in 1809, and gave the crown to 
his uncle, Charles XIII. Charles was an old man, and 
had no children. A successor was chosen in the person 
of a young and popular prince of Augustenburg, who 
died quite suddenly in the next year. Then, happily for 
Sweden, and indeed for Europe, under circumstances 
which read like something out of a fairy-tale, the choice 
fell upon one of the bravest and most successful of 
Napoleon's generals, Marshal Jean Bernadotte, Prince of 
Ponte Corvo, from whom the present royal family is 
descended. Napoleon made some difficulty in granting 


his consent, and at last gave the required permission with 
the ominous words " Go, then, and let us fulfil our several 
destinies." His former general, under the title of Prince 
Karl Johan, quickly became a Swede both in religion and 
in sympathies, and soon felt it necessary to renounce the 
conflict with England, to which Napoleon had pledged 
him, and to enter into an alliance with Russia and Ger- 
many, which involved, of course (at this time), a war with 
his old master. The prince won the affections of the people 
in an extraordinary manner. All the young men of the 
nation were enrolled as soldiers. The prince formed the 
plan of campaign for the allied forces, and took command 
of the northern army. He defeated Napoleon's troops in 
two engagements at Gross-Beeren and Danewitz, south 
of Berlin. Then the two other armies concentrated, with 
the northern army, on Leipzig, and the terrible and pro- 
longed conflict there in 18 13 led up to the final freedom of 
Europe. The result was, in the end, that Finland, which 
for 600 years had been united to Sweden, had to be ceded to 
Russia, while Pomerania, the only continental province 
which remained of all the conquests of the Stormakstid, 
was sold to Prussia for a sum of money which was rightly 
used to pay foreign loans. On the other hand, Norway 
was disjoined from Denmark in 1814, and united to 
Sweden, under a constitution, which lasted until the 
bloodless revolution of 1905 in our own day. 

The loss of Finland, though it was perhaps not very im- 
portant politically, was a considerable one to the Church. 
It had given the Church a wider and broader outlook, and 
a variety of experience, and a number of valuable public 
men. The succession of bishops continued for many 
years, but unfortunately a time came when there was a 
break, and the Russian government did not permit a suc- 
cession to be renewed from Sweden. In 1869 the Church 
of Finland ceased to be a State Church, and received its 
constitution as the free Church of the people. The office 
of bishop is preserved, and the chapters continue, but 
without the professorial element which is so strong in the 

2 3 


Swedish chapters. There is also a general council, which 
meets every ten years, the first being held in 1876. 36 The 
experience of the disestablished Church of Finland may, 
some dav, be valuable to the Mother Church of Sweden. 

§ 7. — Unfortunate revision of the Prayer Book and 
catechism in the time of neology (1772 — l8l8). 
Archbishops Uno von Troil (1746 — 1803) and 
J. A. Lindblom (1746 — 1818). The revised 
Prayer Book issued in 181 1. A confirmation 
service prescribed. its character. new form 
of 1894. Unfortunate change in the ordina- 
tion of priests. Improvement in 1894. Forms 
of confirmation in U.S.A. 

It was a great misfortune for Sweden that the self- 
importance of the period of neology and the bad 
taste which accompanied it led at this time to a re- 
vision of the Prayer Book and Catechism. For in it 
taste, liturgical knowledge and Church feeling were all 
at a low ebb. This revision was carried out under 
the direction and with the imprimatur of two arch- 
bishops, first of the learned historian, Uno von Troil, and 
then Jacob Axelsson Lindblom, the stately and popular 
Bishop of Linkoping, afterwards archbishop (1805 — 1819). 
The Prayer Book was altered, notwithstanding the pro- 
test of the pious and influential Upsala professor, Samuel 
Odman, who pointed out the danger of tampering with 
forms venerable by their antiquity. The revised Prayer 
Book, which had been in preparation since 1793, was, 
however, issued with royal sanction in 181 1. It had one 
improvement, namely, the introduction of a service for the 
first communion for young people, which was regularly 
known by the name of confirmation. This form did not ad- 
here so closely to tradition as some of those which had been 
practically, though not compulsorily, in use in the seven- 
36 E. Bergroth : Finska Kyrkans Historia, pp. 270-1. 


teenth and eighteenth centuries. It contained no imposi- 
tion of hands, and it was to be administered by the pastor 
with no reference to the bishop or his visitation, and the 
blessing was not at all specially appropriate. It had. how- 
ever, a touching and suitable prayer to our Lord to keep 
His children in dangers and temptations. Even as it was 
it met with considerable opposition. 

The most recent form of this rite, adopted in 1894, is 
certainly better. It has the following appropriate scrip- 
tural benediction before the Lord's Prayer: " The Father 
of our Lord Jesus Christ give you according to the riches 
of His glory that ye may be strengthened with might 
through His Spirit in the inner man and filled with all the 
fulness of God." A prayer based on the one I have already 
mentioned follows the Lord's Prayer. The form is, there- 
fore, clearly sufficient. It has, however, no imposition of 
hands. I am informed that in some dioceses at least a 
commission to confirm is contained in the letters of priests 
orders, and, therefore, it may be said that priests perform 
this duty as deputies of the bishop. Laying on of hands 
is also used by some priests just before they administer the 
first communion. I am inclined to think that in one or two 
dioceses the rite is still administered occasionally by 

But the greatest blot upon the new Prayer Book of 181 1 
was the alteration which it made in the service for the 
ordination of priests. Happily, the service for the 
consecration of a bishop was not essentially changed. It 
was called " How a bishop shall be set in his office " 
(Huru en Biskop i Ambetet skall installas) and the word 
consecration was not used. But it was clearly a service for 
consecrating a new bishop not merely one for his enthrone- 
ment. It was taken for granted that consecration to a 
bishop's office is coincident, as it generally is, with his 
entrance into a particular see. That an act of primary 
appointment is in question is shown also by the fact 
that the person to be " set in office " appears first clothed 
only in a surplice or rochet. He does not receive the 


pectoral cross and staff, and is not vested in the cope, until 
after the office of bishop is formally committed to him just 
before the laying on of hands and the Lord's Prayer. The 
Prayer Book of 1811 was, I believe, the first in which the 
pectoral cross was mentioned. 

For the ordination of a priest, however, we unfortunately 
find the phrase " Invigning till Prediko-Ambetet," sub- 
stituted for the old title " till Prest-Ambetet " : that is to 
say, " consecration to ministerial office," instead of "to 
priestly office." On the other hand, it is right to remember 
(1) that the intention to make a priest is clearly shown by 
the use of the chasuble, in which the ordinand is vested after 
the delivery of the office and before the laying on of hands 
and the Lord's Prayer; (2) that the word " priest " is found 
continually in the other services of this Prayer Book ; for 
instance, in those for baptism, holy communion, marriage, 
burial, etc. ; (3) that the sections in the Church-law referring 
to the priesthood remained unaltered, and that in Swedish 
literature, dictionaries, etc., the words are considered to be 
synonymous, and to connote the ministry of the Word and 
Sacraments, and not merely the ministry of the Word. 
The " ministry," as described in the Augsburg Confession 
and other symbolical books, is never restricted to preach- 
ing. This blot has happily been removed in the Prayer 
Book of 1894. 

The modern form of ordination of a priest is as follows : 
After an introductory hymn and prayers and the recita- 
tion of the names of those to be ordained, certain passages 
of Holy Scripture bearing on the office are read, and com- 
mended to the attention of the ordinands. Then a con- 
fession of faith is made in terms of the Apostles' Creed, 
and certain questions are put, including the following, 
which refers to the special formularies of the Swedish 
Church: — "Will you, according to your best understand- 
ing and conscience, purely and clearly proclaim God's 
Word as it is given to us in the Holy Scripture, and as our 
Church's confessional writings witness thereto?" 

§ 7— FORM OF ORDINATION IN 1811 AND 1894. 357 

Then comes the act of ordination : " May God 
Almighty strengthen and help you to keep these promises I 
and according to the power which in God's stead is in- 
trusted unto me by His Church (af hans forsamling) in 
this behalf, I commit unto you herewith the office of priest, 
in the name of God the Father, and of the Son and of the 
Holy Ghost. Amen." 

Then follows a hymn to the Holy Spirit, during which 
the bishop gives the ordinands their letters of orders, they 
are vested in their chasubles, and kneel down to receive 
the laying on of hands from the bishop and the assistants, 
and then the bishop says for each of them separately the 
Lord's Prayer, which, in Sweden, is applied with special 
intention to each of the sacramental or ritual acts. Then 
the bishop says a prayer towards the altar beseeching 
God to look graciously on those His servants, who 
now are consecrated to His service in the holy office of 
priesthood, and to give them His Holy Spirit, and to 
strengthen them to fight for His kingdom and to perform 
the duties of their calling. An English Churchman will 
naturally miss here a reference to the ministry of the Word 
and Sacraments, though, I believe, that this is referred to 
in the letters of orders, as it is in the Church-law, as well, 
of course, as in the Augsburg Confession. In any case 
the sufficiency of the form at present used cannot be 

We must be thankful that the recent revision has gone 
as far as it has done in its return to ancient models. I am 
glad also to know that some Swedish congregations in the 
United States have admitted the English confirmation 
blessing which was used in Sweden by the well-known 
Bishop of Strengnas, Johannes Matthiae (1643— 1664). " 

37 See F. N. Ekdahl : Om Confirmationen, p. 103, Lund., 
1889, quoted Lecture VI. , § 10, note 50, and Kyrko-handbok 
for Sw. Ey. Luth. Kyrkan i Amerika, see p. 261 of the English 
part of this interesting book, ed. 2, published by the Engberg- 
Holmberg Publishing Co., Chicago, 1893, and drawn up by a 
committee of Lutheran divines in that city. After the ques- 


The Augustana Synod permits, though it does not enforce, 
the laying on of hands which has long been in use in 

It is also to be noticed that in the Apostles' Creed the 
Prayer Book of 1894 translates " Catholic " by " uni- 
versal " (all-mannelig) as the agreement of Upsala in 1593 
had done. In 181 1 the word used had been " Christian." 

tions, " The candidates then all kneel around the altar, and the 
minister proceeds to lay his hand solemnly on the head of each, 
saying : Defend, O Lord, etc. (printed at length). Or The 
Father, of mercies ever multiply unto you His grace and peace, 
enable you truly and faithfully to keep your vows, defend you in 
every time of danger, preserve you faithful unto the end, and 
bring you to rest with all His saints in glory everlasting. 
Amen." Or they may be admitted with the right hand of 
fellowship. There is no direct prayer for the gift of the Holy 
Spirit. The Augustana Synod, since 1895, has naturally to a 
large extent adopted the Swedish revised book, but it has not 
prohibited this one. In the book now authorized by it the 
following rubric is inserted after the Lord's Prayer and prayer 
for protection : " Where laying on of hands is in use the priest 
lays his hand on every child's head and pronounces a suitable 
sentence of Scripture, for example the apostolic benediction." 
See Kyrko Handbok for Augustana-Synoden, Antagen, 1895, 
Rock Island, Illinois, p. 80. 



The Modern Period (1812 a.d. — 1910 a.d.). 


§ i. — Development of Church life — The (old) Readers 
(1760 — 1780) — Revival of piety within the Church 
— Samuel Odman (1750 — 1829) of Upsala and 
Henrik Schartau (1757— 1825) at Lund— Strong 
and weak points of Schartau 363 

§ 2.— E. G. Geijer (1783— 1847), the historian, and 
his contemporaries — His services to religious 
thought— F. M. Franzen, Bishop of Hernosand 
(1772—1847), Esaias Tegner, Bishop of Vexio 
(1782— 1846) and J. O. Wallin, archbishop (1779 
— 1839) — His greatness as a preacher and hymn 
writer 366 

§ 3- — Evangelical movements of the nineteenth cen- 
tury derived from or connected with Pietism — 
Largely originate in Northern Sweden— The 
" New Readers " oppose the books of 1810— 11— 
Become antinomian and separatist — Lars Levi 
Lsestadius (1800—61) in the extreme north— His 
legalism— Change after his death— Erik Jansson 
(1808— 1850) in Helsingland — His colony, 
Bishops Hill, in U.S.A.— Doctrine of sinlessness 
— Ros^nius (1816— 1868)— Sketch of his life by 
Bishop Nielsen— P. P. Waldenstrom (b. 1S38)— 
The "Svenska Missions Forbundet " founded 

1878 — Its work -.5q 

§ 4.— Social progress— Temperance movement and 
Dr. Peter Wieselgren (1800— 77)— Begins as a 

360 VIII— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 


schoolboy — His work as a pastor — The move- 
ment becomes popular — Law of 1854 — New tem- 
perance movement, circa 1880 — Movement for the 
emancipation of women — Frederica Bremer, the 
novelist — Need for women to find work outside the 
home 377 

^§ 5. — Movements within the Church: foreign mis- 
sions — Petrus Laestadius in Lapland — Peter Fjell- 
stedt (1802 — 81) — Swedish Church Mission " (1873 
— 74) — "Evangelical National Institute' (1856), 
becomes missionary (1861) — Other societies — Sea- 
men's Missions — Missions to Israelites 381 

§ 6. — Different character of the two Universities — 
E. G. Bring's experience at both about 1832 — 
Theological faculty at Lund: Thomander and 
Reuterdahl — Their successors and the Swedish 
Church Times (1855) — Ebbe Gustaf Bring and 
Anton Niklas Sundberg compared — Bishop Bill- 
ing on the main principles of Swedish High 
Churchmen — Comparison of Upsala and Lund 
theology — Dr. Soderblom's address — The Lund 
professors become bishops: Bring of Linkoping 
(1861—84) ; Sundberg of Carlstad (1864) and arch- 
bishop (1870 — 1900); Flensburg of Lund (1865 — 
97) 385 

§ 7- — Change in the Riksdag of four estates to two 
1/ chambers (1865) — Formation of the Kyrko-mote 
determined (1863)— Church and State in Sweden 
— Position of the king — Relation of the Kyrko- 
mote to the Riksdag — Its constitution and method 
of election — Its business 393 

§ 8. — The task nearly complete — Attempt to do justice 
to the departed whom we hope to meet in a new 
life — Duties that remain — Special subject: The 
Swedes in U.S.A.— Attraction of the Northern 
$tates of the " Middle West "—What U.S.A, 



owes to Sweden — Modern settlement begins with 
Unonius ( 1 84 1 ) — Bishop Whitehouse, of Illinois 
(1851 — 1873): his acts of inter-communion: (1) 
admits Bredberg; (2) intercourse with Reuter- 
dahl; (3) ordains Mr. Almquist — Bishop Whipple 
of Minnesota (1859) — The Augustana Synod: 
Esbjorn, Hasselquist, Norelius — Its great work of 
fifty years — Visit to Rock Island — Questions be- 
fore it : language, secret societies, organization — 
The " Mission Covenant " : its work of twenty-five 
years — Visit to North Park College, Chicago — 
Other bodies — Action of the Swedish Bishops and 
Lambeth Conference (1908) no strange thing ... 397 

Jj 9. — General subject : summary of impressions — 
Fundamental differences between England and 
Sweden — The nobility aloof from much of national 
life — The king and the clergy have controlled re- 
ligion — Two-fold result: (1) Church relatively in- 
dependent of the State; (2) close connection with 
the Universities — Need for more spiritual train- 
ing of the clergy — Dangers of official occupations 
— The diaconate in Sweden — Value of the 
episcopate to Sweden — Necessity for division of 
dioceses and closer connection with the people ... 414 

§ 10. — Conclusion — Four questions proposed: (1) 
What will be the future of the Swedish Church? 
Disestablishment and disendowment improbable. 
Doctrine; (2) How far has it lost ground? 
Evidence from U.S.A. Special difficulties. 
Bishops' charges — Upsala, Kalmar, Strengnas; 
(3) What encouragements are apparent? 1. Im- 
provements in taste and worship. 2. New move- 
ments among young people and clergy. Student 
movement. Diakoni-styrelse. Svenska-Kyrko- 
forbundet. Meetings and associations ; (4) What 
development may be expected? — Sweden no 
longer isolated — Enlargement of the Lund con- 

362 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 


ception of the Church — Training for the priest- 
hood — Greater fulness of worship — Great possi- 
bilities of an alliance with the Anglican com- 
munion 421 

Appendices. — A. Books on Swedes in U.S.A. ... 443 
B. Early Swedish Settlements in 

U.S.A 445 

§ i.— t)DMAN AND SCHARTAU. 363 


The Modern Period (1812 a.d. — 1910 a.d.). 

§ 1. — Development of Church life. The (old) 
Readers (1760— 1780). Revival of piety 
within the Church. Samuel Odman (1750 — 
1829) at Upsala and Henri k Schartau (1757— 
1825) at Lund. Strong and weak points of 
Schartau. 1 

The period of neology, which was described in my last 
lecture, with its claim to freedom of thought and opinion, 
naturally gave an opening to the development of Free 
Church life among the older sects of Moravians and 
Pietists. It also saw the appearance of a new sect, that of 
the Readers (1760 — 1780), in the northern provinces. They 
were so called from their private meetings to read the Bible, 
the writings of Luther and the postils of Anders Nohrborg, 
" The way of salvation for fallen man " (Cp. Lect. VII., 
§ 4). From Herjedal, on the Norwegian frontier, this 
revival, which had in it something of a much needed tem- 
perance movement, passed to Helsingland and then to the 
south to Smaland. But it largely degenerated into 
fanaticism, especially at its wild nightly meetings. The 
readers were often seized with epileptic fits and convul- 
sions, and, like our own ranters, often gave vent to deep 
sighs and groans, which were taken as signs of the presence 
of the Holy Spirit. 

1 In writing the following sections, I have made special use 
of Bishop Fr. Nielsen's article, Der Protestantismus in den 
Nordischen Landen, in Werckshagen's Der Protestantismus, 
Vol. II., pp. 997-1003. 

364 VIII— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

The Church was naturally stimulated to oppose such 
excesses and to supply something better in the way of 
religious zeal and fervour. The two university cities of 
Lund and Upsala were, in this period, as in many others, 
centres of healthy reaction in the persons of the two con- 
temporaries, Henrik Schartau (1757 — 1825) and Samuel 
Odman (1750 — 1829). The latter was a professor of 
theology and an eminent naturalist, a pupil of the cele- 
brated Linnaeus. He wrote much, but he exercised an 
even greater influence by the bright example of his patient 
teaching from his sick bed, on which he lay for about 
forty years. He lectured in his little bedroom to genera- 
tion after generation of students. Schartau, 2 though he 
wrote unceasingly, published nothing during his life, and 
he, too, exercised an immense personal influence, but over 
a much wider circle than Odman. He was a pastor whose 
chief work was at Lund, not a university professor. The 
great merit of his teaching was that it was strong and 
spiritual, and without the defects of Moravian or Pietistic 
sentimentality. Unlike the preachers of these schools, he 
held his head high, and looked you well in the face. He 
had a strong instinct of command, which he found it diffi- 
cult to check. To personal humility he added a deep sense 
of the dignity of his vocation and of the importance of 
asserting it in his great business of guiding souls. His 
thought was clear and definite, and when he gave advice 
he expected it to be obeyed. He was as powerful in his 
own study, where he spent long hours in ministering to 
the anxious and the penitent, as he was in the pulpit or the 
choir, preaching or catechizing. The latter was one of his 
strongest points. He impressed at once learned professors 
and simple country folk, who thronged the cathedral from 
all the district round Lund. Many of his spiritual 
letters have been preserved and published since his death. 

2 Besides Nielsen, I have made use of an interesting and life- 
like sketch of Schartau, by Dr. N. Soderblom, in Ord och Bild, 
pp. 514-27, 1907. See also Edv. Rodhe : H. Schartau sasom 
predikant, Lund., 1909. 


They may be compared, I imagine, to those of Fenelon in 
France and Keble and Pusey in England, especially to 
those of the latter. He had something of the character of 
Dr. Pusey in his relation to those who consulted him, but, 
in his position at Lund, and his general influence, he was 
perhaps more like his English contemporary, Charles 
Simeon (1759— 1836), at Cambridge. He set himself to 
develop strength and reverence apart from sentimentality, 
and in this way he separated himself from the Pietists, 
and he valued the Church, and the sacraments and 
ordinances of the Church, in a way that they often failed 
to do. His conversion, if we may call it so, came to him 
in hearing the absolution pronounced by a very ordinary 
priest in the communion service, and the powerful 
ministry of this rite in public or private was one of the 
most characteristic features of his own career. 

His fault, which was exaggerated by his followers, 
was a certain constant reference to the forms and divi- 
sions of logic and to the inward state of the soul — 
in other words to psychology. This led to a curious 
and anxious introspection, to a balancing of motives and 
convictions, and to the requirement of a conscious ascent 
through certain stages of progress, which was not alto- 
gether healthy. In his followers these characteristics 
have produced a certain dryness and tediousness, and, it 
is said, too great a dependence on the " direction " of the 
chosen spiritual guide. But there can be no doubt of the 
depth of the influence of Schartau and his best disciples. 
And this influence, being deep, is also abiding, though 
popular favour is no longer strong for the system which 
he inaugurated. 

366 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

§ 2.— E. G. GEIJER (1783— 1847), THE HISTORIAN, AND HIS 

contemporaries. hls services to religious 
thought. franzen, blshop of hernosand 
(1772 — 1847). Esaias Tegner, Bishop of 
vexio (1782 — 1846), and j. o. wallin, arch- 
bishop (1779 — 1839). hls greatness as a 
preacher and hymn writer. 

Almost as important as the work of Schartau for the re- 
generation of Swedish religious thought must, I think, be 
set the influence of one who was not by any means 
primarily a theologian, Eric Gustaf Geijer (1783 — 1847). 
His essay On False and True Enlightenment in Relation 
to Religion marked an epoch in the religious revival. It 
was published as early as 181 1, and had an immense 
influence over the whole of the rising generation of in- 
tellectual men, which was beginning to look for something 
better than the free thought of the French Revolu- 
tion. Of this essay H. Reuterdahl, the most important 
theologian in Sweden of the first half of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, wrote: " It was this treatise that thirty years ago 
attracted a great part of the younger generation of Sweden 
to inward and spiritual things. It was as important to 
Sweden, though in a somewhat less degree, as Schleier- 
macher's speeches about religion for Germany. Acquaint- 
ance with this treatise was for many (as for myself) the 
cause of their passage from an unconscious to a conscious 
and riper life." 3 Geijer was not only the greatest historian 
of Sweden, but he wrote in a philosophical and imagina- 
tive spirit which has been too often deficient in the literary 
men of his native country. He was a poet, orator and 
musical composer, and, therefore, found many points of 

3 Quoted in P.R.E.*, 18, p. 39, s.v. Schiveden, article by 
Gustaf Aulen. The same writer has published an important 
monograph, H. ReuterdahV s Teologiska dskadning med sdrskild 
liansyn till hans stcillning till Schleiermacher, Uppsala, 1907. 
He speaks there also of Geijer's influence, pp. 14 foil., but shows 
that Schleiermacher's was greater. 


contact with his three famous contemporaries, F. M. 
Franzen (1772 — 1847), the pious and sympathetic Bishop 
of Hernosand; Esaias Tegner (1782 — 1846), Bishop of 
Vexio, the most popular poet of Sweden, and the still more 
important Johan Olof Wallin (1779 — 1839), at first bishop 
in connection with the Order of the Seraphim, and then 
Archbishop of Upsala. 

Geijer was a man of a good Austrian family which can 
be traced back to the thirteenth century. Two members of 
this family were invited into Sweden by Gustavus 
Adolphus in 1620, in order to direct the work of mining, to 
which he rightly attached so much importance. 

It cannot be doubted that this fact inspired Geijer with 
an interest in the past, and that his German extraction en- 
abled him more readily than his contemporaries to take an 
independent point of view. He was familiar with foreign 
literature, and passed from youthful admiration of 
Rousseau and Schiller to that of Shakespeare and Goethe. 
A journey to England, where he spent a year (1809 — 18 10) 
as tutor to a young Von Schinkel, had a great effect in 
enlarging his mind and developing his principles as a 
thinker. The greater part of Geijer's life was passed as 
professor at Upsala, and he was wise enough to refuse a 
bishopric which was twice offered him, saying: "You 
might perhaps get a blameless and mediocre bishop, but 
all would be over with Eric Gustaf Geijer." He was never 
in holy orders, though he had once seriously thought of 
it as a career. In the essay already referred to he fought 
with weapons taken from German philosophy and 
especially from Schelling against the conception of re- 
ligion which prevailed in the period of rationalism. In 
philosophical language he asserted that the fundamental 
fact of experience is not the ego and the non-ego (I and 
not I), but " I and thou "—the " two self-luminous be- 
ings " to which John Henry Newman referred in a famous 
passage of his Apologia. His principle was that history 
was a continuous manifestation of God founded on re- 
ligion, and " only for a religious person is there a 

368 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

history." He was a most inspiring lecturer on this sub- 
ject. All the persons about whom he read and their 
actions became living to himself, and he conveyed this 
sense of life to his hearers. He did not create the taste for 
history in Sweden which had long existed, and which 
Dalin had done something to improve, but he profoundly 
modified the conception of what true history is, and in- 
duced many to take an interest in it who would otherwise 
have regarded it as dry and tasteless. 4 

Geijer was not exactly orthodox either as regards the 
Bible or the Church, and some of his followers, such as 
K. P. Wikner (1837— 1888), went further than he did, 
epecially in his book Thoughts and Questions in the 
Presence of (infor) the Son of Man — a book which 
attracted many readers and raised much controversy. 

Of the bishops of this period Wallin is undoubtedly the 
most important. His speech as a young man at the first 
anniversary of the Bible Society in 1816 made almost as 
much impression as Geijer's essay, yet it was only on the 
text which, to us, seems so natural, that it is wrong and 
irrational to put " the Supreme Being " in the place of the 
living God. As a preacher, according to his contem- 
porary, TegneV, he was unrivalled. His power of speak- 
ing was enhanced by an original method of delivery, into 
which he introduced an accent different from that in com- 
mon use, while his language vibrated with poetry. 5 His 
powerful voice sounded like a message from another world. 
It roused the sleeping conscience ; it seemed to compel 
obedience. As a poet he is best known by the new hymn- 

4 The reader may remember an often quoted passage in 
which Geijer describes his early life. It is translated in Mary 
Howitt's book, Literature and Romance of Northern Europe, 
II., pp. 366-9. He wrote in secret for the Academy's prize, 
an eulogy on Sten Sture the elder, and complained that he had 
only access to Dalin 's crabbed pages — but he won the prize. 

6 See Howitt's Literature and Romance of Northern Europe, 
Vol. II., p. 339 foil. On Tegner, see H. H. Boyesen, Essays 
on Scandinavian Literature, 219-288. 


book which is at present still in use. It was brought out 
by him in 1819, and contains five hundred hymns, of which 
a hundred and fifty were written or translated by himself. 
Of his single poems " The Angel of Death " — a majestic 
and terrible poem, written at the time of the cholera, but 
ending with a hopeful note — is the best known. Wall in 
died himself in harness. He had once experienced a 
delightful time of quiet work in an irresponsible position 
in his first pastorate, and had often longed for similar 
repose from the responsibilities and conflicts of his high 
office. But only death brought release from them. The 
following quatrain from his great poem is his epitaph : — 

Earth's unrest ends, 

Sure peace remains ; 
Death makes all friends, 

Heaven all explains. 6 

§ 3. — Evangelical movements of the nineteenth cen- 
NATE in Northern Sweden. The "new 
readers" oppose the books of 1810 — 181 1. 
Become antinomian and separatist. Lars Levi 


his legalism. change after his death. erik 
Jansson (1808— 1850) in Helsingland. His 
colony, Bishops Hill, in U.S.A. Doctrine of 
sinlessness. Rosenius (1816—1868). Sketch 
of his life by Bishop Nielsen. P. P. Walden- 
strom (b. 1838). The " Svenska Missions 
Forbundet" founded 1878. Its Work. 

I must not attempt to give details of all the movements 
of religious thought in Sweden during the nineteenth cen- 
tury, especially of those of more recent years. It will 

6 See Carl Grimberg : Sv. Hist., p. 574. The original is :— 

Jordens oro viker 
F6r den frid som varar. 
Graven allt forlikar ; 
Himeln allt forklarar. 


370 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

suffice to indicate the main directions, both of those which 
may be called evangelical and social and those which are 
more distinctly ecclesiastical. 

The evangelical movements may be considered as more 
or less derived from the Pietism which, as we have seen, 
entered Sweden after the Church law became more 
stringent under Charles XL, and especially in company 
with the returning soldiers who had been taken prisoners 
in the wars of Charles XII. It is a striking fact that these 
movements, like many older ones in Sweden, were gener- 
ally initiated in the northern provinces, and often by men 
of northern birth. This is the case with the " New 
Readers," with Lars Levi Lsestadius, with the prophets of 
Helsingland, and with Rosenius and Lektor Waldenstrom. 
They took, however, different forms, and it is necessary to 
distinguish one from the other. 

The earliest of these movements, that of the "new 
readers," took at its beginning the form of a protest 
against the Catechism and Prayer Book put out by Arch- 
bishop Lindblom, and prescribed by authority in the year 
1810 and 181 1 respectively. It arose in Norrland, particu- 
larly in the neighbourhood of the coast towns of Pitea and 
Skelleftea. The "Old Readers" had not separated from 
the Church, but the new sect, after a time, were eagerly 
desirous to do so. About the year 1848 they began to 
administer their own sacraments. They professed to be 
enthusiastic for " pure doctrine," as against the unortho- 
doxy of the State Church, and they pressed justification 
by faith to an antinomian extreme. For instance, a soldier 
from Pitea, who became one of their leaders, asserted that 
a man could have saving faith, even when sin and a love of 
this world were ruling in his heart; while John Rostrom, 
a peasant preacher (who died in 1868), denounced the 
clergy of the established Church as false prophets. 

The movement which is connected with the name of 
Lars Levi Laestadius (1800 — 1861) was, at any rate in its 
inception, of a very different character. He was a learned 


man and an eminent botanist, 7 skilled above all other men 
of his age in the power of distinguishing certain forms of 
northern vegetation, such as those of the " salices " or 
willow-tribe. He was sent as pastor to the northernmost 
corner of Sweden, beyond Haparanda, where he found the 
people sunk in vice, especially that of drunkenness. He 
preached the law, therefore, rather than the Gospel. He 
strongly inculcated public confession of sin, and he used 
largely the methods of absolution and excommunication. 
He strove also to make sin loathsome by his cynical 
descriptions of its effects. But his realistic language while 
it touched the common people was very distasteful to the 
educated. His preaching proved for a time very effective; 
but his revival was connected with the strange outward 
manifestations in which fanaticism has so often expressed 
itself — convulsive movements of the body, loud cries and 
groans, ecstatic embracings, dances, fainting fits and the 

Excesses arose into which it was necessary to inquire, 
and the visitation of the good Bishop of Hernosand, Israel 
Bergman, the successor of Franzen, did justice to all that 
was healthy in the movement and its much-loved chief. 
Loestadius died in 1861, and his followers than turned 
round from the legal view of religion to a kind of hyper- 
evangelical belief, and to a close sectarianism, according 
to which salvation was limited to their own body. The 
cries, which at first were occasional, became a regular 
accompaniment of public worship, and took the form of 
wolf-like howls " hih ! huh!" from which the popular 
name " Hihuliter " has been derived. Nevertheless, as 
the Lasstadians are not officially registered as a sect, there 
is some hope of their restoration to the National Church. 

7 The Biographist Lexicon and the Nordisk Familjebok 
practically only recognize him as a botanist. The Church his- 
tories, of course, describe his religious work, and there is a full 
account in Cornelius: Hist., §226-32. There is also a larger 
life by J. A. Englund : Lars Levi LcBstadius : en Kyrklig tidsbild 
(extracted from the Teologisk Tidskrift), Upsala, 1876. 

372 VIII— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

Doubtless Bishop Bergman's gentleness will have done 
much to contribute to this result if it be achieved. 

Erik Jansson (1808 — 1850) was himself born in the pro- 
vince of Upsala, but he found acceptance as a prophet in 
Helsingland, north of Dalarne. At first he was in spirit 
a " reader;" that is, he spent his time and that of his fol- 
lowers in reading the Bible and the writings of Luther and 
the Pietists, Arndt, Nohrborg and Murbeck. But, after a 
time, when he had adopted the doctrine that all true 
Christians are sinless, he threw over all his teachers, and 
declared himself the real prophet of the faith : " I am the 
only true preacher since the Apostles' time" (Cornelius: 
Hist., § 236). The community which he formed trans- 
ferred itself to the United States in 1845 — 1846, where the 
colony of " Bishops Hill " was founded near Galesburg, 
Illinois, receiving its name from the founder's birthplace, 
Biskopskulla. A system of communism was introduced, 
over which, however, the prophet had financial control to 
the detriment of the society. He was shot dead in 1850 by 
one of his followers, who was jealous of his interference in 
his domestic concerns. In the next ten years the sect 
broke up. It is interesting as one of the earliest Swedish 
settlements in North America in the last century, but it 
appears to have had less root than almost any of the other 
religious movements of which we have been speaking. 

The last of these movements which I shall mention is 
that of Ros^nius (1816— 1868), who was, like Lasstadius, 
born in Vesterbotten in the diocese of Hernosand. In 
1840 he allied himself with the English Methodist, Scott, 
in Stockholm, and worked there till his death. This 
movement is of great importance, as it approached much 
closer to normal Christianity, and was free from the ex- 
cesses of the other sects. It also paved the way for the 
most important of modern Free Church movements in 
Sweden, that of which Lektor Waldenstrom is the 
leader, in the " Swedish Missionary Covenant " (Svenska 
Missions Forbundet), founded in 1878. 


I shall, therefore, extract some pages from an excellent 
essay by the Danish Bishop Nielsen on the modern history 
of Protestantism in the Northern Lands, from which I 
have already drawn some material. 

Karl Olof Rosenius was son of a clergyman in Pitea [in the 
diocese of Hernosand]. The father was a friend of the 

" Readers," and the young Rosenius was early introduced into 
the circle of the ' ' awakened ' - or converted laity. Already, as 
a student in Hernosand, he gathered into his room a circle of 
such comrades. During a visit to his home, he made the acquaint- 
ance of Maja Soderlund, a remarkable woman, who had gained 
a great name by her Bible classes in the neighbouring country. 
She became, as it were, his priest and the confidant of his soul. 
In 1836, at the age of twenty, he began, with Bishop Fran- 
z<£n's dispensation, to preach in his native town, but his course 
of study in Upsala went on slowly. The worldly life of the 
students did not please him, and poverty, as well as illness, 
hindered his work. In 1839 he accepted a place as tutor in 
the house of a nobleman, but there he fell into doubt and 
temptation. He was ashamed to open his heart to his friends, 
but rather sought for comfort and help in the Methodist 
preacher, Georg Scott, in Stockholm. With the assistance of 
this man he overcame his doubts, and soon began to preach 
again, filled with depressing experiences of his own misery 
and his own littleness, but also supported by a strong faith in 
the unmerited grace of God. Scott saw the young man's 
ability; but instead of advising him to complete his studies, and 
become a preacher in the established Church of Sweden, he drew 
him into a situation as a free-preacher in the Church which 

had been formed by his own numerous friends Rosenius 

confessed to Maja Soderlund that the reason why he had given 
up all thoughts of taking Holy Orders was that it only seemed to 
be good for those who wished to be " dumb dogs." 

From 1840 he worked in Stockholm as a lay-preacher, with- 
out being ordained. Fie gathered many round the pulpit in the 
new Methodist Church, and in 1842, he began, together with 
Scott, to publish the periodical called The Pietist, which 
soon found 5,000 subscribers. The name of the periodical was, 
properly speaking, an erroneous one, for Rosenius was no 
Pietist. The powerful sermons, which v/ere preached by him 
and by Scott, excited great commotion in the town, and on 
Palm Sunday, 1842, a crowd of people pressed into the church 
and drove Scott down from the pulpit by throwing stones; in 
particular they accused him of speaking contemptuously about 

374 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (A.D. 1812— 1910). 

Sweden and the Swedes. The church had to be closed for the 
time, and Scott left Stockholm secretly, so that Rosenius was 
now sole leader of the revival in the Swedish capital. 

In the following ten years he contented himself by holding 
religious assemblies in private houses, and in hired rooms; 
then his friends bought Scott's church for him, and called it 
" Bethlehem Church," and there Rosenius worked till his death 
as lay-preacher, joined by many from all directions. His light 
and manly figure, his honest and grave expression, his deep 
feeling and his lively imagination brought great crowds when 
he preached of " the pure unmerited grace in Christ Jesus " and 
summoned individuals to seize that grace, saying "Come en- 
tirely as you are." Many were prepared for such a sermon by 
the " Readers," and the simple and gentle spirit which reigned 
in the services of the Bethlehem Church, exercised a powerful 
attraction on many who had not felt satisfied by the stiff ser- 
mons of the Pietists and Schartauans. Soon Rosenius' con- 
gregation obtained their singer in "Oscar Ahnfeld," whose 
hymns with tunes, easy to sing, became known in the three 
northern kingdoms. 

The circle which generally gathered to hear Rosenius' ser- 
mons about "free grace" and "the sweet Gospel," stood in 
a very loose relation to the established Church. Rosenius him- 
self did not secede from the established Church, and did not 
advise his followers to do so, but he had no good words for 
the " External Church," and for the preachers of the established 
Church, who were for the most part, hirelings in his sight. 
"The little flock," the conventicles, were enough for him, but 
he always desired the Holy Communion in the established 
Church, and also had his children baptized there. He died 
young, exhausted by spiritual work, and his followers did not 
separate. The lay preachers continued his work and spread 
the gospel of "unmerited grace" and his other hyper- 
Evangelical doctrines. His writings, especially his voluminous 
Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, and his Family 
Prayer-hook, seemed to many in the three northern kingdoms, 
the best reading for quiet hours, next to Holy Scripture. The 
Family Prayer-book alone had a circulation of 30,000 copies in 
Denmark and Norway. Through Bornholm, Rosenius' ideas 
found entrance into Denmark, and the neighbouring parts of 
Germany; and Denmark, as well as Norway, have also some 
" Bornholmists " who are as slack in relation to the Danish 
and Norwegian Church, as Rosenius to the Swedish . . . 

After the death of Rosenius, the publication of the Pietist 
was taken over by Lektor Paul Peter Waldenstrom in Gefle (born 


at Lulea in 1838). 8 He preached at first at Bethlehem Church 
in Gefle as a decided follower of Rosenius. But the way in 
which Rosenius' disciples spoke of the expiatory death of Christ 
"for all" excited him to contradiction, and in 1872 he came 
forward with a subjective doctrine of atonement. This caused 
a rupture between him and part of Rosenius' friends, but 
Waldenstrom found new followers just because of his rejection 
of the old doctrine of atonement. 

At first he was averse to "Communion guilds," which the 
awakened laity had formed in order to be able to " Break the 
Bread" at home in their houses. But when once his request 
to hold Holy Communion for his friends in a church of the 
town was refused [by Archbishop Sundberg] he accepted the 
"free Breaking of Bread" as part of his own programme. 
Upon that his followers collected 22,000 signatures to a peti- 
tion in favour of a free celebration of the Lord's Supper, as well 
as of freedom in spreading the Word; but it was refused. In 
spite of the refusal, the assemblies for Holy Communion in- 
creased in number and in strength, and in 1878, Waldenstrom 
succeeded in uniting the greatest part of the free Church 
Swedes into the so-called " Swedish Mission Covenant," 
which built chapel after chapel everywhere in Sweden — just 
as the Home Mission in Denmark built mission houses. But 
while the discord continually increased between the free 
Church Swedes and the Swedish established Church, the Home 
Mission of Denmark has, up to the present time, generally 
been on friendly terms with the National Church of Denmark 
and her preachers, owing principally to William Beck's firm 
hold over ritual and his consistent Lutheranism. 

On Sunday, 26th September, 1909, I visited Lektor 
Waldenstrom, the Wesley of Sweden, at his new mission 
house in Lidingo — a pretty island suburb of Stockholm. 
He has a remarkable face, broad and strong, and smiling, 
and a fresh colour after 72 years of life. His head is large 
and his hair thick, while the eyelids droop obliquely from 
the nose and partly cover the eyes. He received me very 
courteously, and readily answered all questions that I ven- 
tured to address to him. His society is still nominally 
within the Church, that is to say its members have not 
officially registered themselves as separatists, and they 

8 I owe to the kindness of my friend, Rev. Mats Amark, a copy of 
Paul Peter Waldenstrom en tcckning af hans lif af en Samtida, Stockholm, 
Fredengren, 1900 

376 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

continue to pay their Church dues. In consequence of 
this he is an elected member of the Representative Church 
Council. What will be the future of his society it is not 
easy for a foreigner to prophesy. He has a large follow- 
ing of about 100,000 members or adherents, and 1,200 to 
1,500 chapels or prayer-houses (Bon-huser) scattered over 
every part of the country. 

He or his son (I forget which) was good enough to tell 
me something of his experiences in Norrland, where he 
learnt to preach in the style of Luther by continually read- 
ing aloud to the people in Umea and its neighbourhood. 
He found that this was what still interested them more 
than anything else, to hear Luther's commentaries and 
postils read aloud for hours together. The mission house 
is an excellent building, and it prepares men and women 
both for home and foreign missions. The society has 
stations in the Congo State, in the Hu-peh province of 
China (on the Yang-tse Kiang), and at Kashgar in East 
Turkestan and elsewhere. 9 

It has thus, like the Moravian brotherhood, a strong 
missionary activity to keep it sweet and to save it from 
the narrowing influences which have beset sectarian 
bodies everywhere, and, not least of all, in Sweden. An 
English Churchman cannot but pray that some place may 
still be found for it inside the National Church, and that 
the reconciliation may not be too long delayed. I have 
not heard that Lektor Waldenstrom has any very clearly- 
marked successor to whom he would naturally bequeath 
the direction of his society. 

9 See Ndgot i ord och bild om Svenska Missions forbundets 
Mission, Stockholm, 1909, a report on The Congo Mission of 
the Szvedish Missionary Society (1909), and The Mission Field 
in Russia and Chinese Turkestan (for Edinburgh M. Conference, 


§ 4.— Social progress. The temperance movement 
and Dr. Peter Wieselgren (1800— 1897). He 


Movement for the emancipation of women. 
Frederica Bremer, the novelist. Need for 
women to find work outside the home. 

With these evangelical movements it is natural to con- 
nect the movements for social reform, with which many of 
them have been in a measure connected. The work of 
Lars Levi Laestadius was, as we have seen, largely directed 
against drunkenness in the North. But the general tem- 
perance movement in Sweden had its origin in the person 
of Dr. Peter Wieselgren, son of a peasant in Smaland 
(1800 — 1877), a learned man, who was successively a 
teacher and librarian at Lund, a pastor in that diocese, and, 
lastly, for twenty years Provost of Goteborg Cathedral. 10 
But temperance work was the main business of his life. 
As a schoolboy at Vexio he was struck by the sight of a 
fine-looking young man, sitting crouched up in the window 
of his cell in the county gaol, reading the Bible. He found 
that this was a man of good character, who, in a drunken 
fit, the first he had ever indulged in, had murdered his 
much-loved young wife, and so was condemned to death, 
and destined to make his children both fatherless and 
motherless. The young man was beheaded, after writing 
a poem of warning against the use of brandy, which 
Wieselgren had printed. Thus his career in life was fixed 
by this tragic experience. 

The evil against which he had to fight was immense and 
of long standing. Brandy had come into use in Sweden 
in the Russian wars of Gustavus Vasa, whose soldiers 
thought of it as a sort of charm used by their foreign oppo- 
nents to give them courage. From that time it became the 

10 See Cornelius : Hist., § 275, De S.K. inre Misson and Grim- 
berg : I.e., pp. 551-6. There is also a short biography by 
Sigfrid Wieselgren, Stkh., 1907. 

378 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

deadliest enemy of Sweden within. Every foreigner who 
visited the country noticed it. Amongst others, I may 
name our countryman, Bulstrode Whitelocke, who had 
the moral courage to decline absolutely to drink the healths 
to which he was almost forced at the various State banquets 
and private dinners to which he was invited. Frederick 
the Great of Prussia once said that the Swedes for cen- 
turies had been trying to work their own ruin by their 
drunkenness, but, strange to say, had not yet succeeded. 
It was one of the projects of his nephew, Gustavus III., 
at once to promote sobriety and to increase the revenues of 
the crown, by stopping the multitude of private stills, and 
making the sale of brandy a crown monopoly. Unfortu- 
nately his agents pushed the second part of the project so 
vigorously that drunkenness on " crown brandy" became 
a sort of evidence of patriotism, and the evil was worse than 
before. 11 Much secret distillation took place, and the 
crown lost rather than gained in revenue, while Gustavus 
himself owed his final unpopularity very largely to this 
ill-considered project. The monopoly was given up and 
the evil went on as before. Up till 1830 the consumption 
of brandy was enormous, that is to say, at last it rose to 
forty litres per head of the population per annum, and, of 
course, enormously more than this for every full-grown 
man. It was no uncommon thing to see a drunken judge 
and drunken officers deciding in court the fate of unhappy 
prisoners. The average of human life fell to thirty-five 
years, whereas now it has risen to fifty. 

It was with such a gigantic evil as this that Wieselgren 
felt that he was called to struggle, and he had prepared 
himself for it by a boyish spirit of adventure — climbing the 
highest fir trees that were to be found, and wandering far 
afield, in the hope of losing his way and having to find it 
again. Thus the boy was father to the man. He formed 
a society for total abstinence from all spirituous liquors 
with five of his school-fellows, and thus the first temperance 

11 See Grimberg : I.e., p. 439 foil. 


society in Sweden was started by a schoolboy. But his 
real power of leadership came to him in his parish of 
Vasterstad. One incident of his ministry may be men- 
tioned as an example of his experience and courage. A 
peasant, who was being punished for his evil life by the 
Church Council, resolved to kill his pastor. He sent for 
him to come to his house on the pretext that his wife was 
dying. Wieselgren was warned, but went all the same. 
He first commanded the pretended dying woman to rise 
from her bed, and then turned to her husband, who stood 
axe in hand behind the door, and said: " Lay down your 
weapon." The man obeyed; but when his pastor urged 
him to change his evil life and ask God for pardon, the man 
answered scornfully: "There'll be time enough for that 
when one lies on one's sick bed." The priest's answer 
came back like lightning: "You'll never lie on a sick 
bed." A few days after the man fell down his own well in 
a drunken fit, and was drowned, and Wieselgren's in- 
fluence was stronger than ever. In time his parishioners 
saw that temperance was for their own good, and his re- 
putation spread far and wide. Prince Oskar, afterwards 
Oskar I., who succeeded King Karl Johan in 1840, took 
up the movement, and so did the great chemist Berzelius, 
and the physician Huss. From them proceeded the 
familiar physiological arguments, which explain the action 
of alcohol on the human body, and on the descendants of 
drunkards, as well as on drunkards themselves. Wiesel- 
gren himself travelled over the whole country from south 
to north, and at length the nation was ready for the great 
reform of 1854, when private distillation was forbidden, 
and a heavy tax put upon brandy. But, though the results 
were great, it was found after a time that beer drinking 
had become a national danger, and the new temperance 
movement of 1880 and the following years was inaugurated. 
The various societies are supposed to number about a 
quarter of a million members. 

I regret to learn from the bishops' charges, which will 

3 8o VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

be quoted in section 10, that the influence of the temper- 
ance societies is by no means always favourable to religion. 

Temperance reform is thus specially connected with one 
name, that of Peter Wieselgren. The emancipation of 
women in like manner owes much to a single lady, Miss 
Frederica Bremer. 12 To some of us who remember her 
early stories, which had much of the quiet wit of Jane 
Austen and Maria Edgeworth, it may be almost a surprise 
to know how great a spirit of almost political enterprise 
lived within this accomplished writer of clever domestic 
chronicles. There is a pleasant English book by Mar- 
garet Howitt, Twelve Months with Frederica Bremer, 
which is worth reading by anyone who wishes to know 
the manner of her later life. She had long rebelled against 
the dull confinement of her childhood and early youth, and 
had found vent for her energies in fiction, but a journey to 
the United States in 1850, and a visit to its schools and 
institutions for women, opened her eyes as to what was 
needed for others in her own country. The result was the 
foundation of the high schools for girls, which have 
changed the whole condition of women in Sweden, and 
opened the universities and the higher professions to them, 
as well as many other walks of life. 

The legal changes which have accompanied this move- 
ment began in 1845, when sisters acquired an equal right 
of inheritance with brothers. Then followed the resolution 
of parliament, which allowed unmarried women to come of 
age and to act for themselves at the same time as men. 
The need for such legislation lay in the fact that there was 
no longer so much work for women in the home, as in 
former days, when each house gave employment for all the 
family in domestic arts, which now are much more cheaply 
carried on in workshop and factory. Sweden still has 
many remains of this hem-slojd, more probably than Eng- 
land, but it was not enough for all as in old time. This 

12 See Grimberg : I.e., pp. 546-51, from whom I have freely 


emancipation of women from the home naturally met with 
great opposition from old-fashioned folk, who saw beauty 
in the gentle dependence of woman, regarding her in 
TegneYs words as : — 

" A tendril, withering if unsupported, 
A creature unto which the half is wanting." 

It was fortunate for the women of Sweden that they were 
led by so essentially womanly and refined a lady as 
Frederica Bremer. 

Whether the wisdom of Swedish legislators will carry 
the equality of the sexes still further and emancipate mar- 
ried women as entirely as their unmarried sisters, and give 
one or both of these classes votes for parliament, and 
further opportunities for public duty, I cannot venture to 
prophesy. There is a fundamental difference in the sexes 
as well as a fundamental equality, and for the sake of 
women as well as of men, and of the future of the race, it 
is important that home should have more claim on the 
one, and the world more claim upon the other, and that 
laws should recognize the difference. 

§ 5. — Movements within the Church: foreign mis- 
sions. Petrus L^estadius in Lapland. Peter 

FjELLSTEDT (1802— l88l). THE "SWEDISH 

Church Mission" (1873— 1874). The "Evan- 
gelical National Institute " (1856) becomes 
missionary in 1861. Other societies. Sea- 
men's Missions. Missions to Israelites. 

In my last two sections I have dealt with popular move- 
ments, religious and social, which were partly within the 
Church and partly without it, but which did not specially 
use it and its ministers as instruments, or definitely increase 
its power of organization — nay, in some cases tried to break 
it down and diminish it. Happily there have been others 
which directly tended to strengthen and build up the 
Church as a society. 

382 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812—1910). 

Both Denmark and England felt the responsibility of 
their foreign possessions as a call to mission work among 
the heathen in a way that Sweden, which had few such 
possessions, could not be expected to do. Work among 
the Lapps did, indeed, as we have seen, begin early, and 
produced much fruit. The good work of Fjellstedt and 
Hogstrom in the eighteenth century was continued by 
Petrus Laestadius, a younger brother of Lars Levi, who 
was active in Pitea from 1826 to 1832 and later. The result 
of his and others' work was an attempt by the government 
to concentrate the education of the Lapps into four schools, 
but the nomadic spirit of the people was too strong, and the 
clergy who minister to them still have to follow their 

After Kjernander, of whom I have already spoken, who 
stands almost alone in the eighteenth century, the first im- 
portant Swedish missionary and promoter of missions to 
distant lands was Peter Fjellstedt (1802 — 1881), son of a 
peasant in Vermland. In 1829 he entered the service of 
the English Church Missionary Society, and served for 
four years in the Tinnevelly Mission in Southern India. 
After that he was employed in Asia Minor at Magnesia, 
near Smyrna, for another five years, especially in distribut- 
ing the Bible in Turkish. The rest of his long life he 
spent for the most part in his own country, zealously serv- 
ing the same cause in other ways, especially as editor of 
the Lunds Missionstidning, and as a preacher for the 
Basel Missionary Society. 13 He was a great linguist, and 
kept up a correspondence with missionaries in many parts 
of the world. A school was founded in his honour, which 
bears his name. It is now in Upsala, and most of the 
pupils become clergy in Sweden or America, while some go 
out as missionaries to India and Africa. 

Fjellstedt worked hard, but it was some time before the 

13 The latter part of Fjellstedt's life is described in Peter 
Fjellstedt : hans verksamhet i fosterlandet tnellan dren 1843-81, 
af Emilia Ahnfelt-Laurin, Stockholm, 1881. 


Swedish Church maintained missionary work on its own 

The first missionary society 14 in the Swedish Church 
began its work in 1835, in connection, however, with other 
foreign societies. The first independent society was that 
of Lund, founded ten years later, in order to work in China ; 
but this, too, had soon to ally itself with another, that of 
Leipzig. It was not till after the first meeting of the 
Representative Church Council, in 1868, that the Swedish 
Church took up the project of an official mission to the 
heathen. As a result of the second meeting, in 1873, a 
royal letter was issued in 1874, appointing the archbishop 
ex-officio, and six members of the council chosen by itself 
to act as the governing body of the " Svenska Kyrkans 
missionstyrelse." A royal letter had been already issued 
earlier in the year, appointing an annual collection with 
missionary sermon on a particular day to be made in every 
church throughout the country. 

The main work of this society lies in South Africa, 
especially in Natal, Zululand and Rhodesia, where it has 
nine Swedish priests and one African, besides ladies and 
other subordinate native workers. It also has work in 
South India in connection with the Leipzig Society at 
Madura, and also in Ceylon at Colombo. In these 
stations there are seven Swedish and two native priests. 
Besides this, the society has an important seamen's mission 
with stations at Copenhagen, Stettin, Kiel and Wismar, 
London and Hartlepool, Calais and Dunkirk. This 
Church society has made admirable progress in recent 
years under its energetic secretary, or " missions direktor, 
Pastor K. A. Ihrmark. 

This official society does not, however, by any means 
exhaust the missionary energies of the Swedish Church. 
A larger amount of work is done by the earlier " Evan- 

14 There is a good short account of all Swedish mission work 
in De Svenska Missionerna, 1904, utgifven af Uppsala kristliga 
Studenten-forbund. See also P.R.E. 3 , 13, pp. 146, 183, 185. 

384 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

gelical National Institute" (Evangeliska Fosterlands- 
stiftelse), a society founded in 1856 for work by lay evan- 
gelists at home, which remains within the Church, but 
stands in a free relation to it. In 1 861 it took up the work 
of heathen missions, and in 1862 it founded a missionary 
college under the direction of Dr. W. Rudin, the much 
loved and honoured Upsala professor, at Johannelund, 
near Stockholm. Its stations are found in Northern East 
Africa, more particularly in the Italian " Colonia 
Erythnea," Abyssinia, and the neighbouring regions, 
where it has fifteen Swedish and four native priests. It 
works also in the " central provinces " of India, with seven- 
teen Swedish priests. It has also a seamen's mission, with 
stations at Lubeck, Hamburg and Bremerhaven, Grimsby 
and Liverpool, at Marseilles, at Boston U.S.A., and 
Melbourne in Australia. The income of the society has 
grown from 383,317 kr. in 1900 to 597,509 kr. in 1909. It 
has ninety-seven European and 204 native agents, and 
twenty-three stations. 

In addition to this, besides the Free Church work of 
the Waldenstromians, which I have already mentioned, 
there is the " Swedish Mission in China," which works in 
concert with the English "China Inland Mission," and 
has eight stations; the Free Church " Helgelse forbundet," 
which works in Natal and China, and the " Scandinavian 
Alliance Mission," part of the "Christian Missionary 
Alliance " of New York. The latter has its Swedish centre 
in Jonkoping. It works in Tibet and North-West India, 
in China, Japan and South Africa, but its workers are few. 
There is also a Swedish Baptist Mission, a Swedish 
Women's Mission to the women of North Africa, which 
has a school at Bizerta in Tunis; a Swedish Jerusalem 
Union, founded in 1900 by Bishop von Sch^ele, which has 
a school in the holy city and a medical missionary at 
Bethlehem; and, lastly, a " Union for Mission to Israel- 
ites," which was founded in 1875 in Stockholm by Pastor 
A. Lindstrom. This appears to be one of the most active 
of the smaller societies. 

§ 6.— THE LtJND MOVEMENT. 385 

Considering that most of this activity belongs to the 
last fifty years, the result is considerable. It is obvious 
that an alliance between our Church and that of Sweden 
might be very beneficial to both, especially in South Africa 
and India, and that the seamen's missions of both 
churches might be made use of by the mariners of both 
countries wherever there was no station belonging to their 
own people. The number of Scandinavians in our own 
mercantile marine is great, and they are much valued. 

§ 6. — Different character of the Universities. E. 
G. Bring's experiences at both, about 1832 A.D. 
The theological faculty at Lund. Thomander 
and reuterdahl. their successors and 
the Swedish Church Times from 1855. E. G. 
Bring and A. N. Sundberg compared. Bishop 
Billing's account of the main principles of 
Swedish High Churchmen. Movement at 
Upsala. Dr. Soderblom's address to 
students. The Lund professors become 
Bishops: Bring of Linkoping (1861 — 1884); 
Sundberg of Carlstad (1864) and archbishop 
(1870 — 1900); Flensburg of Lund (1865 — 1897). 

It is difficult for a foreigner to estimate and compare the 
debt which Sweden owes to its two universities — the older 
and larger at Upsala, with 1,800 white-capped students, 
men and women, and the smaller at Lund, with some 800. 
There is, of course, greater possibility of variety of life at 
Upsala, both from its own resources in the larger number 
of professors and students, and the greater collections of 
books and apparatus, and from its nearness to the capital 
and consequent closer participation in much that goes on 
there. In both the students are classified as belonging to 
thirteen so-called " nations," each incorporating the young 
people from one or more of the twenty-four provinces or 
" Ian " into which the kingdom is divided. But while 
each of these nations has its own club house; sometimes a 


3 86 VIII— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

fine building, at Upsala, there is only one at Lund, which 
is shared by all. On the other hand there is, I think, a 
larger hostel for students living together at Lund, and, 
therefore, more opportunity for the training of the future 
clergy in a definite manner. 

It would not, perhaps, be wrong to say that there are 
more opportunities for general culture at Upsala, and for 
the study of philosophy and history, while life is more 
intense at Lund, and that dogmatic theology and classical 
literature were more at home there than at the Northern 
University. Certainly this appears to have been the case 
in the first half of the nineteenth century, according to the 
interesting notes made by Bishop Ebbe" Gustaf Bring 
(1814 — 1874) of his own student life at both Universities. 16 
He left LIpsala in 1832, after three years spent there, and 
migrated to Lund, where he took his degree as Master or 
Doctor in Philosophy in 1835, though only twenty-one 
years of age. In comparing the two universities he speaks 
of the " Phosphorists," the leaders of the new romantic or 
Gothic school at Upsala, as having grown to maturity, and 
having lost their faults and developed their strong points; 
and of the interest for philosophy, aesthetics and poetry, 
which was, therefore, naturally much greater at Upsala 
than at Lund. Among his teachers at the former he men- 
tions with gratitude " Geijer, Atterbom, Grubbe, Bostrom, 
Kolmodin, Lundwall, Torneros " as examples of valuable 
influences which all would recognize. But, above all, he 
speaks with gratitude of the companionship of his young 
friend, Ernst Kjellander, a poet, who died a few years later 
in Italy. On the other hand Lund had its advantages in 
the interest for classical Latinity awakened by Lindblad, 
in the provision there made for the study of natural science, 
and in the strength of its theological faculty, then led 
by Ahlman, Bergqvist, Reuterdahl and Thomander. 
Schartau had died in 1825, but his strong spirit still swayed 
the University, and Thomander (1808 — 1865) was taking 

15 Biskopen M. M. Ebbe Gustaf Bring, nagra minnesblad, af 
Gottfrid Billing, pp. 10 foil., Lund, 1886. 


his place as a preacher. He is described as very impressive 
in his boldness and assurance, and Bishop Nielsen says of 
him: "Sweden never had a greater speaker." In his 
youth he had a strongly-marked period of asstheticism, in 
which he was an enthusiast for Aristophanes, Shakespeare 
and Byron, and he remained a Liberal in politics and 
theology. 16 He became Provost of Goteborg in 1850, and 
Bishop of Lund in 1856. 

Beside Thomander, the best known of the Lund pro- 
fessors of that date was Henrik Reuterdahl (1795— 1870), 
who worked there as a University teacher and professor for 
thirty-five years. He edited the Theological Quarterly 
(Theologisk Quartalskrift) for many years, in company 
with Thomander, produced an Introduction to Theology, 
which was long a text book for students, and, not only 
edited many documents appertaining to Swedish Church 
history, but produced the best existing history of the 
Church up to the year 1533— the middle of the reign of 
Gustaf Vasa. His writing appears to us of this genera- 
tion somewhat dull and wanting in ideas, but it is clear and 
full and accurate, and based on independent study of 
ancient documents, and, therefore, indispensable to the 
student. His work may naturally be contrasted with that 
of his younger contemporary, L. A. Anjou (1803 — 1884), 
a Upsala professor for ten years, and Bishop of Visby from 
1859 to his death. We can see in Anjou the influence of 
Geijer, from which Reuterdahl is almost free. Anjou is 
interesting, but rather diffuse, and occasionally obscure, 
and it is difficult to know where to find the facts one needs. 

In 1852 Reuterdahl was called by King Oskar I. to be 
head of the ecclesiastical department of State, and three 
years after became Bishop of Lund. He was, therefore, in 
that city at the beginning of the period of which I am now 
to speak, but he was called to the archbishopric in 1856, 
and held it till his death in 1870. I shall mention later his 
relations with Bishop Whitehouse, of Illinois. 

16 See Nielsen in Der Protestantismus, p. 1003. 

388 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

After the departure of Reuterdahl and Thomander, in 
the middle of the last century, the University of Lund had 
a professoriate of exceptional brilliance, especially in its 
chairs of theology. The faculty consisted mainly of four 
" High Churchmen," H. M. Melin, Bring himself, Anton 
Niklas Sundberg and Wilhelm Flensburg. Of these men 
the best known to the outside world are Bring and Sund- 
berg. Bring had been brought up at home as a boy, and 
chiefly by kind-hearted women. This training developed 
his gentle and sensitive nature, but it was joined to a great 
passion for righteousness. He was older than Sundberg, 
and succeeded earlier to his professorship, and this was an 
advantage to the movement which they were to lead, since 
lie was more considerate of opponents and entered more 
into their point of view than Sundberg. Both were alike 
in this that they experienced no great crisis in their spiritual 
life, and developed harmoniously and happily. Yet both 
were distrustful of self, and of a somewhat anxious tem- 
perament. Bring appears to have had much more of a 
distinct call to the priesthood, and to have had the finer 
nature. He was much valued as a pastor, and attached 
great importance to the prebendal system by which pas- 
toral charges are assigned to the theological chairs. He 
was selected to prepare the young princes for confirmation 
and first communion — a duty which he performed both on 
this occasion, and generally with extreme carefulness and 
fulness. Sundberg, however, was the more imposing 
personality, and was an acknowledged chief both in Church 
and State. It is a striking evidence of his capacity as a 
leader that he was especially acceptable in his relation to 
the University of Upsala, of which he was officially vice- 
chancellor. This is brought out very clearly in 
Bishop Billing's memorial discourse before the Swedish 
Academy. 17 

17 Minne af A. N. Sundberg: intrddes-tal i Svenska Aka- 
demien, 20th December, 1900, af Gottfrid Billing : pp. 50 foil., 
Stkh., 1901. 


These two able and popular men, in company with 
Wilhelm Flensburg, inaugurated a Lund movement, as 
we may call it, which was almost as important for Sweden 
as the Oxford Movement some twenty years earlier had 
been for England. Strange to say, Cornelius does not 
mention it in his History. 

In their hands the vague ideal of the glory and the beauty 
of the Church which Reuterdahl in his youth had caught 
up from Schleiermacher, passed into a clear and definite 
conception, in which they were much aided by the new 
Lutheranism of Germany. They also absorbed the higher 
conception of the ministry to which Schartau had given 
currency, and added much from their own studies of 
ancient Church history. They not only set themselves 
against open unbelief and materialism, and so-called un- 
dogmatic Christianity, but against the separatist spirit, 
which was now showing itself largely within as well as 
outside the Church, and which had an able champion in 
their own colleague, H. B. Hammar, editor of the Evan- 
gelical Church Friend, and head of the tract distributing 
committee in Southern Sweden. 

The Lund movement specially set itself to correct tract 
distribution and Methodism. 

The Evangelical National Institute for home missions 
was founded in 1856 by Hans Jakob Lundborg, who had 
been much influenced by what he saw during a visit to 
Scotland. It worked through "colporteurs" and tract 
distribution, and promoted evangelistic addresses given by 
laymen, who were desired first to obtain the leave of the 
clergy. It wished to remain, and has remained within the 
Church, like our "Church Army," but its principles at 
first gave great offence to many of the clergy, who disliked 
to see laymen intruding, as they thought, into their office. 
They appealed against it to the fourteenth article of the 
Augsburg Confession "That no man must teach publicly 
in the Church or adminster the sacraments unless rightly 

390 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

I have already spoken of the more distinctly separatist 
work of Rosenius, and I may add that in 1854 ne prevailed 
upon his friends to build for him a chapel or prayer house 
at Gefle, the second only at that time in Sweden, the first 
being in the North at Umea. 

It was in order, then, to check these ardent individualists 
and to bring to mind great principles that had been, as 
they thought, overlooked, that Bring, Sundberg and 
Flensburg became co-editors of the Sivedish Church 
Times, which from its foundation, in 1855, and for about 
ten years afterwards, exercised almost as great influence in 
Sweden as the Tracts for the Times had done in England. 
The editors worked in such complete harmony that they 
did not distinguish their articles by signatures. In the first 
article, which is known to have been by Bring, mention 
was made of the Mecklenburg theologian, Kliefoth, whose 
Eight Books on the Church — of which only four were pub- 
lished — made a considerable impression at that time in 
Northern Germany. The critics of the day said sarcas- 
tically that the Kyrko Tidning " did not stand on its own 
foot (fot), but on Kliefoth." The question, however, was: 
" Was its teaching right and in harmony with the doctrines 
of the Church of Sweden?" Its main principles are thus 
summarized by Bishop Billing of Lund in his affectionately 
but judiciously written sketch of his father-in-law's life 
(PP- 54 foil.). They certainly had good ground for 
claiming the authority of the first German reformers. 

In the first place the Church Times strongly accentuated 
the truth that the Church is an organized society, not 
merely a sum of individuals. In opposition to those who 
were agitating for the entire freedom of the individual 
and urging that the Church should abolish everything that 
offended any individual conscience, or hindered anyone 
from any religious action to which he felt called, the editors 
of the Kyrko Tidning attempted to awaken and stimulate a 
consciousness of the divine origin of the Church and its 
right to be respected as a society. It is a society founded 


by the Lord Himself, introduced into the world through 
the outpouring of the Holy Ghost at Pentecost, and con- 
tinuing the same through all centuries. Its traditions are 
of great importance, and no change in them can be wel- 
comed which cannot show that it is an organic development 
of some of the already existing fruits of Church life; and, 
further, no Christian life can be wholesome which does not 
keep in close touch with the life of devotion which exists 
in its full strength within the community. 

The second great principle is contained in the answer 
to the question: "What is the Church?" All Swedish 
Churchmen would answer with the seventh article of the 
Augsburg Confession : " The Church is the congregation 
of the saints in which the Gospel is rightly taught and the 
sacraments are rightly administered." But the question 
is, Which of the two limbs of this definition stands first 
in the conception? In answering this question I may 
remark that the editors, or at any rate the author of this 
article in the Church Times, seems to have passed uncon- 
sciously from the definition " congregatio sanctorum " to 
that of the next article of the confession " congregatio 
sanctorum et vere credentium," and to have, in accordance 
with Swedish practice, laid more stress on the "vere 
credentium " than the " sanctorum." The question as it 
presented itself to them was : "Which is first, right faith or 
the means of grace?" They answered: "The means of 
grace, as being the Lord's own institution and the source 
of faith. Not only the functions discharged by the 
ministry, but the ministry itself is an office instituted by the 
Lord. Whoever does not receive his office in an orderly 
way has no right to minister the means of grace ; if he does 
so he not only breaks a human but a divine ordinance." 

As to the difference between this teaching and that which 
contemporaneously prevailed at Upsala, and was expressed 
in the Theological Journal (Teologisk Tidskrift), Dr. J. E. 
Berggren puts it concisely and epigrammatically in his 
memorial of Archbishop Sundberg (p. 8) : 18 "The Lund 

18 Read at the Prest-mote at Upsala, 5th August, 1902. 

392 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

theology emphasises more strongly the objective element 
in the life of Christendom, the Upsala lays more stress on 
the subjective. The Lund theology is penetrated by the 
conviction that false subjectivism is the greatest danger of 
Protestantism. Upsala theology recognizes that true sub- 
jectivism is the necessary condition of Protestant life." In 
other words, the theology of Upsala was, during the last 
century, much more of a philosophy, in which the idea of 
the Church was tolerated rather than loved. Dr. Soder- 
blom, who has written some interesting pages on this sub- 
ject, in a brilliant address to the Student Volunteer meet- 
ing at Huskvarna, in 1909, entitled The Individual and 
the Church, expressed himself as follows: 19 " Attachment 
to the Church was not a leading feature of Upsala 
theology, still less did it create enthusiasm. Rather was 
it felt as a burden. An inspiring conception of the 
Church, penetrated with enthusiasm, was manifested later 
on by S. A. Fries, evidently in connection with (the 
philosopher) Bostrom's Ideal of an Established Church, 
and by J. A. Eklund (Bishop of Carlstad) in the form of 
the ideal of a national Church, which he assigned to the 
period of our political greatness." The idea, therefore, 
even then, was not a general one like that of the Lund 
theologians, of an eternal world-wide society, founded at 
Pentecost, and embracing the best efforts of all men, but a 
partial and patriotic one of narrower scope and compass. 
The two may, of course, be united, as they are to-day by 
the professors of Upsala, in an attempt to define what the 
Church of Sweden may do as a constituent part of the 
universal Church, and to encourage men to labour to realize 
this in action as its contribution to a united offering of 
service to our Lord and Master Jesus Christ (Soderblom : 
I.e., pp. 25 foil.). 

Before the Church Times had been in existence ten years 
the editors were called upon to separate. Bring became 

19 Den Enskilde och Kyrkan af Nathan Soderblom, foredrag 
hallet vid Studentmotet i Huskvarna, 1909, p. 20, Uppsala, 1909. 

§ 7-— THE NEW KYRKO-MOTE. 393 

Bishop of Linkoping in 1861, where he remained till his 
death in 1884. Sundberg became Bishop of Carlstad in 
1864, and archbishop, as Reuterdahl's successor, in 1870, 
himself dying early in 1900. Flensburg became Bishop of 
Lund in 1865, and thus was able to continue the tradition 
in the centre from which it originated up till 1897. It ls 
also still happily and worthily represented by the present 
bishop. Thus Bring and his colleagues, including their 
friend, Genberg, who had been professor of philosophy for 
a short time, and then head of the ecclesiastical department, 
and finally Bishop of Kalmar (1852— 1875). 20 spread the 
principles of the Lund theology all over Sweden, and were 
especially valuable to the Church in the critical time of the 
foundation and first assembly of the Kyrko-mote, or 
representative Church council, which met in September, 

§ 7. — the change in the rlksdag from four estates 
to two chambers (1865). the formation of 
the Kyrko-mote (1863). Church and State in 
Sweden. Position of the king. Relation of 
the Kyrko-mote to the Riksdag. Its con- 
stitution and method of election. Its 

The first meeting of the Kyrko-mote was historically 
connected with one of the greatest changes in the civil con- 
stitution of Sweden, a change carried out on the initiative 
of the Prime Minister, Baron de Geers, in the year 1865. 
This was the transformation of the Riksdag from an 
assembly of four estates — nobles, clergy, citizens and 
peasants — to a parliament with an upper and lower house, 
with no class restrictions as to the composition of either. 
It was easy to see the defects and cumbrousness of the old 
system, and since the coup d'etat of 1772 the house of 

20 Genberg was not a priest in 1852 when chosen bishop, but 
he was ordained priest before his consecration, as I learn from 
my friend, the present Bishop of Kalmar. 

394 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

nobles had ceased to have special powers or duties besides 
its position as a branch of the legislature. But it was 
otherwise with the house of clergy, which had been accus- 
tomed to special discussion of Church questions, and to 
take the lead in them without much interference from the 
other estates. The question of a separate Church council 
had constantly been mooted, and it now naturally became 
a question of pressing importance. It must, however, be 
noted that the formation of a general Church council had 
been determined at least two years before the four estates 
adopted the project of law proposed by De Geers. The 
" royal ordinance " creating the Church council is dated 
16th November, 1863; the law affecting the Riksdag was 
not passed until December, 1865. But it is possible that 
if the new parliament had not been created the Kyrko-mote 
would not have been summoned. 

I regret that I am unable to tell you what were the in- 
fluences which decided the method of the formation of the 
Kyrko-mote which now took its place as a constitutional 
body representing the national Church side by side with 
the Riksdag. But I will take the opportunity of sketching 
the relation of Church and State in Sweden as it now 
exists, making use of Professor Holmquist's article already 
several times quoted, and other authorities. 

"The King of Sweden" (writes Dr. Holmquist) "is 
at the same time the highest earthly ruler of the Swedish 
Church. Therefore, he must always profess ' the pure 
evangelical doctrine, as far as it is accepted and explained 
in the unaltered Augsburg Confession and in the Resolu- 
tion of the Upsala Council of 1593.' Further, the king, 
in the exercise of his power in the Church, must always 
' seek for information and counsel ' from a separate 
minister for Church affairs (Ecclesiastik Minister) and from 
the whole Council of State, all members of which must 
make profession of pure evangelical doctrine. And in 
respect of Church legislation his power is limited both 
by the Riksdag or parliament and the Kyrko-mote or re- 

§ 7-— THE NEW KYRKO-MOTE. 395 

preservative Church council. According to the Swedish 
fundamental law ' the Riksdag, in conjunction with the 
king, has the right to pass Church laws, to alter them, or 
to repeal them ; but for this matter the consent of a general 
Kyrko-mote is requisite.' Inasmuch then as the Riksdag 
consists of two independent chambers, and the Kyrko-mote 
need only be summoned by the king every five years, the 
danger of hasty legislation is avoided, but, on the other 
hand, the adoption of reasonable reforms is made difficult. 
It is easier, however, to obtain changes in the sphere of 
those Church matters which are within the administrative 
competence of the king. To this sphere belong questions 
which concern a new translation of the Bible, the Hymn- 
book, the Gospel-book, the Church Hand-book and the 
Catechism. In regard to these purely ecclesiastical 
matters it is not necessary to consult the Riksdag, but only 
the Kyrko-mote, and in this last body two-thirds of the 
members must agree in order to pass a resolution." 

The Kyrko-mote 21 consists of sixty members (to which 
four will be added when the new diocese of Lulea is in be- 
ing), half of which, as I have said, are clergy and half are 
laymen. All the twelve bishops are officially members of 
the body, and so is the pastor primarius of Stockholm. 
Then there are four professors of theology, two from 
Upsala and two from Lund, and thirteen elected clergy, 
one from each diocese and one from Stockholm. The lay 
element is exactly equal. Each diocese is represented, but 

21 1 have made use of the Memorandum on the Constitution 
of the Ecclesiastical Council of Sweden, which I printed as an 
appendix to the Report of the Joint Committee of the Con- 
vocation of Canterbury " On the Position of the Laity," of which 
I was chairman (ed. S.P.C.K., 1902, pp. 89 foil.). It is drawn 
from copies of the Royal Ordinance of 16th November, 1863, 
establishing this council, and of the Working Order, adopted 
5th September, 1868, and amended 6th October, 1873, which 
were kindly supplied to us by Bishop Von Scheele, of Visby. 
See also Dr. Holmquist's article Schweden, p. 37, and 
Cornelius : Hist., § 284. 

3 g6 VIII— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

by a somewhat different number of persons in proportion 
to its importance. All clergy entitled to perform duty are 
electors of the clerical representatives, and the election is 
direct. The election of lay representatives is indirect. 
Members of the parish vestry or Kyrko-stamma elect the 
electors. The electors vote by ballot, the returning officer 
being appointed by the chapter. The electoral areas are 
fixed by the king. 

A deputy is chosen to take the place of every member of 
the council (whether clerical or lay) in case he is not able 
to attend. At the meeting of the council the archbishop 
presides, or, in his absence, a bishop appointed by the 
king. The lord chancellor and the minister of ecclesias- 
tical affairs may be present and join in the discussion ; but 
they may not vote unless they are elected representatives. 

Business introduced by the king takes precedence of 
other business. As we have seen, there is a distinction 
between measures which come up from the Riksdag and 
purely ecclesiastical matters, which are within the adminis- 
trative competence of the crown, such as changes in the 
Prayer Book. No change can be made in these matters 
unless two-thirds of the members present accept it. With 
regard to other business, the council regulates its own pro- 
cedure. Every member of the council has one vote, and 
voting is by ballot. The expenses of the council and its 
members are paid by the State. 

In the Working Order it is provided that the number of 
clerical and lay members on a committee must be equal 
(sec. 14). All general meetings of the council are public 
(sec. 26). The president appears to have little power, and 
has not even a casting vote. If votes are equal a lot is 
practically cast to determine the issue. 

§ 8.— SWEDES IN U.S.A. 397 

§ 8.— The task nearly completed. Attempt to do 
justice to the departed whom we hope to meet 
in a new life. duties that remain. special 
subject: the Swedes in U.S.A. Attraction 
of the Northern States of the Middle West. 
What U.S.A. owes to Sweden. Modern 
settlement begins with unonius (1841). 
Bishop -Whitehouse, of Illinois (1851— 1875): 
his acts of inter-communion: (i) admits bred- 
berg; (2) INTERCOURSE WITH Reuterdahl ; (3) 
ordains Mr. Almquist. Bishop Whipple, of 
Minnesota (1859 onwards). The " Augustana 
Synod": Esbjorn, Hasselquist, Norelius. 
Its great work in fifty years. Visit to Rock 
Island, 19TH October, 1910. Questions before 
it: language, secret societies, organization. 
The " Mission Covenant " : work of twenty- 
five years. Visit to North Park College, 
Chicago. Other bodies. Action of the 
Swedish Bishops and the Lambeth Conference 
no strange thing. 

I have now come to the conclusion of the main portion of 
the task which I had so audaciously undertaken. I have 
sketched in rough outline the course of Church history in 
Sweden from the earliest dim traces of religious life in the 
Stone Age to our own times. I have attempted to indi- 
cate the influence and to draw the characters of a certain 
number of the remarkable men and women who have en- 
riched and ennobled the annals of the country. In doing so 
I have naturally felt the responsibility which a Christian 
must acknowledge when he remembers our Lord's words to 
the Sadducees, explaining the divine title " God of Abra- 
ham, Isaac and Jacob." " God is not the God of the dead, 
but of the living," and the persons whose lives we record 
in our Church histories are living brothers and sisters in 
Christ, whose fellowship will, we trust, one day be ours in 
actual personal intercourse. I remember Dean Stanley, 

398 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

after he had finished the last volume of his history of the 
Jewish Church, saying in his deep voice and quaint abrupt 
manner: " I have tried to do justice to Judas Maccabeus: 
I hope he will some day thank me for it." I have tried in 
a much humbler way to be just to the men and women of 
the Swedish Church, whose lives fall within the compass of 
this volume. I undertook the task partly, I must confess, 
with the feelings of a traveller who desires to explore a new 
and interesting country. But my chief attraction to it was 
the sense that the task must, under the circumstances of the 
times, be undertaken by some one, and my wish was that 
it should be handled by a sympathetic English Church- 
man. I began it with sympathy. I prepare to leave it 
with much greater sympathy. But before I say farewell to 
it and you, I have still two duties to discharge, the first 
special, the second general. 

The Swedes in U.S.A. 

My special duty is to turn away from the lakes and 
forests of the Scandinavian peninsula to the new regions of 
this great country, and especially to the lakes and forests of 
Wisconsin, Illinois, and Minnesota, and the other States 
of the Middle West. They offer scenes very like those of 
Sweden itself, but with greater freedom and fertility, and 
they have had for the last seventy years, since Unonius 
landed in this country, a marked attraction for the Swedish 
people. 22 The subject is full of interest, and there are 
plenty of materials in my hands for writing about it, but as 
it is not the main subject of my lectures, I will ask your 
indulgence for very slight treatment of it. Over one 
million immigrants from Sweden have landed in this 
country since 1841, most of them young and middle-aged 

22 On the reasons for this attraction see Grimberg : I.e., 
pp. 560 ; such as love of adventure, desire for greater freedom, 
introduction of manufactures into Sweden displacing labour, 
poverty at home, overplus of population about 1880, national 
tendency to overvalue what is foreign, brilliant pictures of 
success sent home by settlers, etc. 

§ 8— SWEDES IN U.S.A. 399 

people in their best years, and what Sweden has thereby 
lost and this country has gained may readily be, in some 
degree, apprehended. 23 

The United States owes very much to its Swedish immi- 
grants and settlers. The Swedes in this country, who now 
number, perhaps, two millions, are everywhere recognized 
as a peaceable, industrious, capable, honest and religious 
element, of great value to its development. The debt 
began, as we have already seen, in connection with the 
settlements at Wilmington and Philadelphia in the reign 
of Gustavus Adolphus. Two traditions were impressed 
upon them, both of great value — fair treatment of the 
Indians, and friendship with England and the English 
Church. 24 

Relation between the Swedish Church and the Episcopal 
Church of U.S.A. 

It was, therefore, quite in the natural order of things that, 
when fresh ministers were no longer supplied from Sweden, 
the congregations of Delaware and Pennsylvania should 
unite themselves permanently with the American Episcopal 

So also when the Swedes begun again to enter the 
country as settlers from the year 1841 onwards, and to 
arrive in parties of colonists, it was natural that the same 
policy should be pursued both by the Church of Sweden 
and the Church in this country. I shall proceed to give 
some instances of this policy which especially concern the 
diocese of Illinois, in the see city of which it is my happi- 
ness to be invited to lecture. 

In the early part of the last century the few Swedes who 

23 See below, Appendix B, at the end, p. 449. 

24 See above, Lecture VI., Section 8, p. 287-8, and cp. A. E. 
Strand : Hist, of Sw. Americans in Minnesota, i., p. 60, 1910, 
and Lars P. Nelson : What has Sweden done for the United 
States? p. 11, 1903. 

4 oo VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1813—1910). 

came to America came as individuals. 25 The sea passage 
was generally made in sailing ships, and was often very 
long, tedious, painful and dangerous. The individuals 
who most concern the history of religion were Erik Alund, 
who came in 1823 to Philadelphia, and the brothers Olof 
Gustaf and Jonas Hedstrom. 

Both of the latter were Methodist preachers, and they 
came over in 1826 and 1833 respectively. But the first 
regular settlement of Swedes was that led by Gustaf 
Unonius in 1841. 26 This remarkable man was born in 
1810, and, at the age of thirty, had already had a varied 
career. He had been an army cadet, had taken a degree 
in law at Upsala, and had served with distinction as an 
emergency physician in a cholera hospital. He was re- 
cently married to his twenty-year-old bride, Carlotta 
Margareta Ohrstromer, who evidently shared his adven- 
turous spirit. There was something of the old Viking love 
of wandering which led him and his few companions, men 
of education and refinement, to take the seven or eight 
months' voyage to America, and to attempt to settle in what 
was then the extreme west. It was unfortunate for them 
that they did not bring skilled labourers with them to their 
first home, Pine Lake (Tallsjon), in Wisconsin. 

Here Unonius and his wife laboured hard, both physic- 

25 The opening chapters of E. Norelius' De Svenska Luterska 
Forsamlingarnas och Svenskarnes Historia i Amerika, Rock 
Island, 1890, treat in detail of the early settlements. I have 
also to thank a learned friend, Dr. Tofteen, of Chicago, for 
valuable notes on the same subject. See Appendix B to this 
lecture. E. W. Olson's The Swedes of Illinois contains many 
details about early individual settlers as well as later colonies. 

26 For Unonius I have used an article in the Swedish paper 
I dun, reprinted (in English) in The diocese of Chicago official 
paper, Vol. xiv., for March, 1902, entitled Unonius, Chicago's 
senior priest, and Ernest W. Olson's The Swedes of Illinois, I., 
p. 185 foil., and p. 414 foil., Chicago, 1908. I have not seen 
Unonius' Memoir of Seventeen Years' Residence in North- 
West America, but I have seen the Appendix to it (Bihang, 
Stkh., 1896), in reply to Esbjorn. 


ally and morally, and he did what he could as a layman to 
keep the settlement religious. In a very short time his 
neighbours asked him to become their regular pastor, and 
he consented to do so. Having consulted the leading men 
of the Swedish Church in regard to his plans for the future, 
he decided to affiliate himself to the American Episcopal 
Church, and he became a student at the recently-founded 
Seminary of Nashotah. After three years' study in that 
quiet and beautiful spot he came out as its first graduate, 
and was ordained in 1845 by Bishop Kemper. He re- 
mained in Wisconsin till 1849; but the Swedish element in 
Tallsjon was gradually dwindling, and when Frederica 
Bremer visited it in 1850 but few families remained. A 
number of them had moved to Chicago, which was becom- 
ing a considerable Swedish settlement, and Unonius had 
naturally received a call thither. Thus he became the first 
pastor of the newly-founded Church of St. Ansgarius, 
which had its origin in the church in which I am now speak- 
ing (St. James). But, before he moved to Chicago, his 
letters to Swedish newspapers had induced other Swedes 
to come to U.S.A., and especially a company of fifty per- 
sons from Haurida in Smaland, who came also to 
Wisconsin — first to Sheboygan. 

Unonius worked hard to obtain money for the building 
of his church, and travelled much for the purpose, evan- 
gelizing his countrymen wherever he found them. He 
was very successful in raising money in Delaware and 
Pennsylvania, and he also received considerable help from 
the great Swedish singer, Jenny Lind, on her American 
tour. One of her gifts, a valuable and beautiful silver 
communion cup, is still in use in St. Ansgarius' Church. 27 
She also gave 1,500 dollars to the Rev. Lars Paul Esbjorn, 

27 It is figured in The Swedes of Illinois, p. 418, and bears the 
inscription : " Gifvet till den Skandinaviska Kyrkan St. 
Ansgarius i Chicago af en Landsmaninna, a.d. 1851." It was 
happily in safe custody at the time of the fire in 187 1. I saw it 
29th October, 1910, the day on which this lecture was delivered, 
by the kindness of Pastor Lindskog. 


402 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (A.D. 1812— 1910). 

who had come over in 1849, and helped to found the colony 
at Andover, Illinois. Her gift was sufficient to build a 
church there, and also a frame church at Moline, adjacent 
to Rock Island, in the same State. 

Work of Bishops Whitehouse and Whipple. 

These gifts were made in 1S51, the year in which Bishop 
Henry John Whitehouse, the second Bishop of Illinois, 
became co-adjutor to Bishop Chase (20th November). His 
episcopate continued till his death, 20th August, 1874. 
Bishop Whitehouse was a remarkable man, and did more 
than any other bishop of this period, except Bishop 
Whipple of Minnesota, to maintain and develop those rela- 
tions of inter-communion with the Swedish settlers which 
had begun in Wilmington and Philadelphia. In these 
acts of inter-communion Bishop Whitehouse was only con- 
tinuing the policy of Bishops Henry Compton, of London, 
and Svedberg, of Skara, to which I have already referred, 
and, in more recent years, that of Bishop Charles James 
Blomfield (1828 — 1857), to which we may add that of 
Bishop Archibald Campbell Tait, afterwards Archbishop 
of Canterbury. In 1837 Bishop Blomfield asked Bishop 
Wingard, of Goteborg, to confirm for him some children of 
members of our Church. Bishop Wingard obtained per- 
mission from the king, Karl XIV., to do so, using the 
Swedish ritual, but adding to it " the laying on of hands 
considered essential in England." 28 

Unfortunately no life of Bishop Whitehouse has been 
published, but three points in his Swedish work are known 
and must be recorded here. The first is his admission of 
the Rev. Jacob Bredberg, a Swedish priest, who was 
ordained in that country in 1832, to be Rector of St. 

28 See Sveriges Kyrkolag af 1686, ed. A. J. Ryden, p. 14, 
Goteborg, 1864. The Icing's letter given in full in Anjou's 
Reformation, E. T., p. 641 and in an article in the Church 
Quarterly Review (Vol. 70, pp. 270-1) for July, 1910, Reunion 
and the Churches of Scandinavia, by Rev. G. C. Richards, 
Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, 


Ansgarius' Church in this city. Unonius had resigned his 
cure in 1857, and left this country in 1858, and placed his 
work for the time in the hands of the Rev. Henry Benjamin 
Whipple, then rector of a parish in this city, afterwards the 
beloved and famous Bishop of Minnesota, whose friend- 
ship with myself is a delightful recollection of past years. 
He thus writes of this period: " One of the three services 
which I held every Sunday was for the Swedish congrega- 
tion. In my work for them I became deeply attached to the 
Scandinavian race for their love of home, their devotion to 
freedom, and their loyalty to Government and God." Thus 
he was prepared for his after-work in this field in his own 
diocese. 29 

I do not know the year in which Mr. Bredberg actually 
began his work, but it was probably in i860. Bishop 
Whitehouse thus spoke of him in his address to the 
Convention of 1861 : — 

" Among our clergy entitled to seats in this Convention is the 
Rev. Jacob Bredberg, an ordained minister of the Church of 
Sweden, whom I have recently received on his letters of orders 
and other papers from the Bishop of Skara. 30 In this I have, 
of course, formally recognized the validity of the episcopate in 
that venerable Church : guided in this act by the best-informed 
judgment of the English Church and that of my brethren in the 
episcopate here, whose opinion was favourably, though in- 
formally, expressed in answer to my own request for it during 
the last session of the House of Bishops in Richmond. This 
referred to the giving of Letters Dimissory to the Swedish 
bishops as well as the reception of ministers from there as 
regularly ordained. Mr. Bredberg succeeds the Rev. Mr. 
Unonius in ministering to the Swedes connected with the Church 
of St. Ansgarius, Chicago, and there is a prospect that through 
him I may be able to extend the use of our services into some 
Swedish settlements accessible by railroad." 

29 Lights and Shadows of a long Episcopate, p. 434, Mac- 
millan and Co., 1902. 

30 Mr. Bredberg's name appears en the List of Clergy on p. 3 of the 
Journal containing the Bishop's address. On his case see Bishop G. Mott 
Williams, The Ch. of Sw. and the Anglican Communion, p. 103 foil. He writes : 
"Other Swedish clergy have officiated under license without seeking or 
obtaining membership in the Convention. The most notable case is that of 
Professor Mellin of the General Theological Seminary." 

404 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

Unonius, as I said, returned to Sweden in 1858, and in 
1859, ne received a gift of 3,000 crowns, voted by the 
Riksdag in recognition of his long and useful services to 
his fellow-countrymen in U.S.A. It was, I believe, on 
account of the king's death that he did not receive, as he 
had expected, a position as pastor of a parish in his native 
land, but he continued to do occasional duty, while he 
earned his living in a civil office. He died at Hacksta 14th 
October, 1902, much respected, at the great age of ninety- 
two (Olson: I.e., 420). He may justly be held in honour 
here as one of the founders of modern Chicago. 

Mr. Bredberg laboured on till his resignation from ill- 
health in 1877. In his time the present church of St. 
Ansgarius was erected, largely by gifts from Bishop 
Whitehouse, the first having been destroyed by fire in the 
disastrous year of 1871. Bredberg translated our Prayer 
Book into Swedish, and many of our psalms and hymns. 31 
It is important to recollect that Bishop Whitehouse's suc- 
cessor, Bishop William Edward McLaren, who was con- 
secrated in 1875, accepted Bredberg without question as a 
priest of his diocese. On his death, in 1881, Bishop 
McLaren spoke of his reception in 1861, saying: — 

" This act was a formal recognition of the validity of the 
episcopate of that venerable (Swedish) Church, and was taken 
by my predecessor after consultation with the House of Bishops. 
Mr. Bredberg succeeded in enlarging our work among the 
Scandinavian population of Chicago, and was for many years 
esteemed for his fidelity and earnestness " (Convention Journal, 
1882, p. 59). 

Other Swedish clergy have from time to time been 
licensed or permitted to minister in our American churches, 
the most notable being Dr. Mellin, one of the Professors of 
the General Seminary of New York, in Bishop Henry 
Potter's time. Dr. Flodin, on his visit to this country, also 
officiated in the same way, and his services were very 

31 Bishop Whitehouse's address to the Twenty-Sixth Annual 
Convention, Journal, p. 16, 1863. 


The second remarkable act of Bishop Whitehouse's was 
his journey to Sweden in the winter of 1865, when he visited 
the English congregations in Denmark, Norway and 
Sweden, under commission from Bishop Archibald Camp- 
bell Tait, of London. This visit was marked by the estab- 
lishment of very close personal relations between himself 
and Archbishop Reuterdahl, of which he thus writes in his 
address to the diocese in 1866 : — 

" At Stockholm I was favoured by affectionate intercourse 
with the venerable Swedish Church. The presence there of 
many of the bishops in attendance on the Diet, exercising for 
the last time the important legislative functions which they have 
enjoyed for 600 years, afforded me an opportunity which could 
only thus occur. The special courtesy and Christian sympathy 
of His Grace the Archbishop of Upsala, assisting at our ser- 
vices, partaking at our altar, and folding me in many relations 
of confidence and love — the correspondent action of several of 
the bishops — the legislative action in the pastoral letter com- 
mending their emigrant members to our bishops and clergy, 
have enlarged the personal intercourse into a real fellowship 
between the Church of Sweden and our own in the United 
States." 32 

The " Pastoral Letter " here referred to was decreed by 
the estate of clergy at the last meeting of the Riksdag, of 
which I have already spoken. Clergy were directed to use 
it when any of their parishioners emigrated to U.S.A. It 
runs as follows : — 

Ministerial Certificate (Attest). That N.N., belonging to 
N.N. Church (forsamling) in N.N. diocese in the Kingdom of 
Sweden, who now intends to emigrate to the United States in 
North America, receives herewith the following certificate : — 

He (or she) was born the 18 , Is 

confirmed, etc. In case that he (or she) shall come to settle 
in a place, where access to a Swedish Evangelical-Lutheran 
congregation (menighet) is wanting, he (or she) is recom- 
mended to the Right Reverend Lord Bishops and Reverend 

32 Journal of 29th Annual Convention, p. 123, 1866: Bishop Whitehouse had 
with him as his chaplain an Englishman, Dr. F. S. May, who laboured 
long and vigorously in the same cause, as a corresponding member of the 
"Anglo-Continental Society," now the " Anglican and Foreign Church 
Society," of which I have the honour to be president. Cp. Journal of the 
30th Convention, pp. 41 foil. 1867. 

406 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812—1910). 

Presbyters of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United 
States of North America for the reception of such spiritual 
and bodily care as he (or she) may desire, and as may be 
found needful for him (or her). 

N.N., the 18 , 


Minister in N.N. Church. 

This important document is dated 22nd June, 1866, and 
signed by H. Reuterdahl on behalf of the estate of the 
clergy, and countersigned S. H. Almquist. 33 

It was natural to suppose from Bishop Whitehouse's 
language, that the form of this document expressed all 
that he desired, and I venture to ask my Swedish hearers, 
especially any that belong to the Augustana Synod, to 
observe that the certificate is only for use " where access to 
a Swedish Evangelical-Lutheran congregation is want- 
ing." The idea is clearly that of such an alliance, or 
" fellowship," as he calls it, as is now contemplated by 
some of us, a co-operation intended to supplement other 
natural opportunities of Christian fellowship, not an 
attempt to substitute membership of the Episcopal Church 
for membership of one more like the National Church of 

It is difficult, of course, to draw the line in practice in 
such things, but it is hard to think that any Swedish clergy 
who may warn their compatriots — isolated from their 
brethren — to have nothing to do with the Episcopal Church 
can have realized either the true conditions of religious life 
in this country, or the policy of their own national Church 
in past days. 

A third act of Bishop Whitehouse's, in 1869 — 1870, 
which deserves to be recorded, is his ordination of the 
veteran, P. A. Almquist, who is still living at Minneapolis, 
and with whom I have recently had some delightful inter- 
course, under commission from the same Archbishop 

33 The original is given bv Unonius : Bihang, pp. 8-9, Stkh., 


Bishop Whipple began his work in Minnesota on 
13th October, 1859, and carried with him his love for the 
Scandinavians, and especially of the Swedes, which had 
grown up in Chicago. About 187 1 he said in a Convention 
address : — 

" The position of the members of the Church of Sweden in 
this State (Minnesota) has long been of deep interest to me. 
With a valid ministry, a reformed faith and a liturgical service 
they ought to be in communion with us. For lack of their own 
episcopate as a bond of union between them they are becoming 
divided, and are losing their distinctive character as members 
of the Church. " 34 

I must not attempt to give any detailed account of the 
Swedish work of Bishop Whipple at Litchfield, Cokato, 
Minneapolis, St. Paul and elsewhere, nor of that in the 
East at Boston, Providence, New York and Yonkers. As 
regards Litchfield (Minnesota) and some other places, I 
may observe that the movement for union with the Epis- 
copal Church seems to have originated with the Swedes 
themselves. Many of the educated Swedes perceive the 
similarity between our Church life and that of their native 
country, and naturally fall into fellowship with us. 
According to the canons of the American Episcopal 
Church, a bishop can license the use of a foreign liturgy, 
and I found the Swedish book of 1894 m use at St. 
Ansgarius, Chicago. Confirmation is naturally adminis- 
tered in the English form. 

Work of the Augustana Synod. 

On the other hand, those of the peasant class have often, 
in their own homes, resented the secular and official side of 
the national Church life and its ministers, and desire at 
once greater freedom and more of spiritual discipline. It 
is the merit of the work of the Augustana Synod, to which 
I must now turn, to have done something which largely 
satisfies these aspirations, and yet does not fall into mere 

34 Lights and Shadows of a long Episcopate, by H. B. Whipple, D.D., 
p. 434, 1902. 

4 o8 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

separatism or Congregationalism. It is, therefore, gener- 
ally and naturally, recognized, both in Sweden and in the 
U.S.A., as a " daughter Church," although it has not yet 
acquired the full polity of its mother, and is, as some one 
has said, "a daughter which has not quite finished her 

I need not go into the details of the laborious and self- 
denying efforts which have built up this great institution, 
which has just kept its first jubilee at the close of fifty years. 
It will be inseparably identified with the names of Lars 
Paul Esbjorn, Nilsson Hasselquist and Erik Norelius. 
The first of these came over from Gestrikland, as I have 
said, in 1849, and founded churches at Andover, Moline, 
Princeton, and Galesburg, all in Illinois. Hasselquist, a 
priest from the diocese of Lund, came over to Galesburg in 
1852, and was a highly qualified man, and has a con- 
spicuous position as founder of the Augustana College at 
Rock Island in 187 1. Dr. Norelius, who is still living, is 
well known as the historian of the community and as 
president of the synod. 

It was with great pleasure that the Bishop of Marquette 
and I visited the college at Rock Island on Wednesday, 
19th October, 1910, where we were hospitably received by 
the president, Dr. Gustaf Andreen, Dr. C. S. Lindberg, 
Professor of Theology, and the other Professors of the 
College. We had some frank and friendly conference with 
them for about three hours, and, I trust, removed any mis- 
conception which might have been previously felt as to the 
objects aimed at by the Commission appointed by the Lam- 
beth Conference of 1908, and by my own visit to this 
country. We were impressed by the zeal, both for truth 
and education, expressed by the members of the faculty 
with whom we had the opportunity of conference. The 
following statistics seem to be the last (1909) : — 

Communicants 163,473 

Baptized Members 254,645 

Ministers 611 


Congregations 1,092 

Churches 9^5 

Value of Property 8,077,862 dollars. 

Annual Contributions (1908) 1,607,201 dollars. 

There are also ten colleges or collegiate institutions. 

These are remarkable figures for fifty years of work. 85 

The synod is associated with the " Lutheran General 
Council," but it is quite independent in its internal man- 
agement. Indeed, the congregations affiliated to itself are 
much more independent, and the whole polity is much 
more congregational, than is the case in Sweden. This 
appears clearly in the jubilee publication, from which the 
above figures are taken (pp. 50 foil.), and in the Proposed 
Constitution of Evangelical-Lutheran Congregations, 
which we also obtained at Rock Island. Nothing is said 
in this Constitution about ordination, but it is clear from 
the Kyrko Handbok, accepted in 1895, that the Augustana 
Synod has the same corrected form of ordination to the 
priesthood as the National Church of Sweden has had 
since 1894. The ordainers are the president of the synod 
and other priests, but, in other respects, the form is clearly 
valid and sufficient. The confession of faith is also 
practically the same as that of the Mother Church. 

The Augustana has adopted the office of deacons from 
the Presbyterians and Congregationalists, but, in the sense 
of a lay office, elective every three years. They form the 
board of administration of a congregation, together with 
the pastor and the trustees. 

There are three questions which are of some consequence 
to the present policy of the Augustana Synod — the lan- 
guage question, the question of membership of secret 
societies, and the question of the episcopate. 

(1) On the language question there is a very interesting 
paper by the Rev. Julius Lincoln, pastor of an important 


The Augustana Synod, 1860-1910, p. 203. We received 
copies of this interesting book by the kindness of President 

4io VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

parish at Jamestown, in the State of New York, in the 
jubilee volume already quoted (pp. 198-212). This paper 
contains some remarkable statistics, showing that of 
1,659,467 persons of Swedish birth or parentage (according 
to the census of 1900), only 457,973, or considerably less 
than one quarter, are registered members of any church 
(p. 206). It is argued that this does not mean wholesale 
irreligion on their part, but an unwillingness to be bound 
by any ties implying special nationality. The residue are, 
in fact, gradually becoming Americanized. Many belong 
to congregations, but not to organizations. 

In connection with this it has been remarked that there 
has been a falling off of Swedish immigration into this 
country since the year 1903, when the influx was very 
large, and that in 1908 (the year of industrial depression) 
it was much smaller than in recent years. I do not, how- 
ever, attach much importance to these figures, and, when 
the totals for the decade 1 901 -19 10 have been made up, I 
believe they will surpass those of the previous decade. 36 

But what is to be remembered here is the fact that 
every year the proportion of the influx, in relation to the 
great mass of Swedes already in this country, will be less 
and less important. It is also clear that the rate of 
Americanization is becoming more rapid. If, therefore, 
the Augustana is to maintain and increase its work, it must 
become more and more an English-speaking body. It has 
already gone a long way in this direction. It has an 
authorized English Prayer Book, and a good English 
hymnal. Instruction at Rock Island is usually in English, 
and its daily prayers (which we were very glad to attend) 
were in that language. 

(2) I do not think it wise to speak at length on the policy 
of rejecting from the Church those who are members of 
secret societies. I venture to say, however, that it seems to 

36 See details in Appendix B at the end. On the growing 
rapidity of Americanization see E. A. Steiner's The Immigrant 
Tide : its Ebb and Flow, New York, 1909. 


require a closer and more generous definition than it has as 
yet received. Further, it seems a great anomaly that a 
congregation should exclude or excommunicate a member 
whom the synod has not excluded or excommunicated — as 
sometimes is said to be done. Membership of a pro- 
fessedly " infidel " society — such as the synod constitution 
refers to — is one thing. It is a justifiable cause for exclu- 
sion. But it is quite another thing to exclude as 
" infidels " men who belong to such lodges of the Free- 
masons as now exist in the British Isles and in Sweden, or 
to some benefit society which admits to its privileges men 
who are not all of necessity Christians. If a man is bound 
by any unholy tie or rite he ought not to remain a member 
of any such society. But if the religion is true and pure, 
as far as it goes, it is hard to insist upon it. I think, how- 
ever, that the custom of inducing a man, when he joins a 
society, to promise in writing that he will allow himself 
to be buried by it, is much to be reprobated. Such services 
give the society too much the character of a Church, or a 
substitute for the Church, and it is right to warn a man not 
to give such a pledge. I do not say that he is to be 
excommunicated because he has done so. 

(3) The third question, that of introducing the Swedish 
episcopal polity, or some form of it, into the Augustana 
Synod, is evidently one on which there is a difference of 
opinion in the body. Many fear to relax or forfeit their 
associations with other Churches affiliated to the " Lutheran 
General Council," which is said to have a total of 900,000 
communicants. But, if the much talked of " Lutheran 
freedom " of Church organization means anything, it must 
mean that it is quite as open to any Church to organize 
itself on the basis of traditional episcopacy, as in Sweden, 
as it is to organize itself on that of episcopal Superin- 
tendency as in Denmark and Norway, or of Superin- 
dency in Germany, or of Presbyterianism with synods and 
presidents. Melanchthon, as I have indicated, wished to 
retain the degrees of order in the Church. Three of them 
were long retained in Sweden, and the two most important 

4 i2 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

are still retained. I have shown the value of traditional or 
historical episcopacy to Sweden itself in many pages of 
these lectures, and I do not think any reasonable historian 
will doubt it. I believe that episcopacy would be equally 
valuable to the Augustana Synod in U.S.A. as a bond 
of internal unity, a guarantee of faith, and an instrument of 
equal and impartial discipline. Its introduction need not 
weaken the synod's existing alliance. It would certainly 
strengthen its ties with the Mother Country, and be a pro- 
tection against any supposed tendency to aggression on 
the part of the American Episcopal Church, as well as a 
link of fellowship with it. 

The Mission Covenant and other bodies. 

The next largest Swedish Church to the Augustana in 
this country is the " Evangelical Mission Covenant," 
otherwise called, I believe, the Mission Friends, which has 
its origin in the Waldenstromian movement in Sweden. 
It differs, however, considerably from the native society. 
It has adopted ordination — on the Congregational plan — it 
has a Prayer Book partly in English, and it is not, I be- 
lieve, generally so lax on the doctrine of the Atonement as 
in Sweden. I have to thank an unknown friend in 
Minneapolis for two books which describes its history and 
present position. 37 The Bishop of Marquette and I were 
mostly kindly received at North Park College, in the 
suburb of Edgwater, Chicago, by President Hjerpe and 
the other professors when we visited it on Wednesday last 
(26th October, 1910). The Covenant has, I believe, about 
23,000 communicants, and about 280 organizations, and 
an ordained ministry of some 200 pastors. It is clearly 

87 Sv. Evang. Missions-forbundets i Amerika Arsberdttelse, 
1909-1910, Chicago, 1910, and Missions-forbundets Minneskrift, 
1885-1910. The title of the Prayer Book is Pastoral Handbok, 
utarbetad af Pastorerne E. G. Hjerpe, A. L. Anderson och A. 
P. Nelson, utgiven, 190 1. It may be obtained from the New 
Eastern Weekly Publishing Co., 274, Main Street, Worcester, 
Mass. (price i£ dollars). 

§ 8.— SWEDES IN U.S.A. 4*3 

a body which deserves to be better known by our clergy, 
and to be treated with friendliness and respect. 

There is also a Swedish Evangelical Free Church with 
some 6,952 communicants, which clings, I believe, to the 
baptism of adults, and has its Theological School at 
Minneapolis. And there is a Swedish Methodist Church, 
which has no very large number of members, but is of good 
standing and influence. 


I have, I think, made it clear that neither the visit of the 
Bishop of Kalmar, who bore a letter from the Archbishop 
of Upsala to the Lambeth Conference of 1908 and himself 
addressed the conference, nor the action of the 240 bishops 
of the Anglican Communion, which was based upon it, is 
a strange event. They were rather part of a series of move- 
ments towards an alliance between our respective Churches, 
which have their origin far back in history, and have from 
time to time, though somewhat intermittently, come into 
prominence. The increased means of locomotion and 
correspondence which now exist, and the juxtaposition and 
intercourse of our countrymen in many lands, and particu- 
larly in our foreign missions, make such an alliance as is in 
contemplation much more natural and opportune than it 
ever has been before. It will be a great joy to me if I have 
in any way contributed to this result, either by personal 
visits and correspondence, or by the delivering and 
publication of these lectures. 

4 i4 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

§ 9. — the general subject: summary of impressions. 
Fundamental differences between England 
and Sweden. The nobility aloof from much of 
national life. The clergy and the king con- 
trol religion. Two-fold result: (i) The 
Church relatively independent of the State ; 
(2) it has close connection with the universi- 
ties. Need for more spiritual training of the 
clergy. The diaconate. Value of the episco- 
pate to Sweden. Division of dioceses and 
closer relation to the people needed. 

Having said thus much on the special subject, I must now 
attempt a short general summary of the impressions which 
I have formed from a study of this history. 

I have several times remarked upon the difference 
between England and Sweden in certain fundamental social 
and political conditions which have affected its history in 
the past, and still continue to do so. Sweden, unlike 
England, was a settled rather than a conquered country. 
Its civilization is founded on a community of small free- 
holders. Like England, it never accepted Roman law, 
but, unlike England, it never had a feudal system. The 
result has been that the nobility have formed a body with 
interests easily detachable from, and often in opposition to, 
those of the rest of the community. They have been 
naturally prominent in time of war, just as they were in 
the Viking Age, but in time of peace they have tended to 
stand somewhat apart from the general development of the 
country. Where they have governed, as in the Union 
period and the " time of freedom," things have not pro- 
gressed favourably. There have, of course, been frequent 
and striking exceptions of public-spirited noblemen, and 
the names of Per Brahe, founder of the University of 
Finland, and Jacob Gustaf De La Gardie, founder of many 
Bell and Lancaster elementary schools and a normal school 
for teachers 38 in the first quarter of the last century, and 
88 See Cornelius: Hist. y § 291. 


others, belonging to other great historical families, 
Wrangel, Sparre, Skytte, and the like, will occur to your 
memory. But, as a rule, the nobility has not mixed so 
freely in the life of the country as it has in England, and 
this has been a misfortune for all parties, and not least in 
matters of religion. 

At the time of the Reformation the Swedish nobility, 
like the English, was enriched with the spoils of the 
Church, and was in that way bribed to consent to a change 
which it did not heartily approve. But the practical man- 
agement of religion has been left mainly in the hands of the 
king and the clergy. The clergy, being largely chosen by 
the people themselves, have been, on the whole, men of the 
people. But they have been distinguished from the clergy 
of many other lands by their close connection with the uni- 
versities. The bishops have, at any rate since the Refor- 
mation, been very frequently themselves university pro- 
fessors, and the clergy have represented the standard of 
culture and attainment which has prevailed at the 

The result of this position of the clergy has been two- 

On the one hand it has enabled the Church to acquire 
and maintain a strong position of relative independence, 
which is very honourable to it, and strikingly distinguishes 
it both from the neighbouring Church of Denmark and the 
other Churches on the Continent which accept the Augs- 
burg Confession, and, indeed, from all the other Protestant 
Churches of Germany. The maxim, Cuius regio eius 
religio, which worked such havoc with the public con- 
science in the German States, has never prevailed in 
Sweden, and those of you who have followed my fifth lec- 
ture on the Reformation period will have been struck with 
the unique spectacle which it affords of a popular change of 
faith gradually overcoming the wayward efforts of a line of 
able kings who desired to enforce the continental maxim. 
The peculiar force of character thus engendered gave cour- 

4 i6 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

age to the bishops of the Stormaktstid, and helped the 
armies of Gustavus Adolphus to fight for their faith with 
no " transient heroism." 39 

In order to illustrate this point I cannot do better than 
quote some words of that great champion of the Church, 
Johannes Rudbeckius, spoken at the Council of State on 
the 22nd June, 1636: — " Ever since the Reformation our 
religion has been ill-treated in Germany. As the prince 
has gone, so the province has had to follow. But, thanks 
be to God, we have here stood well hitherto. If the govern- 
ment (magistratus) has desired to have something done 
which it ought not to have desired, the clergy have kept 
the government back. The government for its part has 
kept the clergy in its eye for the last hundred years. . . . 
We must not adopt German manners if we wish to escape 
their ill-fortune and avoid the peril in which they are." 40 

The result is that Sweden has at this moment an 
established Church which has a better theoretical and in 
some ways practical relation to the State than any except 
perhaps the established Church of Scotland, and which 
surpasses that Church by its greater hold upon primitive 
order and certain elements of worship. 

On the other hand, the peculiar circumstances of the 
Church, to which I have referred, working themselves out 
as they did under Rudbeckius and others in the struggle 
with the crown, which ended with Charles XL's Acts of 
Uniformity, have produced a certain stiffness and narrow- 
ness of orthodoxy, which have led to constant reaction ever 
since the time of Pietism. Rudbeckius' own voluntary 
activity became a hard type, which was impressed upon 
the clergy by law, and has made them in certain depart- 
ments of their work seem to others, and often perhaps to 
themselves, more like government officials than Christian 

39 Cp. a fine passage in Professor Soderblom's address : Den 
Enskilde och Kyrkan, p. 26. 

40 This passage is quoted by H. LundstrSm : Laurentius 
Panlinus Gothus, Part III., p. 15. 


pastors. Nor has the close connection with the univer- 
sities and university chairs been altogether beneficial. It 
has, indeed, been so in great measure. It has certainly- 
kept the occupants of those chairs, who have also had 
pastoral duties to perform, closer to the tradition of the faith 
than has been the case in the continental universities. 
We have seen, for instance, how strongly Bishop Bring 
felt this at Lund. This close connection has also secured 
a high standard of intellectual attainment, which may be 
compared with that of the Church of England, of the 
established Church of Scotland, and our own sister Church 
of Ireland. Probably the official requirements of the 
Church of Sweden are somewhat higher than those of the 
Church of England. Yet just as we in England have 
long been feeling the need of a more devotional and pas- 
toral training for our own clergy, and have become dis- 
satisfied with the restriction of training to what the 
universities can give, so it has been, I believe, in Sweden. 
Nor can I fail to point out the misfortune which the Church, 
in our eyes, has suffered by its disuse of the diaconate. 
The clergy come too soon into the plenitude of official 
responsibilities and powers. They have too little oppor- 
tunity of having their mistakes corrected and their short- 
comings supplied. They do not become accustomed to a 
severe discipline of routine, nor do they acquire that 
veneration for the character of an experienced pastor set 
over them, and a desire to be like him, which our clergy 
have so often the chance to gain. The disuse of the 
diaconate is all the more remarkable, inasmuch as it was 
clearly dropped, without any definite order, since the 
middle of the seventeenth century. When Cromwell's 
ambassador, Whitelocke, visited Sweden in 1653, and 
talked with Archbishop Lenasus the diaconate was clearly 
in use as a degree of order leading up to the priesthood. 41 
So also it was used by Rudbeckius in the same generation. 
Nor can it truly be said that the principles of the Swedish 

41 See above, p. 312, note 67. 


4 i8 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

formularies are against it. For although the ministry, as 
defined by the Augsburg Confession, is " the ministry of 
the Word and Sacraments," that must be taken to be a 
generic rather than a specific description. And just as 
this description does not exclude the episcopate as a prac- 
tical institution for the well-being of the Church, and 
particularly for the oversight of this ministry (as all 
Swedish Churchmen consider it), so it does not exclude the 
diaconate as a sphere of training for this ministry, and an 
opportunity for exercising subordinate functions in connec- 
tion with it. That this was Melanchthon's opinion is, I 
think, evident from the seventh article of the Apologia 
Confessionis, in which he writes as follows. He is deal- 
ing, of course, primarily with the episcopate, but his words 
cover the whole subject : — 

"We have often asserted that we are exceedingly 
desirous to preserve the ecclesiastical polity, and the 
degrees (gradus) in the Church, even these created by 
human authority. For we know that it was with good and 
useful intention that ecclesiastical discipline was con- 
stituted by our fathers in the way which the ancient canons 

This is surely one of the instances in which parts of the 
Book of Concord are valuable as explanations of the 
Augsburg Confession. 

I am, of course, aware of the partial substitutes for the 
diaconate that exist in Sweden ; yet I cannot but hope that 
the sense of the practical value of the old institution, of 
which we have a long and convincing experience in the 
Anglican Church, may lead to a revival of what Lena^us 
and Rudbeckius found useful in the seventeenth century. 
The archbishop's words to Whitelocke were: " W'hen one 
is presented for that calling (of minister), if he is found in 
learning and abilities fit for it, the bishop doth first ordain 
him to be a deacon, and in that office he makes trial of his 
gifts for preaching, and so continues until he be admitted 
to a benefice, and upon such admission he is made a 
priest" (Swedish Ambassy, Vol. i., p. 415, ed. 1772). 


As regards the other great point in which Sweden and 
England agree and differ from the generality of the Re- 
formed Churches, the maintenance of the historic episco- 
pate, almost every section of my lectures, after the first, 
bears witness to its practical value to the country. Even 
before the Reformation, when the episcopate was some- 
times pursuing selfish aims, it was a valuable link with the 
culture of other lands, and by its councils and the internal 
discipline of its dioceses it made men at least dimly con- 
scious that the kingdom of God was a reality. It filled 
Sweden with beautiful churches, it established a parochial 
and ruri-decanal system which still covers the land, and it 
secured to every man participation of the sacraments and 
other rites of the Church which bring grace, dignity and 
consolation to our fallen human nature. Though the stan- 
dard of discipline was somewhat low, the corruptions of 
indulgence-mongering were little known, and the national 
spirit was not wounded by the frequent intrusion of 
foreign ecclesiastics. 

I have already spoken of the unique escape of Sweden 
in the sixteenth century from royal tyranny in matters of 
faith. This was due, under God, to the Archbishop 
Laurentius Petri Nericius, who laid the foundations on 
which all his successors have since built. It is true that at 
the time of the Upsala-mote of 1593 the lead was for the 
time in the hands of the professors of the university and 
of Stockholm, but this was exceptional. 

Since the Reformation the bishops have again and again 
been the centres of revived activity in education and litera- 
ture, and very rarely the opponents of progress. They 
have been hampered obviously in various ways, as by the 
multitude of their secular duties, by the excessive area in 
many cases of their dioceses, by the difficulties of locomo- 
tion, and by the disuse of the ministry of confirmation as 
an episcopal act. These difficulties have, perhaps, been 
particularly evident in the case in the immense diocese of 
Upsala, the archbishop of which has had an unusual share 

4 2o VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

of concurrent duties, but it is impossible for anyone to read 
the able and detailed reports of the present archbishop and 
other bishops to their dioceses without perceiving the 
extraordinary value of the constant and laborious oversight 
which they reveal. 

At this point I cannot but express my regret at the diffi- 
culties which are thrown in the way of the Church in 
carrying out the much-needed division of dioceses, which 
is even more necessary in Sweden than it is in England. 
To make it a condition of the establishment of the new 
diocese of Lulea in the North, that Kalmar and Vexio 
should be united in the South, is to inflict a grave injury 
on the efficiency of the Church, and to destroy local tradi- 
tions of great value and dignity. In England we escaped 
from such a humiliating bargain, which proposed to reduce 
the number of dioceses in Wales, in order to found new 
ones in England, about the beginning of the reign of 
Queen Victoria. I trust that it may be so also in Sweden. 
The reason why the episcopal office is not so popular and 
so highly valued among Swedes as it ought to be is because 
bishops are so little seen and familiarly known. If they be- 
came again the ordinary ministers of confirmation, and 
were brought into personal touch with the young people in 
every parish, they would be welcomed with a new 
enthusiasm. The bishop would be turned from an 
Inspector into a Father in God. 


§ 10.— Conclusion. Four questions proposed: (i) 
What will be the future of the Swedish 
Church? Disestablishment and disendow- 
ment improbable. doctrine ; (2) how far has 
it lost ground? evidence from u.s.a. 
Special difficulties. Bishop's charges— 
Upsala, Kalmar, Strengnas ; (3) what encour- 

taste and worship. 2. new movements among 
young people and clergy. student move- 
ment, dlakoni-styrelse. svenska kryko- 
forbundet. meetings and associations ; (4) 
what development may be expected? sweden 
no longer isolated. enlargement of the 
Lund conception of the Church. Training 
for the priesthood. greater fulness of 
worship. Great possibilities of an alliance 
with the Anglican Communion. 

Finally, I would venture to propose the following 
questions : — 

(1) What is the probable future of the Swedish Church 
as regards its relation to the State and nation, and as to its 

(2) How far has it lost ground, and what are the chief 
difficulties and anxieties reported by its own representa- 

(3) What are the encouraging features of its present 

(4) What line of development may we hope and expect 
that it will take, and what may be its main contribution to 
the progress of the Kingdom of God and to the life of the 
Catholic or Universal Church? 

Such questions are easier to ask than to answer ; but 
merely to ask them may help to stimulate thought and tend 
towards the creation of that ideal which all institutions 
need to set before themselves if they are to respond to 
God's design. 

422 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

(1) The question, What is the probable future of the 
Swedish Church? suggests at the outset the probability of 
some changes in its relation to the State. We in England 
are familiar with such changes in detail, and I cannot 
doubt that Sweden will also become more familiar with 
them. The Church, indeed, might welcome legislation 
which freed its clergy from official business, even though 
they might lose some secular prominence and leadership 
thereby. Many of the clergy, like Bishop Ullman of 
Strengnas, whom I shall presently quote, resent this charge 
upon their time and strength. But, as to prospects of final 
disestablishment, the only recent precedents, those of 
Ireland and France, are so thoroughly dissimilar that they 
scarcely need mention. I notice also the absence of any 
sympathy inside the Church with the disestablishment pro- 
posals of Mr. Waldenstrom, proposals which he has re- 
peatedly brought before the Kyrko-mote and renewed this 
year. If, indeed, the Church of England or Scotland 
were disestablished, or that of Denmark, the probability 
would be greater. Even if the Church of Sweden were 
disestablished it need not, I think, dread disendowment, 
since its constitution is so popular and so broadly based, 
and it has no rival of any size to profit by its weakness or 
to rejoice in its spoliation. I think, therefore, that the 
future of the Church of Sweden as a national Church, 
whether formally or practically, is fairly secure, and this is 
a very real reason why its own people, as well as foreigners, 
should take an interest in its welfare. It is a body which 
has a future before it, and a future which will continue to 
link it to a great and noble nation. 

As to its doctrine, I do not expect to see any important 
formal change, but I do expect a much greater comprehen- 
siveness in practice, such comprehensiveness as may attract 
again into the Church those who have been alienated from 
it, or at least win their respect and admiration. This may 
well come about through the reflex action of Swedes in 
U.S.A., and to some extent from greater intercourse, not 
only with Germany, but with England and other non- 


Lutheran countries. Bishop Ullman's charge, quoted 
below, throws some light on this point, and shows his 
desire for an acceptance of " modern positive theology " 
in the place of the old stiff orthodoxy. 

(2) How far has the Swedish Church lost ground, and what 
are its chief difficulties and anxieties? Difficul- 
ties in U.S.A. 

Looking at this matter first from the American point of 
view it is impossible not to come to the conclusion that 
the Church has lost hold of the population in many dis- 
tricts. This is evident from the fact that three-quarters of 
the immigrants to U.S.A. have drifted away from 
Swedish, and, indeed, from all Lutheran associations. 
Something is doubtless due to the attractions of material 
comfort, and to the satisfaction which is felt by many new 
settlers in home life, and political and business life, apart 
from Church life. Yet I do not think that alienation from 
Church life is due mainly to materialism and irreligion. 
It is due rather to the fact that the adhesion of the Swedish 
peasantry to the Church has (as in England) meant too 
often submission to law or custom, and is not the result of 
affection or religious conviction. The glory and the 
beauty of the Church has not got a hold of their imagina- 
tions. In making these comments I am quite aware that 
they largely apply to Anglicans and Anglicanism, both 
at home and in foreign countries, and in our colonies and 

Difficulties in the Mother Country. 

The loss of ground in the Mother Country may be 
illustrated from the recent charges of Swedish bishops, 
three of which have come into my hands from the dioceses 
of Upsala, Kalmar and Strengnas. They contain also 
(especially the two latter) hints and notes of encourage- 
ment, but on the whole the picture is discouraging. 

This is particularly the case with the careful statistics 
collected by the Archbishop of Upsala for the years 1902 — 

424 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

1907, contained in his charge to the Prest-mote of 1908, 
a charge which must, I feel sure, have given him great 
pain to deliver. 42 I count it an honour to have him for a 
friend, and, should he read this book, he will believe that 
1 recall his observations with the deepest sympathy. The 
general result described is that the Church is unpopular 
in many parts of the great diocese which he is called to 
administer; that the attendance at its regular services is 
more often poor than good, or even fair ; that the communi- 
cants are in very many places few in number ; that the 
number of persons confirmed is declining; that there is a 
great decay of faith and a growth of Socialism and in- 
fidelity ; that the relations between employers and employed 
are often uncomfortable, and that there is a lamentable 
laxity of morals among the young people. There are also 
important signs of encouragement. 

We are accustomed from time to time, and, at all times, 
in different parts of the country, to observe such phe- 
nomena here in England, and I suppose that they are 
evident in all regions of Christendom. They are due, 
generally speaking, to the spread of an independent 
democratic spirit, which reacts everywhere against custom, 
tradition and authority. They have to be met, and are 
met elsewhere by a restatement of Church doctrine and 
principles in a manner suited to the age, and by a frank 
acceptance of new conditions, and especially by using the 
principle of voluntary association, and enlisting the ser- 
vices of laymen, young as well as old, in their propaga- 
tion. This, as I shall show, is being done with consider- 
able enthusiasm in Sweden. But there are several special 
difficulties there which ought to make English Churchmen 
patient and sympathetic, if the efforts of the Church to 
counteract this spirit, and to turn it into proper channels 
of new life, do not develop and mature so fast as we could 
hope. I will try to summarize them at the risk of some 
repetition of what has already been said in the last section. 

42 Tal och Foredrag, etc., Wretman's Boktryckeri, Uppsala, 


First, I should place the lack of that leadership and 
support on the part of landowners and gentry to which 
we are so well accustomed in England. Secondly, I should 
call attention to the curious tendency of the Swedish char- 
acter to depreciate its own institutions and generally to 
under-value what is native and home grown, and to over- 
value what is new and foreign. Thirdly, I must refer to 
the frequent rivalry and even hostility of the Free 
Churches, which have, I fear, been too much influenced 
by English, Scottish and American teachers. Their 
opposition has too often given their well-intended piety a 
bitter, contemptuous and self-righteous flavour. Fourthly, 
I am constrained to suppose that there is a want of 
spirituality and initiative, and a defective intelligence of 
the new conditions of life on the part of a considerable 
proportion of the clergy. There is certainly, as Bishop 
Ullman shows, a great depression of energy caused by 
external conditions. Further complaints of a somewhat 
dull officialism on their part seem to be so frequent that I 
am constrained to believe them in some measure true. 
These complaints must, however, be discounted by con- 
sideration of the other three causes to which I have referred. 

Statistics of the Diocese of Upsala. 

With this preamble I will summarize the Upsala 
statistics published in 1908, reminding you that, though 
the archbishop performs episcopal acts in and for the city 
of Stockholm (340,000 inhabitants), it is not part of his 
diocese, but is a sort of " enclave " administered by the 
14 pastor primarius " and his consistory. To a stranger 
this appears a cause of weakness, and some change in the 
arrangement seems desirable. 

The number of congregations in the diocese proper is, 
I believe, 235, though in many cases two or three of them 
are under one pastor. The number of incumbents is 162, 
and of com-ministri or assistant curates 81 ; while the whole 

426 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

body of clergy in the diocese is about 300 . 43 The congre- 
gations are grouped in twenty-eight rural deaneries or 
" contrakter " — one of them containing the congregations 
in London and Paris. The rural deanery is, therefore, a 
smaller unit as to number of congregations than with us 
(about 5-10), though the average population of the 
parishes throughout the country (1,700) is rather large, 
as compared with those of most English dioceses. There 
are no archdeacons, and a bishop's work of oversight is 
very heavy, particularly as he is expected to be at home in 
his cathedral city every Wednesday to preside at the 
weekly chapter. The population of the diocese is 552,550, 
and its area is very large. It is the bishop's duty to hold 
a meeting of his clergy (Prest-mote) at least every seven 
years, and to visit every year as many parishes as possible, 
in a manner prescribed by law. 44 These parochial visita- 
tions are not generally part of a tour, but are special visits, 
taking a long time, so that even an active bishop may never 
be able to carry out the duty of visiting every parish during 
his incumbency. A meeting of rural deans (Prost-mote) 
is held yearly. 

About thirty of the churches stand in need of repair or 
restoration. Two new ones have been built, and there 
seems to be a good spirit in this matter. There are only 
115 fonts, and baptism is frequently or generally admin- 
istered in private and out of church. The number of 
clergy has decreased by twenty in the period. Two 
churches have to be in some cases worked together by one 
clergyman, and a service taken by a layman on alternate 
Sundays — a sort of Bible Class in the afternoon. The 
services of the lay preachers of the " Evangelical National 
Institute " are acknowledged as valuable in such cases 

43 1 take some of these figures from the useful Statistik 
matrikel ofver Svenska Kyrkans Prasterskap, 1909, by Hakan 
Th. Ohlsson, published in Lund. 

44 For the Prest-mote see Sv. Kyrkolag, ch. 25, and for the 
bishop's visitation ch. 24, §§6 foil. The rural deans also visit 
and hold their own meetings (ibid. § 19). 


(pp. 42-3). Besides the legal services, most parishes (all 
but fifteen) have these Bibel-forklaringar. Children's ser- 
vices are held in about sixty of the larger town and country- 
parishes. There are only twenty-five Church Sunday 
Schools, but fifty Free Church ones, and one Socialist. 
Services of preparation for holy communion are not 
popular. Generally what we should call " mission ser- 
vices," held outside the churches, seem more popular than 
those in church, even when the man who conducts them 
is the same. It is suggested that the sermons preached in 
church are too long. Probably also both heating and 
lighting are imperfect. The attendance in church is poor 
in one hundred cases, fair or tolerable in eighty, and 
satisfactory in fifteen. In only ten is an increase observ- 
able (p. 61). There is a serious decline in the number of 
communicants, and not eight per cent, of the qualified 
adults come to communion. Yet there are some cases of 
very large numbers. Monthly communion is, I believe, 
the ordinary rule. 

Of other services, the churching of women has been 
generally given up. It is, perhaps, retained only in 
twenty parishes (p. 66). Baptism in church appears to be 
confined to forty parishes, and that chiefly in summer time. 
Yet, on the whole, children are usually baptized. In more 
than fifty parishes there is a number of persons, more or 
less, who are not confirmed, and yet still belong to the 
Swedish Church (p. 67). This would seem to be remark- 
able since, until lately, confirmation was a legal require- 
ment. Apparently the clergy have often failed to seek out 
personally those who did not send in their names, and have 
required too high an age (fifteen years complete) for con- 
firmation (p. 67). Clearly a transformation of the 
approach to confirmation into a personal act of the will in- 
stead of a legal requirement is very much needed. Pre- 
paration for confirmation is, indeed, more elaborate and 
thorough than is usual in England, and there seems no 
reason why the rite should not be restored to its proper 
place in public estimation. The confession of faith in it is 

428 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812—1910). 

fuller also than with us, and is a really impressive feature of 
it. Private catechizing (husvorhor) has also been a remark- 
able feature of Swedish Church life ever since it was pre- 
scribed by law in 1686. 45 It is part of the regular pastoral 
work of an incumbent, and is also in use to some extent at a 
bishop's visitation. It has naturally been rendered more 
difficult by the new spirit of independence. But an active 
pastor who will take pains to hold it in the homes of single 
families may still do much with it. Family prayer is rare, 
though less rare among Free Churchmen. Private devo- 
tional reading is more common, but the Bible is too often 
set aside for less valuable religious reading. The observ- 
ance of Sunday is much infringed upon, not only by 
diversions, but by agricultural and other labour. 

Adherents of various sects are spread over the whole 
diocese, and there are only about thirty parishes in the 
diocese which has not some kind of meeting house (bon- 
hus). One sect, that of the Swedenborgians, has dis- 
appeared since 1902. The smaller enthusiastic sects, like 
" Eric Janssenism," are reduced in numbers. The mem- 
bers of the " Mission Covenant " (Waldenstromians) have 
increased, and there are smaller active bodies of Baptists 
and Methodists and of the Salvation Army. The latter 
has recently thrown off a small Swedish independent force. 
Of these sects the Baptists seem to be the least aggressive, 
and they are active in Sunday School work. In one place 
they claim to have the gift of tongues (p. 71). 

The relation of the Church to dissent seems to vary in 
different localities very much as it does in England. In 
some places dissent is very friendly, and even helpful, in 
others very critical, suspicious and contemptuous. The 
archbishop has carefully avoided anything like harsh lan- 
guage about it, and there seems great possibility of recon- 
ciliation in many places. I think we English bishops 
might advantageously study his method of reporting 
progress under these heads. 

45 Sveriges Kyrkolag af 1686, ch. 2, § 9. 


The report of moral conditions is unsatisfactory. Be- 
sides the old sins of bad language, drunkenness and 
unchastity, there are reports of dishonesty and untruthful- 
ness. A bad relation between farmers and labourers is 
said to be common. Labour contracts are broken, and the 
farmers' families sorely put to it to do their own work with- 
out proper hands. In forty parishes the vice of bad 
language is decreasing, and the example of North America 
is quoted as showing how public opinion may be used to 
check it (p. 75). 

Temperance societies are doing good work in many 
places, but in some parishes they are rather conspicuous 
for the amusements which they foster, and the temptations 
to neglect " keeping the Sabbath " which they create, and 
the political and Socialistic agitations with which they are 
connected. 46 In about ninety parishes intemperance has 
diminished; in some in a high degree. In others, how- 
ever, it has increased. In 200 parishes from which 
statistics are given more than twelve per cent, of the total 
births are illegitimate. In three cases the proportion rises 
to from thirty to thirty-three per cent. In one place half 
the girls of twenty years of age have illegitimate children. 
Marriages also, in which the rite has been anticipated, are 
naturally extremely frequent, so that this may be con- 
sidered in many places a social custom (p. 76). 

Other Diocesan Addresses. 

I might illustrate many of the foregoing points from a 
similar address of the Bishop of Kalmar 47 at his clerical 
synod of September, 1909, held just before our visit to 
Upsala. But the statistics are not given with much ful- 
ness. I gather, however, from its tone that the condition 
of Church life is more encouraging than in the diocese of 
Upsala. Thus the practice of bringing children to be 

46 Bishop Ullman also notices this, p. 4. 

47 Tal och Foredrag af Bishopen, Doktor H. W. Tottie, 
Kalmar, 1910. 

43o VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812—1910). 

baptized in church is growing (p. 51), and many societies 
of young people who have lately been confirmed are being 
formed (ungdomskretsar eller ungdoms foreningar, p. 61), 
answering, I suppose, to our communicants' guilds. This 
movement is, I may note, supported by a popular fort- 
nightly periodical, Sveriges Lhigdom, which has a circula- 
tion of 30,000 in the present year throughout the kingdom. 

Notwithstanding this, even in the diocese of Kalmar, no 
return from any parish states an increase in the number of 
communicants, and several state a decrease. It is worth 
noticing that the bishop does not much press for the 
establishment of Sunday Schools or children's services, 
holding that Sunday ought to be made a day for the union 
of parents and children in religious life (pp. 40 and 71). 

The charge of the Bishop of Strengnas (Dr. U. L. 
Ullman), The present condition of our Swedish Church, 
has been printed as one of a series of useful tracts (Svenska 
Kyrko-forbitndets Skriftserie) in the current year (1910). 
In the form in which it has reached me it is general rather 
than particular in its contents. All the first part is a 
lament over the opposing tendencies of the age. The 
bishop deeply regrets the separation of the schools from 
Church influence, even though the clergy are expected 
to give religious instruction. Children in them are in- 
structed rather than educated, and are not introduced 
into the living fellowship of the Church (p. 13). He 
complains of rationalistic school books in the gymnasia. 
As regards the clergy, he declares that the State has ex- 
ploited them for its own purposes by laying on them ever 
increasing burdens, treating them as clerks for the pre- 
paration of statistic, economic and military details, in a 
way which is unknown elsewhere in the world, and using 
their services to save the public purse without any acknow- 
ledgment (pp. 18-19). Many, too, of the clergy are so 
poor as to have no joy in life, and no heart for their voca- 
tion (p. 19). He speaks sadly of the growth of unbelief 
and Socialism, of the neglect of Sunday, and of the in- 
crease of acts of murder and bitter revenge, and of cases of 


divorce and suicide (pp. 20-21). He then mentions the old 
Schartauan movement and the new student movement, of 
which I shall speak presently, as helps to better things 
(pp. 23-27). He recommends careful attention to the 
popular movement so as to make it really educational, and 
mentions various books for confirmands and confirmees, 
including two of his own (p. 28). A new priesthood is 
needed, not merely new priests. Also a new style of 
theology. The choice does not lie between the old ortho- 
doxy and rationalism, but between rationalism and 
"modern positive theology" (p. 35). He illustrates this 
last by the names of many German professors — some well 
known in England like Von Orelli of Basel, Zahn and 
Caspari of Erlangen — and others less known whom we may 
be glad to hear of (p. 38). In this connection he mentions 
with approval the series of Bibliska tids- och strids-skrifter, 
edited by Professor Adolf Kolmodin. I have only touched 
on a few of the salient points of this spirited charge, which 
has more life and fire in it than is perhaps usual in such 

(3) What are the encouraging features of the present 
activity of the Swedish Church, and in what 
directions do they need to be supplemented? 

The encouraging features of the present condition of 
Church life in Sweden revealed by the three charges which 
I have been examining may be referred to two principal 
heads: (1) Those which show increased interest in 
church building, church music, church services and the 
like, and (2) those which express a new spirit of freedom 
and activity in religion, especially in young people and 
the clergy. I am glad to be able to add something of im- 
portance under both heads. It is quite clear that there is 
much more of encouragement in popular movements at 
work in Sweden than would be gathered from these charges 
if read by themselves. 

432 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

(1) Improvement in taste and interest in church building, 
church music and church services generally. 

Much attention is being paid to the fabrics of the 
churches. Fine new churches have been built in Stock- 
holm and Goteborg. The finest example of church 
restoration is said to be that of the Cathedral of Strengnas, 
and I also saw a good one at the important town of Falun. 
An exhibition of church arts was held at the time of the re- 
opening of Strengnas Cathedral, of which the attractive 
catalogue lies before me. Much is being done for church 
music by the " Friends of Church Song," an association 
that has branches in different dioceses, which aims at the 
restoration of the old melodies. They have re-edited the 
old tunes of the chorales in their ancient rhythmic form, 
which had been obscured by the German, Hoffner, about a 
hundred years ago, when he harmonized them in a very 
popular manner. 48 This ancient music is making great 
progress, and there is also a liturgical movement spreading 
" the music for the Swedish Mass." Many churches have 
voluntary choirs (men and women) in western galleries, 
but not every Sunday. 

The vestments prescribed by the Church — which are red 
and black chasubles, with heavy gold and silver orna- 
ments, worn over plain white albs — are being used more 
regularly than in former years. Forty years ago there was 
a prejudice against their use on the part of some Evan- 
gelical clergy, but this is now rare. They are, I am told, 
not worn every Sunday (except in some cathedral 
churches), but on festivals and at celebrations of Holy 
Communion — which, apparently, are generally once a 
month. This importance lies, of course, in the evidence 
of the continuity of Church life which they afford. We 
were much struck with the reverent and full attendance at 
two " liturgical evensongs " at which we were present in 

48 Svensk Koralbok i reviderad ryttnisk form, published by 
Gleerup, Lund (price 4 kr. 75). 


Upsala Cathedral, and at the beauty of the singing there 
and at Lund. 

(2) Movements among young people and among the 


The most important of these signs of hope is the 
"student movement," which has attracted much atention 
in the last few years. It began twenty-six years ago by the 
foundation of the " Student Mission Association " at 
Upsala, 1 st February, 1884 — a year famous for a like 
initiative in our own University of Cambridge. A similar 
association at Lund was founded two years later. In 1890 
the first Scandinavian Students' Mission Conference, fired 
by the enthusiasm which was wafted over from America, 
was held at Hillerod in Denmark. Seven such united 
conferences were held up to 1903, after which the Swedish 
students thought it best to meet alone. Two memorable 
assemblies were held at Huskvarna, near Jonkoping, in 
1907 and 1909. Among the leaders who spoke at the last 
Bishop Eklund of Carlstad (" de ungas Biskop "), Pro- 
fessors Nathan Soderblom and Einar Billing and Mr. 
Manfred Bjorkqvist stand out as particularly influential. 49 

Among the addresses delivered at Huskvarna that of 
Professor Soderblom on The Individual and the Church, 
already quoted, is full of interest for our subject. This 
movement, which is confined to university students, has 
done much to send actual missionaries into the field, 
though not so many as was first hoped. It has also done 
even more for Sweden itself. Under the title of 
" Kyrkliga Frivilligkar " (the Church Volunteer Corps) 
it has become a somewhat close organization within the 

49 See Fran den Kristliga Student rorelsen : Huskvarna 
motet, 1909, Norblads Bokhandel, Uppsala, and The Student 
Movement in Sweden by Dr. Soderblom in The Student World 
for October, 1910, published at 124, East 28th Street, New 
York. I have also received valuable letters on the matters 
dealt with in this section from Bishop Billing, of Lund, and 
my younger friends, Revs. S. Gabrielsson, jun., of Venjan, 
and Mats Amark, of Norn, both in the diocese of Vesteras. 


434 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1S12— 1910). 

student movement at Upsala. Its watchword is " Sveriges 
Folk ett Guds Folk," and a spirited fortnightly journal 
called Vdr Losen (" our watchword ") has been published 
this year as the organ of the movement. Its editor is Mr. 
Bjorkqvist, and it has already a circulation of 3,000 copies. 
It aims at making the national Church the great instrument 
of national religion, and to create enthusiasm for this idea. 
It desires also that it should take its part in the task set 
before the universal Church. The recent salutary action 
of this Church Volunteer Corps has shown itself not only 
in the Huskvarna conferences, but in the lectures on the 
Church and Church history which it has arranged. These 
lectures were given this year at the Public School or College 
of Lundsberg in the diocese of Carlstad, a school after the 
English type, of course during the school holidays, and 
attended by about 150 persons, men and women. Similar 
lectures have been promoted by the student association of 

The students have also organized "crusades" against 
infidelity, which they have prosecuted with great 
enthusiasm during their vacations. In the spring of 
this year 800 parishes were visited at the request of the 
clergy. 50 About 400 students, or one-eighth of the whole 
of Swedish University students, are members of these 
associations. They have their battle song in a fine hymn, 
Fddernas Kyrka i Sveriges land, written by Bishop 
Eklund of Carlstad, the leader of this work among the 
bishops, which is sung to a catching tune by Docent G. 
Aulen, of Upsala, who has himself done much to popularize 
a knowledge of modern Swedish Church history. 

Next to this I may mention the foundation at the 
Kyrko-mote of last year (1909) of the Svenska Kyrkans 
Diakoni-styrelse, which is due to the energy of Bishop 

50 A bright account of the experiences of some of the 
"crusaders" of 1909 is given by Pastor Axel Lutteman in 
Jidbokfor Wdsterds Stift, 1909, pp. 126-144, which particularly 
describes their discussions with "young Socialists" in 
Bergslagen in Southern Dalarne. 


Lovgren of Vesteras. This institution is not to be 
confounded with the training house for deacons (Diakon- 
anstatten), which also owes much to the same bishop. 
The Diakoni-styrelse is intended to be a sort of 
counterpart for home missions to the " Church Mission- 
ary Institution," which also owes its foundation to the 
Kyrko-mote (1876). As far as I can understand it, the 
Diakoni-styrelse will be something like our " Society for 
Promoting Christian Knowledge," and be specially occu- 
pied with the diffusion of religious literature. The arch- 
bishop is the president. Its work, of course, lies in the 
future. One of its designs is to publish a Swedish Church 
Year Book, which will be of great value to Churchmen. 
It will probably occupy itself very much with providing 
the text books and hymn books which will be needed for 
the Sunday School organization already determined upon 
by the Alhn'dnna Svenska Prest fbreningar (A.S.P.). 51 

The committee of the Diakoni-styrelse are half priests, 
half laymen. 

A somewhat earlier voluntary association (Svenska 
Kyrko-forbundet) was started in 1909 by Regements- 
Pastor Schroderheim of Stockholm and others, and it has 
done good service by the publication of the series of tracts, 
in which Bishop Ullman's charge is printed. Its object is 
the spread of knowledge about the Church and Church 
history, the introduction where possible of daily services, 
improvements in liturgical matters, etc. The first number 
is an attractively illustrated and pleasantly written com- 
parison of English and Sivedish Church life recording 
Pastor Schroderheim's very kindly impressions of two 
visits to England in 1908 and 1909. This little book will, 
I hope, do much to interpret what is good in English 
Church life to Swedish readers. 

Besides the permanent institutions I may mention the 

51 Pastor Gunnar Ekstrom, of Falun, has been a great pro- 
moter of Sunday Schools. See his Ar tiden inne for den 
Svenska Kyrkan att pa sitt program upptaga Sondagsskolverk- 
samhet ? Vasteras, 1907. 

436 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

" Mosseberg Conference " of clergy held in the autumn of 
1908, at a watering-place in West Gothland. It lasted a 
week, and was attended by 150 priests, and was the first of 
its kind in Sweden. Its object was mutual edification, and 
those who took part in it lived a common life for the time. 
I presume it was somewhat of the nature of the Keswick 
Conference, but that it also had something of the character 
of a " Retreat " for clergy. 

Further great Kyrkliga-moter or Church congresses 
have recently been held in some of the cathedral cities, 
attended by, perhaps, 1,000 members from different parts 
of the country. The first was in Stockholm (1908); the 
second in Skara (1909); the third in Hernosand (1910). 
The questions discussed seem to have been very much like 
those brought forward at our own congresses. 

It would be easy to add to these details by the description 
of more local efforts. Probably the many " mothers' 
meetings " which are being held will in time develop into 
a society like our " Mothers' Union," the work of which 
I should like to commend to any of my Swedish readers 
who may be interested in the maintenance of Christian 
family life. Our English society has a membership in the 
Empire and elsewhere of 316,990, and 6,359 branches (Ch. 
Y.B., 1910, p. 74). 52 Quite as important for Sweden, if it 
were possible to introduce it, would be an association like 
the " Girls' Friendly Society," the need of which is shown 
so sadly by the Upsala statistics. Our G.F.S. was 
founded in 1875. It has, in England and Wales alone, a 
membership of 180,396, with 37,004 associates; and it 
works in 7,000 of our parishes (I.e., p. 73). 53 It is also, 

52 The objects of the " Mothers' Union" are : (1) To uphold 
the sanctity of marriage ; (2) to awaken in mothers of all classes 
a sense of their great responsibility in the training of their boys 
and girls ; (3) to organize in every place a band of mothers who 
who will unite in prayer and seek by their own example to lead 
their families in holiness and purity of life. 

53 The objects of the G.F.S. are: (1) To band together in 
one society women and girls as associates and members, for 
mutual help (religious and secular) for sympathy and prayer ; 


like the Mothers' Union, extended throughout and beyond 
the Empire. 

I have already mentioned the " Evangeliska Foster- 
lands forbundet," and the value of its lay missionaries. I 
do not know what its present strength is, or how far it 
employs working men, but I think it might be well worth 
while for some Swedish Churchmen to study rather closely 
the merits and defects of our English " Church Army." 
I have often spoken of the immense debt which we owe to 
this latter body. 

The "Church Army" founded in 1882, shows how 
some 500 evangelists, of strict loyalty to the Church and 
splendid devotion, may be drawn from the ranks of work- 
ing people. I pass over the myriad other agencies which 
give fibre and blood to our corporate life. I only quote 
these as evidences of what may be done voluntarily by men 
and women who are in earnest, working within the Church 
and in strict subordination to authority, to put new spirit 
into an old institution. 

There seems absolutely no reason why similar move- 
ments should not succeed in Sweden (where the " Salvation 
Army " has already made great progress), and in a short 
time bear fruits worthy of our admiration and emulation. 
Its freedom of self-government enables it to move solidly 
and safely, and its home and foreign missions are evidently 
growing fast. 

(4) What line of development may we hope and expect 
that the Swedish Church will take, and what may 
be its main contribution to the progress of the 
Kingdom of God and to the life of the Catholic or 
Universal Chtirch? 

The position of the Church of Sweden is a very remark- 
able one as an intensely national and rather isolated 

(2) to encourage purity of life, dutifulness to parents, faithful- 
ness to employers, temperance and thrift ; (3) to provide the 
privileges of the society to its members wherever they may be 
by giving them an introduction from one branch to another. 

438 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

Church, which has seen, in the last fifty years, an immense 
part of its population transferred to entirely new conditions 
of freedom and contact with other Christian bodies across 
the Atlantic. The closest parallel to its position is that of 
the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, which has ex- 
perienced something of the same fortune. Even Irish 
Romanism, with its insular political scheming, is gaining 
a somewhat broader outlook by this experience. It can- 
not but be much more so in the case of an enlightened 
country like Sweden. Our own Church has gained very 
much more by the new experience of its colonies and 
dependencies, and its world-wide organization, but that 
has been a matter of slow development, and we must not 
expect Swedish experience to ripen all at once. The 
country will, however, inevitably acquire a much wider 
conception of the Church, while it learns to value, even 
more than before, its own national office and character. 
It will become, as we should say, more " catholic " in its 
character, using the word in its proper sense of conscious- 
ness that it has a share in the life of the universal Church 
of Christ. 

What are the duties of a national Church so shaken out 
of its isolation? They are, I conceive, in general terms, 

In the first place, every Church, and in particular every 
national Church, ought to feel its duty to bring the bless- 
ings of Christian life to every soul within its borders, and 
to co-operate with others in preaching the Gospel to the 
world. In the second place, every Church needs to feel 
its way to continuity with the whole past of Christendom, 
through and beyond the Reformation and Mediaeval 
periods, right up to primitive and apostolic times, and 
so to the foundations laid by Christ Himself. There 
must be no gaps in its consciousness of its previous his- 
tory, no leaps over periods of its past experience as barren 
and unfruitful. Further, it ought to feel an instinct of 
brotherly sympathy with all other Churches. It ought to 
regard their work with interest, whether it be faulty and 


imperfect, or noble and strenuous, or, as is usually the case, 
a mixture of both. It should try to make its own work 
supply the defects on one side, and co-operate with the 
triumphs of goodness on the other. 

Such an ideal might have seemed a mere picturesque 
dream a few years since. But increased means of locomo- 
tion and intercourse, and an increased sense of the brother- 
hood of mankind and of the dangers of a divided Christen- 
dom in the face of common enemies, have made it the 
natural longing of millions of our fellow-Christians. Both 
in the British Isles and in Sweden we must escape from our 
provincialism. Mere Anglicanism, mere Presbyterianism, 
mere Lutheranism are provincial and out of date. 

The Church of Sweden both already possesses the 
general conception, and has gone far along the process of 
realizing it. 

Much was done by the Lund movement to give form 
to this higher conception of the Church. All that is 
needed seems to be to drop from it the coercive and nega- 
tive features, which encumbered it, and to enlarge it in 
three directions. The idea of the Church must surely be 
that of a divine society inspiring all its members, clergy 
and laity, men and women, old and young, with a desire 
to participate in (1) home missions; (2) foreign missions; 
(3) the spirit and work of the universal Church — a Church 
having both the beauty of holiness and the voice of the 
Lord's living authority. 

What means are needed, besides those already in use, 
to realize this broader conception? 

In looking at the evidence before me of the feeling at 
present existing in Sweden on this subject, I am much 
struck by Bishop Ullman's remark that it needs a new 
priesthood as well as new priests. We in England are 
trying to obtain such a general elevation of the priesthood 
by arranging for our clergy both university training and 
special training. The latter hardly exists in Sweden, 
although something is done by the " Studentenhem " at 
the universities to give more of religious family life to 

440 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

serious minded students, a class which naturally includes 
candidates for Orders. But surely the latter require a 
time of special discipline of their own. 

After their university course they need at least a year's 
devotional and spiritual training, with some practical in- 
struction in preaching. Just as Moses was prepared for 
his mission on Sinai, Elijah on Horeb, and St. Paul in 
Arabia, so should each priest, who is to be a prophet to his 
generation and a builder of the City of God, have a time of 
retirement and communing with God: — 

So separate from the world his breast 
May duly take and strongly keep 

The print of heaven, to be expressed 
Ere long on Sion's steep. 54 

I have ventured also to express my strong feeling as to 
the blessings which might follow a revival of the diaconate 
as a period of probation for the priesthood, and of the cus- 
tom of episcopal confirmation — both of them Swedish 
institutions, dropped only in a time of torpor. Whatever 
may be said against the necessity of adopting such ancient 
usages, I venture to think that there can be little doubt as 
to their expediency. I should press them on this ground 
on the attention of my dear friends and colleagues in 

I also confidently expect that the increased interest in 
the conduct of public worship will develop almost uni- 
versally as it has done in England. This has gone on 
among us hand in hand with the development of associa- 
tions for the promotion of a Christian life on Church lines. 

We began with greater attention to worship, from about 
1840, coupling with it the first tentative efforts at organiza- 
tion. The level of worship among us has been raised in 
an extraordinary manner, pari passu, with the growth of 
these organizations. A weekly celebration of holy com- 
munion is now the rule, and less frequent celebration the 

3-* John Keble, Christian Year for Thirteenth Sunday after Trinity, com- 
paring Hebrews viii. 5 — "See that thou make all things according to the 
pattern shewed to thee in the mount. ' ' 


exception. Although the ritual of our Churches has been 
in some cases carried to an extreme or even a dangerous 
point, such cases are not common. But everywhere the 
value of the mysterious and the beautiful elements in re- 
ligion is recognized. Everywhere we see surpliced choirs 
of men and boys, largely voluntary ; and reverent and joy- 
ful services both on Sundays and week days. We cannot 
rival the congregational singing of Sweden, at any rate in 
the South of England, but participation in worship is 
general and hearty. What has been possible in England 
is surely equally possible in Sweden — and without any 
legislation. We may look to its cathedrals to set the 
precedents, especially Upsala and Lund. 

I believe then that the Swedish Church, which has a 
history so like our own, will develop in a manner like our 
own — no doubt with its own idiosyncrasies, and, very 
probably, profiting by observation of our mistakes. I am 
not inclined to propose our example as at all perfect or 
complete. I merely suggest that our experience is so 
parallel as to be valuable to a sister Church. If this be so 
the two Churches together may look forward to making a 
joint contribution to the life of the Church universal, which 
will be of immense value. First, each may strive to rival 
the other in all that concerns the self-denying ministry of 
a national Church to its own people and so set an example 
which others may follow. Secondly, we may co-operate in 
countries like the United States and Canada, where our 
own people dwell side by side. Thirdly, we may co- 
operate in our foreign missions, especially since the 
missions of the Swedish Church (though not those of 
the " Mission Covenant ") are largely within the British 
Empire. Lastly, an alliance, such as I venture to hope 
for, would be the natural link between the (estimated) 
thirty-two millions of Anglicans and the (estimated) 
seventy millions of Lutherans. 55 The isolation of 

55 This estimate of Anglicans or Episcopalians is given in 
Whitaker's Almanack, p. 427, 1909, and that of Lutherans by 
Dr. Lenker, of Minneapolis, a well-known authority on Luther 
and Lutheranism, and the translator of Luther's works. 

442 VIII.— THE MODERN PERIOD (a.d. 1812— 1910). 

Lutheranism is, I know, hard to break down, but one of 
the most hopeful roads, at present, is through Sweden. 
Conceive what power such an alliance might possess, both 
in strengthening inward faith and discipline, and in in- 
fluencing the world outside ! Even if it extended at first 
only to England and Sweden it would be a magnificent 
instrument in the hand of God. May He who gives His 
servants the power to see visions also help us to make them 





i. — The Swedes in Delaware and Pennyslvania. 

Thomas Campanius Holm(iensis) : Description of the Pro- 
vince of New Sweden, translated by Peter S. du Pouceau, 
Philadelphia, 1834. [The author was grandson of John Cam- 
panius, who accompanied Governor Printz to America as his 
chaplain in 1642, and translated Luther's Little Catechism into 
the language of the Lenni, Lenape or Renappi. The author 
was never himself in America, and has introduced some strange 

Israel Acrelius : Description of the former and present con- 
dition of the Swedish Churches in what was called New 
Sweden, etc., Stockholm, 1759, translated with notes by W. M. 
Reynolds, D.D., for the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
Philadelphia, 1876. 

The Records of the Holy Trinity (Old Swedes) Church, Wil- 
mington, Delaware, from 1697 to 1773, translated by Horace 
Burr, with an abstract of the English records from 1773 to 1810, 
published by Hist. Soc. of Delaware, Wilmington, 1890. [This 
contains Pastor Bjork's valuable diary quoted above.] 

Benjamin Ferris : A History of the Original Settlements on 
the Delaware from its Discovery hy Hudson to the Colonisa- 
tion under Wm. Penn, to which is added an account of the 
historical affairs of the Swedish settlers and a history of 
Wilmington to the present time, Wilmington, 1846. 

Otto Norberg : Svenska Kyrkans Mission vid Delaware i 
Nord-Amerika (i f.d. Kolonien Nya Sverige), Akademisk 
Afhandling, Stockholm, 1893. 

The most recent work is by Professor Amandus Johnson, of 
Philadelphia : The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, their 
history and relation to the English and Dutch, 1638-1664, with 
an account of the "South," the " New Sweden" and the 
" American " Companies and of the efforts of Sweden to regain 
the Colony, two volumes, Pennsylvania University, Philadelphia 
[1910?]. [I have been unable to see this book.] 

2. — New Sweden in Maine. 

The Story of New Sweden, as told at the Quarter-Centennial 
Celebration of the founding of the Swedish Colony in the 


Woods of Maine, June 25th, 1895 [ed. by S. J. Estes], Portland, 
Maine, 1895. 

The Story of New Sweden, by Wm. Widgery Thomas, jun., 
in Collections and Proceedings of the Maine Historical Society, 
2nd ser., Vol. vii., pp. 53 foil, and 113 foil., Portland, 1896. 
[This is written by the founder, who was an U.S.A. consul in 
Sweden, and in 1870 collected a small party of fifty-one persons 
to settle in his own State, where they have largely prospered on 
the banks of the Aroostook. The prevailing religion appears 
to have been Baptist. The colony has largely helped the 
development of the State of Maine.] 

3. — Settlements in the North West. 

The two most important books on the larger Swedish settle- 
ments are : — 

History of the Swedes in Illinois, edited by Ernest W. Olson, 
in collaboration with Anders Schon and Martin J. Engberg, 
The Engberg-Holmberg Publishing Co., Chicago, two volumes, 

A History of the Swedish Americans of Minnesota, compiled 
and edited by A. E. Strand, The Lewis Publishing Company, 
Chicago, three volumes, 1910. 

More popular is the one volume by Alfred Soderstrom : 
Minneapolis Minnen Kidturhistorisk axplockning fran quarn- 
staden vid Mississippi, Minneapolis, 1899. 

4. — General Descriptions and Popular Sketches. 

G. F. Peterson : Sverige i Amerika : Kidturhistoriska och 
biografiska teckningar, The Royal Star Co., Chicago, 1898. 

O. N. Nelson : History of the Scandinavians and successful 
Scandinavians in the U.S., two volumes, Minneapolis, 1893. 

Lars P. Nelson : What has Siveden done for the United 
States? Chicago, 1903. [A popular essay on occasion of a 
national commemoration, but full of information in a con- 
venient form.] 

Carl Sundbeck : Svensk-Amerikanerna, Stockholm and Rock 
Island, 1904. [Records of a journey undertaken with the sup- 
port of the Swedish Government, and likely to be useful to 

P. Waldenstrom : Genom Norra Amerikas forenta Stater : 
Reseskildningar, Stockholm and Chicago, 1890. 

5. — Religious History of the Swedes in U.S.A. 

G. Unonius : Minnen fran en sjuttondrig vistelse i Nordvestra 
Amerika (1841-1858), published in 1862, with a Bihang [in 


answer to some remarks on Dr. Norelius' book, particularly as 
to his relation to Esbjorn], published at Stockholm in 1896. 

E. Norelius : De Svenska Luterska forsamlingarnas och 
Svenskarnes Historia i Amerika, Rock Island, Illinois, 1890. 

Henry Eyster Jacobs : A History of the Evangelical-Lutheran 
Church in the U.S., fifth ed., Scribner and Sons, N.Y., 1907 
(being volume four of the general American Church History). 

The Augustana Synod, 1860-1910, Rock Island, 1910 [a 
jubilee volume containing papers of much interest]. 

Missions Forbundets Minnesskrift, 1885-1910 [a twenty-five 
years' jubilee volume], Chicago, 1910. 


(By Dr. Toffteen). 

Before i860 the Swedes that emigrated to America came 
generally by sailing ships. The emigrants were then not very 
numerous, and, as they generally came in parties, with the view 
of settling together, it is possible to trace them to the settle- 
ments which they founded. 

Since i860 the emigration has been very much larger, and 
has gone by the Atlantic emigration steamers. No larger 
parties, settling at one place, are known. The following is a 
concise sketch of the Swedish settlements in the United States 
between 1841 and i860. 

1. — Pine Lake, Wisconsin. — 1841. 

With the exception of a few adventurers, that may have come 
here in earlier times, the first considerable settlement of Swedes 
was the one that was led by the Rev. G. Unonius. This party 
was made up of some well-to-do Swedes, who expected to 
settle here, but were also animated by the old Viking spirit, 
desirous of adventures. They came to America in 1841, and 
founded a colony at Pine Lake, Wis. About 1850 most 
of the old settlers had, however, moved away, and several of 
them returned to Sweden. 

2. — Brocton, Massachusetts. — 1844. 

In 1844 came a little company, led by Daniel Larson, from 
Haurida, Smaland, and settled in Brocton, Mass. Their motive 
for emigration was the expectation to better their economic con- 
ditions here. They had been moved by reading the letters of 
Unonius to the Swedish papers. 


3. — New Sweden, Pennsylvania. — 1845. 

Peter Kassel and four other families from Kisa, Ostergot- 
land, migrated here in 1845, and settled, or rather founded, the 
New Sweden settlement in Jefferson Co., Pa. A desire for 
adventures seems to have been the primary motive for this 

4. — Bishop's Hill, Illinois. — 1845-1854. 

Erik Jansson, and members of a sect founded by him, and 
generally known as the Jansonists, began to migrate in 1845. 
Their chief centre in Sweden was Biskopskulla. They settled 
in Henry Co., Ills., and called their colony Bishop Hill. The 
largest number of this colony came in 1846, but new additions 
of the colony continued to come until 1854. Religious persecu- 
tion by the ecclesiastical and civil authorities in Sweden was 
the motive for this emigration. 

5. — Chicago, Illinois. — 1846-1852. 

Some members of the Pine Lake colony moved early to 
Chicago. In 1846 emigration parties were organized in Sweden 
for the purpose of settling in Chicago. These parties came 
from different localities. In 1846 came fifteen families ; 
in 1847 forty families ; in 1848 about 100 families ; in 1849 
some 400 Swedes, and in 1850 about 500 ; in 185 1 and 1852 some 
1,000 each year. Economic reasons were the motives for these 
emigrations, and from this time onward the chief motive for 
emigration from Sweden has been a desire to better the 
economic conditions of the people concerned. 

6. — Andover, Illinois. — 1846-1849. 

In 1846 about seventy-five persons left Kisa, Ostergotland. 
They came that year no further than Buffalo, N.Y. In the next 
years others joined them, and a part of them started on canal- 
boats to go west. They reached Henry Co., Ills., in 1848, and 
founded there the Andover colony. This colony was increased 
in the following year, 1849, with some 300 Swedes from Kisa 
and Grenna. Rev. L. P. Esbjorn was among the emigrants 
that year. The Andover colony extended early into Swedona 
and Ophicus, and became the largest Swedish colony at that 

7. — Sugar Grove, Pennsylvania, and Jamestown, New York. 


The other part of the Swedes that came to Buffalo, N.Y., in 
1846, went southward in 184S, and settled in Sugar Grove. 


This party was also increased in 1847, and new emigrants joined 
them in the following years. A number of them finally settled 
down and founded the Swedish colony at Jamestown, N.Y. 

8. — Houston, Texas. — 1849. 

About fifty Swedes came here in 1849, in company with 
Mr. M. S. Swenson, and settled in Houston, Texas, where 
Mr. C. Swenson already owned property. 

9. — Chisago Lake, Minnesota. — 1850-1851. 

Some 100 Swedes from Helsingland and Medelpad came 
to New York in 1850. Most of them settled in Knox and Henry 
Counties, Ills. A few of them, however, went north the next 
year, and founded the colony of Chisago Lake, Minn. In 
1853 a large number from Kronoberg joined this colony. 
Among the emigrants, 1851, was also Dr. Norelius. 

10. — Manitowoc and Waupaca, Wisconsin. — 1850. 

One hundred and eleven emigrants left Gefle in 1850. Some 
of them settled in Galva, Watago and Henderson, Ills., but a 
large part of them went north, and founded the Swedish settle- 
ments in Manitowoc and Waupaca, Wis. 

11. — Galesburg, Illinois. — 1851. 

About 100 Swedes from Northern Skane settled, in 185 1, in 
Galesburg and Knoxville, Ills. The following year a still 
larger company of emigrants, these also from Northern Skane, 
joined the Galesburg settlers. Rev. T. U. Hasselquist, founder 
of the Augustana Synod and Augustana College, was in this 

12. — La Fayette, Indiana. — 1852. 

A considerable number of Swedes migrated in 1852 from 
Grenna, and settled in La Fayette, Ind. In the two years 
following large numbers were added, and the settlement was 
extended by small colonies in West Point, Attica, Millford and 
Yorktown, Ind. 

13. — St. Charles, Illinois. — 1852. 

The same year a number of emigrants from Westergotland 
settled in St. Charles, Ills. 

14. — Vasa, Minnesota. — 1853. 

A large^ number of emigrants from Northern Skane came to 
America in 1853, under the leadership of Colonel Hans 


Mattson. They went up north, and founded a colony at Vasa, 
Goodhue Co., Minn. New emigrants, chiefly from North- 
Eastern Skane, poured into this colony the following years, and 
in i860 this had become one of the largest Swedish settlements 
in America. 

15. — Stockholm, Wisconsin. — 1854. 

The following year, 1854, a very large number of Swedes 
left Vermland. It had now become known in Sweden that 
Minnesota and Wisconsin, with their beautiful lakes and colder 
climate, reminded much of Sweden. Consequently the larger 
number of these sons of Vermland went north and settled on 
the shores of Lake Pepin, near the Vasa settlement in 
Minnesota. The new settlement at Lake Pepin was called 

16. — Rockford, Illinois. — 1852-1854. 

While thus many new comers went into Wisconsin and 
Minnesota, letters from the earlier emigrants to their friends at 
home led many emigrants, in the years 1852-1854, to settle in 
Illinois. Many of these, chiefly from Smaland and Westergot- 
land, came to Rockford, Ills., where very soon a large Swedish 
colony flourished. 

17. — Carver County, Minnesota. — 1853-1854. 

In 1853 a number of people from Westergotland went up into 
Minnesota and founded a settlement in Carver Co. Next year 
their number was increased, and several Swedish colonies 
sprang up in that county. 

18. — Scandian Grove, Minnesota. — 1856. 

Soon the Swedes began to push further and further into Min- 
nesota, and in 1856 a large number of people from Northern 
Skane founded a colony in Scandian Grove, Minn. 

By this time railroads were extended into the West, and 
Atlantic travel was done by steamships. Since i860 large 
numbers have come over ; many of these have stopped in the 
old Swedish colonies of Illinois and Minnesota ; many also have 
settled in Pennsylvania and the eastern cities. But a consider- 
able number have gone West, into Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, 
Colorado and even California, with stray settlements in other 
States like the Dakotas. In Kansas and Nebraska, however, 
are the largest settlements of later years, and the smoky steel 
district in Kansas is now well known as largely a Swedish settle- 
ment with a prosperous population. Others, like New Got- 
land and Gothenburg, Nebraska, testify to the number and the 


prosperity of the Swedes in those parts of America. Bethany 
College, Kansas, founded by Dr. Swenson, is an important 
institution belonging to the Augustana Synod. 

In the meantime many Swedes have remained in the larger, 
and for that matter also in the smaller, western cities. While 
there are considerably more than 100,000 Swedes in Chicago, 
Minneapolis counts them by 50,000 to 75,000, and St. Paul, 
Minnesota ; Denver, Colorado ; Omaha, Nebraska ; Kansas 
City, Saline, Lindsborg and McPherson, Kansas; San Francisco 
and Oakland, California, have large numbers of Swedes. 

The following is a summary of the figures given by the Rev. 
P. Peterson, emigrant missionary in New York. He has 
printed them in the fullest and most complete form in a paper 
contained in the Missions Forbundets Minnesskrift, 1885-1910, 
pp. 48 fol., which includes those for 1908. 

1821-1860 23,558 forty years. 

1861-1870 63,851 ten years. 

1871-1880 115,922 ,, 

1881-1890 291,776 ,, 

1891-1900 226,266 ,, 

1901-1908 211,319 eight years. 


The figures for the years 1899-1908 have been : — 

18 99 I2 ,797 

1900 18,650 

I 9° I 23,331 

1902 30,894 

1903 46,028 

!9°4 27,763 

J 9Q5 26,595 

J 9°6 23,310 

1907 20,589 

1908 12,809 


Average, 24,276. 
Therefore, though there is a falling off in recent years, and a 
greatdrop in the year of industrial depression (1908) — as there 
was in the immigration generally from other countries — the 
figures for the last decade, 1901-1910, will almost certainly 
largely exceed those for 1891-1900, when they are forthcoming. 




For the purposes of this Index a and o have been treated as 
put last under a. 

Absalon, Archbishop of Lund, 113 

Absolution, 210 

Academy, Swedish, 350 

Adalbert, Archbishop, 49, 78 

Adaldag, Archbishop, 58 

Adam de Bremen, 15, 21, 39, 48, 50, 

63, 66, 87 
Adolphus, Gustavus, 264, 273-292 
Aelfheah, or Alphege, Archbishop 

of Canterbury, 63 
Aesir, the, 14 

Ahnfelt, Bishop Otto, xiii., 221 
Alexander II., Pope, in f. 
Alsno, Ordinance of, 120 
Alvastra, Monastery of, 107 
Andrese, Laurentius, 188-191, 197, 

204, 219 f. 
Ane, the Old, 29 
Angermannus, Abraham, 257, 264; 

his visitation, 265, 267 
Anjou, L. A., his history, xv., 175, 

202, 225 ; Geijer's influence on, 

Anskar, 48-57 

Anund Jakob, 69, 70, 77 ff. 
Apostolical Succession, P e t r u s 

Magni, 196 ; Botvid Sunonis, 207, 

223 ; Olaus Martini, 267 ; 

Steuchius, 331 
Arboga, Diet of, 162 
Arcimboldi, Papal legate, 165 
Asp, Matthaus, 332 
Asser, Archbishop of Lund, 84 f. 
Astrid, 69 
Augsburg Confession, 250, 253, 257, 

259, 262, 270, 292 
Augustana Synod, 358 ; its work, 

Aulen, G., xviii. 
"Ave Maria," 168, 204 
Avignon, the pope at, 136 
Amark, Rev. Mats, xviii., 375 

a, ce ; but a has been 


Baaz, Bishop J., xvi., 24, 74, 271 

Baiter, Sven, 328 

Balder, 14 

Baltzer, L., 12 

Baptism, 210; and exorcism, 258, 

260, 301 ; in church, 427, 430 
Barnabok, 196 
Basel, Council of, 138 
Beauchet, L., 156 f. 
Bedell, Bishop, 293 
Benedicti, Johannes Oxenstierna, 158 
Benedicti, Petrus, 255 
Bengel. J. A., 324 
Benzelius, Archbishop Eric, 307 
Benzelius, Archbishop Eric, jun., 

307. 323» 33 1 
Beowulf, 27, 41 
Berggren, Dr. J. E., xii., quoted 

217. 39 1 

Bergman, Torberg, 327 

Bergman, Bishop Israel, 371 

Bergroth, E., xvi., 354 

Berig, King of Scandian Goths, 23 

Bernadotte, Prince Karl Johan, 352 

Bernard, E. R., xii., xiv. 

Berzelius, the chemist, 379 

Bethune, J. E. D., 16 

Billing, Dr. E., xiii. 

Billing, Bishop G., xiii. ; on E. G. 
Bring, 388, 433 

Billings, Dr. J. P., librarian, xviii. 

Biorn, or Bern, King, 52 

Birger, Jarl, 116 f. 

Birgerus Gregorii, 123 

Birgitta, St., 123-142 

Birka, Anskar's mission to, 52 

Bishop, office of, in Kyrko-ordning 
of Laurentius Petri, 231-234 ; elec- 
tion of, 234 f., 242; consecration 
of, 243, 355 ; see Apostolical Suc- 

Bishop's Hill, U.S.A., 372, 446 

45 2 


Bjork, Pastor, in U.S.A., 288 
Bjornson, quoted, ballad on Olaf 

Tryggvason, 66 
Blake, William, 347 
Bothvidi, Johannes, 276 
Botniensis, Andreas Laurentii, 246 
Botniensis, Nicolaus Olai, 250 ff. 

257, 267 
Botvid, St., 82 
Botvid Sunonis, Bishop of Streng- 

nas, 207, 223 
Bradley, Henry, 38 
Brahe, Per, 277 

Brandy, its use in Sweden, 349, 377 
Brask, Hans, 6, 193, 197, 201 
Bredberg, Jacob, 402-3, 404 
Bremen, Mission of, 48-58 
Bremer, Frederica, 380-1 ; her visit 

to U.S.A., 401 
Brinck, Dr., 322 
Bring, Bishop E. G., student life, 

386 ; compared with Sundberg, 

388 ; on professorial prebends, 

388, 417 
Brockmer, on Swendenborg, 341 
Brynhild, in Vblsunga Saga, 41 
Bryniulf, Bishop of Skara, 122 
Bureus, John, 277 
Burial, reformed office for, 212 

Calixtus, George, 290 

Carlyle, Thomas, 37 

Cassander's influence on John III., 

239 f. 
Celtic character, the, 33 f. 
Cerne Giant, 13 
Charles the Great, 50 
Charles IX., 252-272 
Charles X., 302 
Charles XI., 304 
Charles XII., 307, 326, 336, 337 
Charles XIII., 352 
Charles Sverkersson, King, m 
Cheetham, Archdeacon S., 298 
Chlochilaicus, Danish King, 27 
Christian I., King, 162, 173 
Christian II., 161, 177, 180 
Christina, Queen, 289, 302, 303 
Christopher, King, 156 
Chytrasus, David, 250 

Church Army, 437 

Church Building, modern, 426, 432 

Clowes, Rev. John, 346 

Coles, Dr. Donald, 342 

Comenius, Bishop, 299 

Communion, Holy ; regulations as to 
wine, 168 ; of the sick, 210 ; Olaus 
Petri's service, 213-215 ; Mass 
without communicants, 221, 229 ; 
wine and water, 229 ; Nova Ordi- 
nantia, 241 f. ; service of Red 
Book, 244 ; elevation of sacrament, 
258, 259 ; teaching of Heidelberg 
Catechism, 270 ; Durie's teaching, 
295 f. ; Matthiae's teaching, 299 

Concordia, Liber, 304, 315 

Confirmation, 168 f., 210-212, 235 f., 
241, 299, 300, 305, 354; Lind- 
blom's service of, before First 
Communion, 354 

Consistorium Generale, 284 

Consistorium Regni, 285 

Cornelius, referred to, xv., 175, 209, 

22 3- 305» 3 2 4 
Craigie, W. A., 27, 37 
"Cuius regio eius religio," 415 

Dalin, Olof, 327 

Davenant, Bishop, 293 f. 

David, St., Bishop of Vesteras, 82 

Dauciones, the, 22 

Deacons, 243, 265 

De Geers, Baron, transforms the 

Riksdag, 393 
Departed, duty to the, 397-8 
Descartes, influence on Swedenborg, 

Diaconate, in Sweden, 312, 417-8 
Diakonistyrelse like S.P.C.K., 434-5 
Dippel, J. C, 340 f. 
Disestablishment in Sweden, 422 
Domald, King of Sweden, 29, 3S 
Dominicans in Sweden, 114 
Dorner, I. A., 316, 324 f., 344 
Dorstad, Anskar at, 51 
Dort, Synod of, 294, 316 
Du Chaillu, P., 12, 25, 33 
Durie, John, 291-298 

Ebo, Archbishop of Reims, 50 



F.dzardus, 322 

Eilif, Norse poet, 104 

Ekdahl, F. N., 205, 357 

Eklund, Bishop J. A., of Carlstad, 

323, 433, his hymn, 434 
Ekman, Archbishop J. A., xi. f. ; his 

charge, 425-9 
Ekstrom, Gunnar of Falun, 435 
Elevation at Holy Communion, 215, 

258, 259 
Elfving, Anders, 329 f. 
Emerson, essay on Swedenborg, 

333 * 
Emund, King, 78; Bishop, 69 
Engelbrekt, Rebellion of, 151-4 
Eric, son of Gustaf Vasa, King, 228- 

Eric III., King, 114-116 
Eric Edmundson, King, 57, 59 
Eric Eiegod, King of Denmark, 84 
Eric of Pomerania, King of Scandi- 
navia, 148 
Eric, St., 31, 109 
Eric the Victorious, 38, 49, 59 f. 
Eriks-gata, 36 
Esbjorn, Paul, 401, 408 
Eskil, St., 82, 106 f. 
Ethelred, King of England, 68 
Evangeliska Fosterlands - stiftelse, 
383-4, 426, 437 

Falckner, Justus, 332 

Fant, E. M., 331 

Fecht, Petrus, 240, 244 f. 

Fenni, Tacitus, on the, 9 

Finland, Church of, no, 276, 310, 

Finnmarker, settlements of modern 

Finns, 10 
Finnskogar, settlements of modern 

Finns, 10 
Fitzhugh, Henry, 149 
Fjellstedt, Peter, missionary, 382 
Fjellstrdm, Per, 330 
Flaxman, the sculptor, 347 
Fletcher, C. R. L., on Gustavus 

Adolphus, 254, 364, 273, 276, 280 
Folkungar, the, Kings of Sweden, 

Forbes, John, 271 

Formula Concordia and John Durie, 

Francke, A. H., 318, 322 f 

Frauja, word used by Ulphilas to 
translate Greek Ki'pios, 14 

Friars in Sweden, 114 

Freemasons in Sweden, 350 ; in 
U.S.A., 411 

Frideburg, reserves wine for death- 
bed communion, 54 

" Friends of Church Song," 432 

Fro, or Frey, Teutonic deity, 14, 15 

Fryxell, A., xvi. ; on the Folkungar, 
120; on Gustaf and Olaus, 219 

Gabrielsson, Rev. Samuel, xix., 433 

Gautbert, First Swedish Bishop, 53 

Gautigoth, the, may be Goths of 
Gota-Elf, 23 n. 

Geijer, E. G., 13, 15, 31, 36, 120, 
1 09, 303, 366-9 

Genberg, Bishop of Kalmar, 393 

Gerbrand, Bishop of Seland, 76, 88 

Gerson, John, at Council of Con- 
stance ; on Birgitta's visions, 137 

Gezelius, Johannes, the two, 310 

Girls' Friendly Society, 436 

Gosta Berlin ?s Saga, 38 

Goteborg, Bishopric of, founded, 

Golther, Wolfgang, 14, 15, 55 

Gorm the Old, 57 

Gotescalk, Bishop of Skara, 78 

Goths, the, 19, 26 

Gothus, Laurentius Petri, 245 

Gothus, Laurentius Paulinus, 275, 

Grabe, Ernest, 322 

Grammaticus, Saxo, Danish his- 
torian, 61, 113 

Gregorii, Archbishop Birgerus, 123 

Gregory of Tours, 28 

Gregory VII., Pope, 49, 83 

Gregory IX., Pope, 118 

Grendel, in poem of Beowulf, 16 

Grimberg, C, 328, 369, 378, 380 

Grimkil, Bishop, 79, 87 

Grimm, on worship of Odin, 26 

Grotius, Hugo, 290 



Grubb, Nils, 324 

Grundelstierna, C. H., 325 

Gustaf Vasa, 186-228 

Gustavus II., 264, 273-92 

Gustavus III., 348-351 

Gustavus IV., 351 f. 

Guttones, Pytheas of Marseilles on, 

19 ; Tacitus on, 20 
Gyllenstjerna, Nils, 256 
Gythones, the, Ptolemy on, 21 

Hakon the Good, 62 

Hale, Bishop of Cairo, U.S.A., v., 

Halfdan the Blacks Saga, 39 
Hall, Bishop Joseph, 293 
Hallfred's Saga, 40 
Hamburg-Bremen Mission, 50-58 
Harald Harfager (Fairhair), 39, 57, 

Harald Grenske, 61 
Harald Greyskin, 62 
Harald Klak, 50 

Haraldi, Bishop Magnus, 196, 203 
Hardwick, C, on Confession of 

Augsburg, 262, 207 ; on Heidel- 
berg Catechism, 269 
Harriott, Thomas, 320 
Hasselquist, Nilsson, 408 
Hedstrom, Gustaf and Jonas, 400 
Hegel, Swedenborg's resemblance to 

in teaching, 345 
Heidelberg Catechism, 269 
Heimskringla, 62 
Hemming, Bishop of Abo, 122 
Henry, Bishop of Abo, no 
Hermanni, Bishop Nicolaus, 123, 168 
Hernosand, Bishopric of, founded, 

Hihuliter, Sect of, 371 
Hildebrand, Karl, 238, 253 
Hindmarsh, R., 347 
Hjarne, Professor H., xiii. 273 
Hogstrom, Per, 330 
Hollander, S. A., xvi., 
Holmberg, A. E., 12, 31 
Holmquist, Prof. H., xiv., xvi., 51, 

113, 115, 169, 202, 304, 334 

Hood, E. Paxton, on Swedenborg, 

Howitt, Margaret and F. Bremer, 

380; Mary, xvi., 368 
Hugleik, King of Weder-Goths, 27 
Humble, Bishop G. A., 324 
Hydren, Lars, 332 

Ihrmark, K. A., missions direktor, 

Inge, King of Sweden, 81, 83 
Ingeborg, sister of Olaf Tryggvason, 

65- 77 
Ingegerd, daughter of Olof Skot- 

konung, 69, 77 
Ingiald, King of Sweden, 28 f. 
Ivar Vidfamne, 29 

Jakob, Anund, 69, 70, 77 f. 
Jansson, Erik, sectary, 372 ; his sect 

declining, 428 
Jonsson, Ture, 198, 206, 213 
Jonsson, Bo, 140 
John III., 231-246 
Jonae, Petrus, 255 
Jordanis, Bishop of Bruttium, 23 

Kalm (not Kahn), Prof., of Abo, 

288 n. 
Karlstad, founded, 254 ; Bishopric 

of, 288 
Keble, John, on priestly retirement, 

Kenicius, Petrus, Bishop of Skara, 

272, 285 
Keyser, R., xvi. 
King, the, his position, 20, 36, 38-9 ; 

in the Church, 305, 394 
Kipling, Rudyard, quoted, 14 
Kjernander, J. Z., 322 
Kliefoth, his influence in Sweden, 

Knipperdolling, Anabaptist preacher, 

Knut, King of England, 68, 70 
Knutsson, Karl, 154, 158-161 
Kolmodin, Dr. J. A., xii., 431 
Kristina of Stumbelen, 121 
Kyrko-mote, the new, 393, 395-6 



Ladulas, King Magnus, 117 
Laestadius, Lars Levi, 370-1 
Laestadius, Petrus, work with the 

Lapps, 382 
Lagman, the, or Lawman, 42 
" Lambeth Articles," 316 
Lambeth Conference, xi. f., 413 
Landnama Bok, 34 
Lapps, the, 9, 23, 287, 330, 382 
Laud, Archbishop, and John Durie, 

Laurelius, Olof, Bishop of Vesteras, 

3°o> 3°5 

Lax dale Saga, 64 

Lenaeus, Archbishop, on the dio- 
conate, 312, 418 

Lenker, Dr., of Minneapolis, xviii., 
441 n. 

Leslie, Alex., Earl of Leven, 276 

Liber Concordice, 304, 315 

Lincoln, Rev. Julius, on the lan- 
guage question in U.S.A., 409-10 

Lind, Jenny, 401 foil. 

Lindblom, Abp., J. A., 354, 370 

Linkoping, Cathedral, 281 ; Council 
of, 108 

Linnaeus, 327-8 ; compared with 
Swedenborg, 348 

Lodbrok, Ragnar, 29 f. 

Lovgren, Bishop of Vesteras, his 
good work, 434-5 

Longfellow, ballads on Olaf Trygg- 
vason, 61 

London, Bishop of, Dr. Ingram, xii. 

Lots, divination by, yj, 55 

Louis the Pious, 50 

Lulea, new diocese of, 395 

Lumb, early law giver in West Goth- 
land, 42 

Lund, Cathedral of, 21 ; arch- 
bishopric of, 84 ; bishopric, 288 

Lund, University of, 385-6 ; move- 
ment, 387-92 

Lundborg, H. J., founder of Ev. 
Fosterlands Stiftelse, 389 

Lundgren, M. F., 17 

Lundstrom, Dr. H., xii.-xiv., 72, 
115, 219, 226, 268, 286, 300, 331 

" Lutheran freedom " of organiza- 
tion, 87, 411 

"Lutheran General Council," 411 

Lutheranism, 439 

Lutherans, estimated number, 441 

McLaren, Bishop W. E., recognises 
Bredberg's position, 404 

Magni, Johannes, Papal legate and 
Archbishop of Upsala, 195, 201 

Magni, Olaus, 21, 109; Petrus, 203, 

Magnus Haraldi, 196, 203 

Magnus Sommar, 196, 202 f., 207 

Magnusson, A. M., 250 f., 253, 258, 

Margaret, Queen, 148 f. 

Marriage, heathen, 39 ; St. Eric's 
form, 109; of clergy, 108, 11 2-3, 
1 14-5-6, 1 18-9; later, 204, 241; re- 
formed service, 210, 213, 216; law 
of, 222, 225-6 ; neglect of, 429 

Martin, Dr. C. R., xiii., 213 

Martini, Olaus, Archbishop, 267, 272 

Mason, Dr. A. J., xii., 272 

Mathias, Master, 127, 134 

Matthias, Bp. Johannes, 284, 2S6 f., 

2 93> 2 99> 3°3 

Melanchthon, Confession of Augs- 
burg, 250, 262 ; values degrees of 
ministry, 418 

Melin, H. M., 388 

Mellin, Professor, permitted to 
preach in U.S.A., 404 

Messenius, John, Professor ai 
Upsala University, 216, 277 

Micronius, 270 

Mildred, King, 73 

Missionary Societies, foundation of, 
383 ; work of, 383-4 

Missions, Swedish, in British terri- 
tory, 441 

Missions, Waldenstromian, 375-6 

"Mission Covenant" in U.S.A., 
412; in Sweden, 428 

Mosseberg Conference, 436 

Montelius, 9, 10, 18, 21, 25, 31, 38, 

Moravians, the, 324 f. 

Morton, Bishop, and J. Durie, 293 

456 INDEX. 

Mothers' Union, 436 
Muggleton, L., 340 
Murbeck, Peter, 323 

Narva, a Swedish superintendency, 

Nerthus, earth-god, 16 
New England Company, 321 
Newport, Rhode Island, 65 
Nicholas Brakespear, 108 
Nicholson, Dr. A., xiv. 
Nicolai, Laurentius, first Jesuit in 

Sweden, 245 
Nicolaus Hermanni, tutor of St. 

Birgitta's children, 123, 168 
Nilsson, Christer, ancestor of Gus- 

taf I., 152 
Niord, Northern deity, 16 
Nohrborg, Anders, 329, 363 
Norelius, Erik, 408 
Norlin, Th., xvi. ; on Johannes 

Rudbeckius, 271, 272, 279 f. 
Norman, George, 219-223 
Nova Ordi?iantia, 237 ff., 240-4 

Odhner, on Charles IX., 254 n. 

Odin, 19, 26 

Odman, Samuel, 354, 364 

Orebro, Council of, 204 

Olaf Haraldson, 31, 59 

Olaf Tryggvason, 31, 59, 61-67 

Olai, Petrus, friend of St. Birgitta, 


Olaus Magni, 21, 109 

Olaus Petri, 188-220 

Olof Skotkonung, see Skotkonung 

Olof Tryggvason, Geijer's poem, 44 

Olof Tratalja, 6, 29 

Ordination, irregularities, 331 f. ; 
alteration in service for ordination 
of priests in Prayer Book of 1S11, 

Oskar I., King, 379, 387 
Osterwald, J. F., 322 
Otte, E. C.j xvi. ; on character ot 

King Eric, 228 
Oxenstierna, Axel, Chancellor of 

Gustavus Adolphus, 275, 285, 294, 


Pareus (Wangler), David, Professor 

at Heidelberg, 289 
Pertz, Monumenta Germanice, 50 
Peter's-pence in Sweden, 100 
Petri, Laurentius, 188-219 
Petri, Olaus, 188-220 
Petrus de Dacia, 121 
Petrus Magni, of Vesteras, 203, 207 
Petrus Olai, 134 

Philadelphia, Swedes in U.S.A., 287 
Phol, or Balder, god of light, 14 
Pietism, 317-24, 370, 373 
Plenderleath, W. C, 13 
Pliny, on the Guttones, 20 
Poppo, Bremen missionary, 63 
Possevin, Papal legate, 245 
Presbyterian ideas of Gustaf Vasa, 

Printz, Governor, in U.S.A., 287, 443 
Ptolemy, on the Gythones, 21 
Pyhy, Konrad von, 191 
Pytheas of Marseilles, on the 

Guttones, 19 

Quensel, Dr. J. O., xii., 209, 213 

Rabanus Maurus, 53, 54 
Ragnar Lodbrok, 29 f. 
Ragnvald Ulfsson, 71, 77, 81 
Ragvaldi, Nicolas, Archbishop, 93, 

155-158, 168 
Rawinzwatt, Henry, 149 
Readers, the old, 363 ; the new, 370 
Red Book, Liturgy of 1576, 243-246 
" Religious Societies of London and 

Westminster," 321 
Reuterdahl, H., xv., 119, 139; on 

Geijer, 366 ; at Lund, 387 ; and 

Bishop Whitehouse, 405-6 
Rhyzelius, Andreas, Bishop of Lin- 

koping, xvi., 75, 159, 251, 329 
Richard, Professor of Gettysburg, 

U.S.A., on framers of Confession 

of Augsburg, 263 
Richards, Rev. G. C, xv., 402 
Rimbert, Archbishop, 48, 50, 57 
Rink, Anabaptist preacher, 189 
Rock Island, visit to, 408-9, 410 
Rosenius, K. O., Bishop Nielsen on, 

37 2 "5 



Rothovius, Isaac, Bishop of Abo, 
276 f. 

Rudbeckius, Bishop Johannes, 277 
f., 280-3; at tne Council of State 
(1636), 416; ordains deacons, 417 

Rudbeckius, Olaus, botanist, 283 

Rudbeckius, Petrus, Professor at 
Upsala, 283 

Rudin, Dr. V., xii. 

Rudman, Andreas, Swedish minister 
at Philadelphia, U.S.A., perform- 
ing the functions of a clergyman 
for an English congregation, 288, 


Rurik, Russian Emperor at Novgo- 
rod, 30 

Rydelius, A., 323 

Sabbath-keeping, 222, 280 

Sacraments, Articles on, in Nova 
Ordinantia (1575), 241 

Saravia, Adrian, on duty of mis- 
sions 320 

Sargeaunt, Rev. W. D., 316 

Saxo, Grammaticus, Danish his- 
torian, 61, 113 

Schartau, H., 364-5, 431 

Scheele, Bishop von, 327 

Schefferus, Johannes, 287 

Schroderheim, Regements ■ pastor, 
xix., 435 

Schiick, Dr. H., xv., 129, 141, 198, 
208, 263, 286 

Schwartz, C. F., 322 

Scott, George, Wesleyan, 373-4 

Scritefinni, or Skating Finns, 80 

Seals of Archbishops, 159 

Serenius, Bp. Jacob, 309, 329, 332 

Sigismund, King, 246, 252, 263, 266 

Sigfrid, Bishop, 65, 71-4, 87-8 

Sigrid Stor-rada, 60, 61, 71 

Sigurd Ring, King, 29 

Sigurd, Bishop, 71 f., see Sigfrid 

Sitones, the, 21 

Skara, the see of, 75, 82, 172-4 

Skeninge, Council of, 115 

Skotkonung, Olof, King, 43, 67 full., 

7"i 75-7. 78 
Skytte, Count John, 287 
"Slepne," Odin's horse, 38 

Society for Promoting Christian 
Knowledge, 321 ; Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel, 321 

Spegel, Bishop Haquin, 304, 309 f. 

Spener, and Pietism, 317 

Soderberg, Dr., xiii. 

Soderblom, Dr. N., xiv., 14, 22, 51, 

73 n., 345. 39 2 > 433 
Soderkoping, Synod of, 168 
Soderkoping, Riksdag of, 265 
Sommar, Magnus, 196, 202 f., 207 
Stanley, A. P., Dean, on Judas 

Maccabeus, 398 
Stave, Professor Erik, xii., 209 
Stenfi, or Simon, 80 
Stenkil, King, 49, 81 f. 
Stephens, George, on the runes, 25 
Steuchius, Archbishop Johannes, 331 
Sticklestead, battle of, 70 
Stiernhielm, George, poet, 278 
Stockholm, founded, 117; Blood- 
bath of, 178-81 ; Riksdag of, 229 
Stockholm, an enclave in diocese of 

Upsala, 425 
Stockholm (Wisconsin), 448 
Stormaktstid, the, 273 
Strengnas, Cathedral, restoration of, 

432; U. L. Ullman, Bishop of, 

Strengnas, Thomas, Bp. of, 152-154 
Student Missionary Movement, 433-4 
Sture, Sten the elder, 161-2, 175 
Sture, Sten the younger, 163-4, IlJ 6, 

Sture, Svante, 163 
Stangebro, battle of, 266 
Suigii (Svigii), 72 f. 
Suiones, the, 19 f. 
Sundberg, Archbishop A. N., 388 
Sveas, the, 19 
Svebilius, Archbishop, 307 
Svedberg, Bishop, 288, 307-312 
Sven Estridsson, King, 48 
Sven Forkbeard, King of England 

and Denmark, 59, 61, 63, 66, 67 
Svenska Kyrkans Missionsstyrelse, 

Svenska Missions Forbundet, 375 
Sverkers, the, Kings of Sweden, 92, 





Svoldr, Battle of, 67 

Sweden, the country, 4-8 ; Northern, 
Religious Character of, 369 f. 

Swedenborg, Emanuel, 333-348 

Swedenborgians, few in Sweden, 
35°> 428 

Swedish Church, general impres- 
sions of, 414-20 ; four questions on 
its present condition, 421-42 

Swedish Discipline, 276 

Swedish Intelligencer, 276 

Swedish Settlements in U.S.A., and 
reasons for emigration to, 398-413, 

Syon, Monastery of, 182 

Tacitus, on the Fenni, 9 ; Nerthus, 
16 ; 20, 34 ; on lots, 37, 55 

Tegner, the poet, 15, 31, 367, 381 

Telje, Council of, 118 

Terserus, Johannes, Professor at 
Upsala, 303 f. 

Thomander, Bishop, 387 

Thor, worship of, 18 

Thorgny, the lagman, 69 

Thyra, wife of Olaf Tryggvason, 65 

Thurgot, Bishop of Skara, 75 

Ting, the, 38 

Toledo, Council of, 24 

Tollstadius, E., 323 

Tottie, Bishop H. W., xi., xii., xiv. ; 
life of Svedberg, 308 n. ; of Spegel, 
310 n. ; his recent charge, 429-30 

Tratalja, Olof, last of Yngling kings, 
6, 29 

Tryggvason, Olaf, 31, 59, 61-7 

Troil, Archbishop Uno von, 354 

Trolle, Gustavus, 163-4, 165, 177-8, 

Ulfilas, Bishop, 24 
Ulfsson, Ragnvald, 71, 77, 81 
Ull or Ullr, northern deity, 17 
Ullman, Bishop U. L., his recent 

charge, 423, 425, 429, esp. 430-1 ; 

on a new priesthood, 439 
Ulphonis, Jacobus, Archbishop, 161 
Ulrica Eleunora, 326 
JJnara Sanctam, papal bull, 102 

Unction, 202, 205, 211, 235, 236, 243 
United States, its debt to Sweden, 

399 foil. ; Swedish Settlements in, 

398-413, 443-9 
Universities of Upsala and Lund, 

their difference, 385-6 
Unni, Archbishop, 58 
Unonius, Gustaf, 400-2, 403, 404, 

Unwan, Archbishop, 75 
Upsala, archbishopric, 108, in, 173, 

Upsala, Chapter of, 115, 172 
Upsala Kings, 28 
Upsala-mote, 253, 255-261 
Upsala, University of, 162, 264, 385- 

6 ; its theology, 392 

Vadstena, Monastery of, 135, 13S- 

140, 201 
Vanir, the, 14, 16 
Vasa, Gustaf, 186-228 
Vesteras, Riksdag of, 194, 225 
Vesteras, Recess of, 199 
Vestments, use of, 432 
Viborg, Bishopric, founded, 288 
Vidfamne, Ivar, 29 
Viger, Spa, early law giver, 42 
Vigfusson, Professor, 62, 84 
Vikings, the, 29-32 
Visby, Church of S. Clement at, 58 
Volsunga Saga, 41 
Vreta, Convent of nuns at, 107 

Wangler, David, Professor at Heidel- 
berg, 289 

Wahlstrom, Lydia, on St. Birgitta, 

Waldenstrom, P. P., 374-7 5 his dis- 
establishment proposals, 422 ; 
Reseskild?iingar, 444 

Wallin, Archbishop J. O., 367, 368-9 

Wallquist, Olof, Bishop of Vexio, 

35 * 
Warburg, Karl, xv. 
Watson, P. B., on Gustaf Vasa, 192 
Westman, K. B., xiv. ; on St. Bir- 
gitta, 143 



Whipple, Bishop H. B., at Chicago, 
403 ; in Minnesota, 407 

White, W., on Swedenborg, 333 

Whitehouse, Bishop H. J., of 
Illinois, close relation to Sweden, 

Whitelocke, Bulstrode, English em- 
bassador, on Lutheran claims, 311- 
2 ; on drinking healths, 378 ; on 
the diaconate, 312 n., 417, 418 

Wieselgren, Peter, and the temper- 
ance movement, 377-80 

Wilkinson, J. J. G., on Swedenborg, 


William of Malmesbury, 73 

William of Sabina, 115 

Williams, Bishop G. Mott, of Mar- 
quette, xii., xiv., xviii. ; on con- 
firmation, 301 n., 408, 412 

Wilmington, Sussex, Long Man of, 

Wilmington, U.S.A., 287 

Winchester, Bishop of (Dr. Kyle), 

Wine at Holy Communion, 54, 229-30 
Wineland, Massachusetts, U.S.A., 65 
Wingard, Bishop, confirms children 

of our Church, 402 
Wisconsin, U.S.A., settlements in, 

39 8 - 445» 447. 448 
Wolf all, Maister, 320 
Wolfred, English missionary in 

Sweden, 74 
Women, martial, 21 
Women, emancipation of, 3S0-1 
Women's work in England, 436 
Wordsworth William, quoted 226 ; 

on Gustavus IV., 352 

Zebrozynthius, Jacob and John 

Durie, 296 
Zecchia, Zichia, 72 n. 
Zichii, Zigas, Zingi, 72 n. 
Ziegenbalg, B., 322 
Zinzendorf, Count, 324 

Date Due 

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